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BY   W.    ROBSON 


V  O  L.    I  I 



1  1853. 


BOOK  IX.— A.D.  1195-1198. 

Thie  empire  of  Saladin  divided  among  his  sncoessors — ^The  civil  wan 
thence  arising — Dynasty  of  the  Ayoubites — Extensive  empire  of  Afdhal, 
son  of  Saladin — His  civil  contests — Alaziz,  saltan  of  Egypt,  takes  arms 
against  his  brother — ^azr-ADah,  vizier  of  the  sultan  Afdhal — Malek- 
Adel— Civil  commotions  of  Palesline^^Agitated  state  of  the  Christian 
colonies — Bohemond  III.  governor  of  Antioch,  taken  prisoner — Hospi- 
tallers and  Templars — Pope  Celestine  III.  instigates  the  fourth  crusade— > 
Henry  VI.,  emperor  of  Germany,  engages  to  assist — Diet  of  Worms — 
Hostilities  at  Ptolemais — Death  of  Henry  of  Champagne — Jaffa  captured 
by  the  Mussulmans — Siege  and  battle  of  Berytus — Malek-Adel  defeated 
— Fallandus,  the  Sicilian  historian — Henry  VI.  of  Germany  conquers 
Naples  and  Sicily — Progress  of  his  arms  in  Palestine — The  Saracens 
defeated — Death  of  Henry  VI. — Massacre  of  the  garrison  of  Jaffa — St. 
Martin — Causes  of  the  failure  of  this  crusade,  and  its  mischievous  con- 
■equenoei — Cruel  character  of  Henry  VI pp.  1-35 

BOOK  X.— A.D.  1198-120^. 

Rousseau's  opinion  of  the  Crusaders — Enthusiasm  and  valour  of  the 
Christian  troops — Causes  which  led  to  the  fifth  crusade — Instigated  by 
Pope  Innocent  III. — His  quarrel  with  Philip  of  France — Death  of 
Richard  I.  of  England — Preaching  of  Fouikes  in  favour  of  the  crusade 
^Thibault  IV.,  count  of  Champagne,  engages  in  the  crusade— Louis, 
count  of  Chartres — Preaching  of  Martin  Litz — Villehardouin,  marshal 
of  ChampBgne — Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders — Commercial  greatness  of 
Venice — Dandolo,  the  doge  of  Venice — He  engage.^  to  assist  the  Cru- 
saders— Gauthier  de  Brienne — Sums  advanced  by  Venice — Death  and 
character  of  Thibault— Count  de  Bar —Death  of  Eude  III.|  duke  of 


Buri^ndy— Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  elected  commander  of  the 
crusade — Famine  in  Egypt  and  Europe — Death  of  Foulkes — Fecnniarj 
eiactions  of  Yenice — ReYolt  of  the  dty  of  Zara — Dandolo's  address  to 
the  Venetians  in  favour  of  the  Crusaders — Isaac,  emperor  of  Constan- 
tinople, dethroned— Siege  of  Zara— Tlie  Abbot  de  Cernay— Quarrels, 
between  the  Venetians  and  the  French  Crusaders— Address  of  Philip  of 
Swabia  to  the  French  barons — Policy  of  Malek-Adel— Reproaches  of 
Innocent  III.  against  the  Crusaders  at  Zara— -Character  of  the  emperor 
Alexius— Capture  of  Corfu—Conquests  of  the  younger  Alexius,  son  of 
Isaac — Description  of  Constantinople— Besieged  by  the  Crusaders — ^The 
Varangians — Speeches  of  Rossi  and  Conon  de  Bethune — Capture  of 
Constantinople— Alexius  dethroned— Isaac  and  his  son  Alexius  restored 
to  the  sovereignty — The  Crusaders  become  the  allies  of  the  Greeks,  and 
the  protectors  of  the  Greek  empire — Their  communications  with  the 
pope pp.  36-99. 

BOOK  XI.— A.D.  1198-1204. 

Character  of  the  Greeks — Position  of  Alexius  the  younger— His  pro- 
posals  to  the  Crusaders — Disputes  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins  on 
articles  of  faith— Contentions  with  the  Bulgarians — Conflagration  of 
Constantinople — Imbecility  and  bigotry  of  the  emperor  Isaac — Statue  of 
Minerva  destroyed — Innurrectionsry  spirit  in  Constantinople — Famine  in 
Egypt — Contests  between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins — Greek  fire- 
Treachery  of  Mourzouffle — He  murders  young  Alexius,  and  ascends  the 
throne — Character  of  Alexius— Mouizouffle's  contests  with  the  Latins- 
Is  dethroned — Death  of  Isaac— >Lascaris  chosen  emperor — Abandons  the 
dty — Constantinople  taken  possession  of,  and  plundered  by  the  Latins^* 
Destruction  of  the  works  of  art— Statues  of  Belleropbon,  Hercules,  and 
Helen,  destroyed — Reverence  for  relics  and  images— Fanatidsm  of 
Martin  Litz — Frsgment  of  the  **  true  cross" — ^Virtues  of  Dandolo,  the 
doge  of  Venice — Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders,  elected  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople— The  conquered  lands  distributed  among  the  Crusaders — 
Thomss  Morasini  elected  patrisrch  of  Constantinople — Correspondence 
between  Baldwin  and  the  pope— Death  of  Marguerite  of  Flanders,  wife  of 
Baldwin — Conquests  of  Leo  Sguerre — Michael  Angclus  Comnenus  gains 
the  kingdom  of  Epirus — Lascaris  proclaimed  emperor  at  Nice — Mour- 
zouffle captured  and  executed — Column  of  Theodo»iu8 — Quarrels  between 
Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  Baldwin — Boniface  invades  Greece 
— The  Greeks  rebel  against  the  domination  of  the  Latins — Victories  of  the 
Bulgarians — Defeat  and  Msssacre  of  the  Latins  -  Bravery  of  Henry  of 
Hainault— Incidents  of  Baldwin's  life— Death  of  Dandolo — Boniface  is 
slain— Characters  of  the  Greeks  and  the  Franks— Their  different  his- 
torians— Disputes  respecting  the  sovereignty  of  Cyprus — Death  of 
Gauthier  de  Brienne — Policy  of  Innocent  III. — Knowledge  of  Greek 
diffused  in  the  West — Refinement  of  the  Venetians,  and  commerdsl  great- 
ness of  Venioe pp.  100-184. 

comrEiTTs-  ▼ 

BOOK  XII.— A.D.  1200-1215. 

SIXTH   CBUSia>£. 

Famine  in  Egypt,  and  its  frightful  cooseqnenpes^DestnictiTe  earth- 
quake— Saadi,  the  Persian  poet — Earthquake  and  famine  in  Palestine 
—Agitated  state  of  Palestine— Death  of  Amaury,  king  of  Jerusalem- 
Death  of  Bohemond  III. — Pope  Innocent  III.  stimulates  the  western 
world  to  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land — State  of  Palestine  and 
Jerusalem — John  of  Brienne  accepts  the  young  queen  of  Jerusalem 
in  marriage— Agitated  state  of  Europe— Malek.Adel  renews  hostilities 
against  the  Christians — John  of  Brienne  takes  possession  of  Ptolemau — 
First  dawningfl  of  the  Reformation — ^The  Albigeois,  the  Vaudois,  and 
other  reforming  sects— Papal  crusade  against  them — Spain  at  war  with 
the  Saracens  and  Moors — Cardinal  de  Cour^on  preaches  the  crusader- 
Philip  Augustus  king  of  France,  and  John  king  of  England,  engage  in 
the  crusade — Dominant  spirit  and  political  contentions  of  Pope  Inno- 
cent III. — Battle  of  Bourines — ^The  pope  assembles  the  council  of 
Lateran,  and  stimulates  all  Europe  to  the  holy  war — His  death  and 
character — Censius  Savelli  chosen  pope,  under  the  title  of  Honorius  III. 
—He  urges  the  crusade — Andrew  11.,  king  of  Hungary,  engsges  in  it- 
Paganism  of  Prussia  in  the  thirteenth  century— •Political  state  of  Palestine 
— ^The  throne  of  Syria  abdicated  by  Malek-Adel — Melik-Kamel,  the 
sultan  of  Cairo — Mount  Tabor— Political  state  of  Hungary — Her  king 
returns  from  Palestine — ^The  tower  of  Damietta  captured  by  the  Cru- 
saders— Death  and  character  of  Malek-Adel — Decline  of  the  empire 
of  the  Ayouhites — Cardinal  Pelagius  instigates  the  prosecution  of  the 
crusade,  and  proceeds  to  Egypt — Panic  amongst  the  Mohammedans— 
Conspiracy  te  dethrone  the  sultan  of  Cairo — Battle  before  the  walls  of 
Damietta — Piety  of  St.  Francis-— The  Mohammedans  propose  conditioi^ 
of  peace — ^Damietta  captured,  and  the  inhabitants  destroyed  by  famine— 
The  dty  assigned  to  John  of  Brienne— His  speech  against  the  inTasion  of 
Egypt — Obstinacy  of  Cardinal  Pelagius — The  Mohammedans  bum  the 
fleet  of  the  Crusaders  on  the  Nile,  and  compel  them  to  capitulate— Melik- 
Kamel  enters  into  a  treaty  of  peace,  by  which  Damietta  is  surrendered  to 
the  Mussulmans — Death  of  Philip  Augustus  of  France— John  of  Brienne 
rerisits  Europe — Oppressions  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine — The 
Georgians — Invasions  of  the  Tartars — Marriage  of  Frederick  II.,  emperor 
of  Germany,  with  the  heiress  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem — Acknowledged 
to  be  king— Persecutions  of  the  Albigeois — Contests  with  the  Moors  in 
Spain — ViiaT  of  fSactions  in  Italy— The  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines — Frederick 
of  Germany  engages  in  the  holy  war,  sets  sail,  and  returns  to  Otranto— 
Gregory  IX.  succeeds  Pope  Honorius — His  rage  against  Frederick  of  Grer- 
many— Frederick  arrives  at  Ptolemais,  and  concludes  a  treaty  with  Melik- 
Kamel— ^Deatli  of  Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascns-^Frederick  acknow- 
ledged king  of  Jerusalem — Hostility  of  the  Christians — He  quits  Pales- 
tine for  Europe — His  victories  in  Lombardy— Escommunicated  by  Gre- 
gory IX. — Treaty  with  his  holiness — ^The  pope  determines  on  renewing 
tiie  h(dy  war— Tbibanlt  V.,  king  of  Navarre,  and  Pierre  de  Dreux,  en- 
gage in  it— Council  of  Tours  for  promoting  the  cause  of  the  Cmsaden— 


Deaths  of  Peter  and  of  Robert  Courtenay — Decline  of  the  Latin  empire 
in  Constantinople— John  of  Brienne  called  to  the  throne — His  death — 
Baldwin,  his  son-in-law,  driven  from  the  throne— Frederick  of  Germany 
excommunicated — He  invades  Italy  and  besieges  Rome — Desolating  civil 
war — Death  of  Melik-Kamel — Agitated  state  of  Palestine— BatUe  of 
Gaza— Death  of  Gregory  IX. — Richard,  duke  of  Cornwall,  joins  the 
Crusaders  at  Ptolemais,  but  soon  returns  to  Italy — Pope  Cele8ttoe.IV. — 
Disturbances  in  the  reign  of  Innocent  IV. — Pilgrims  buy  off  their  vows 
—Wretched  state  of  Palestine — Political  pretensions  of  the  popes — State 
of  Europe — General  reflections  on  the  crusades — Songs  of  the  Trouba- 
dours— Leprosy  in  the  West— Crusades  against  Prussia  and  the  Albigeoia 
— ^The  sanguinary  wars  in  the  name  of  religion  pp.  185-^ U. 

BOOK  XIIL— A.D.  1242-1245. 


The  Tartars  of  the  middle  ages — Their  history  and  conquests — Gengis- 
khan,  the  Tartar  chief— Temugin — Presier  John— Khan  of  the  Karaites 
—Conquest  of  China^  Carismia,  and  other  extensive  countries  in  Asia 
and  Europe,  by  Gengiskhan — His  death — ^^Hctorious  career  of  Octal, 
khan  of  the  Tartars — Hungary  conquered — ^llie  warriors  of  Carismia 
join  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  and  capture  Jerusalem — ^The  Mohammedans 
of  Syria  defeated  by  the  Carismians,  and  Damascus  captured— The 
Carismians  rebel  against  the  sultan  of  Cairo — ^They  are  defeated  and 
dispersed — Barbarous  hordes  of  the  Comans— Distress  of  the  Christians 
— Valeran,  bishop  of  Berytas — Innocent  IV.,  at  the  council  of  Lyons - 
determines  on  the  seventh  crusade,  and  excommunicates  Frederick,  em- 
peror of  Germany — Cardinals  first  clothed  in  scarlet— Louis  IX.,  king 
of  France,  recovers  from  a  dangerous  malady,  and  determines  on  pro- 
vecuting  the  seventh  crusade  against  the  infidels — The  illustrious  names 
engaged  in  it — Blanche,  the  queen- mother — Agitated  state  of  Germany 
and  Italy — Frederick  of  Germany  deposed  by  the  pope — Civil  contests 
thence  arising — The  nobles  of  France  form  a  league  to  resist  the  exactions 
of  the  pope — Louis  makes  extensive  preparations  for  the  holy  war — The 
earl  of  Salisbury,  and  Haco  king  of  Norway,  engage  in  it — Ameliorated 
state  of  society  resulting  from  the  crusades — Louis  embarks  and  arrives 
at  Cyprus — Pope  Innocent  IV.  takes  charge  of  his  kingdom — Mar- 
guerite, wife  of  Louis — Arcbambault  de  Bourbons — Sieur  de  Joinville— 
Antioch  ravaged  by  the  Turcomans — Louis  receives  an  embassy  from  the 
Tartar  prince,  Ecadthai — Political  discord  among  the  Mohammedans — 
Family  of  the  Ayoubites — Malek-Salek  Negmeddin,  sultan  of  Egypt — 
Militsiry  and  political  state  of  Egypt  at  the  time  of  the  crusade— Louis  IX. 
and  the  Christian  forces  arrive  before  Damietta — His  address  to  the  Cru- 
saders — He  besieges  Damietta— Fakreddin,  the  Egyptian  leader — Louis 
attacks  and  defeats  the  infidel  troops — Damietta  captured — Negociations 
with  Negmeddin — Livre  Tournois — Bravery  of  the  Bedouin  Arabs — 
Sidon  captured  by  the  Mohammedans .' pp.  312-392. 


BOOK  XIV.— A.D.  1248-1255. 

Alphonio  count  of  Poictiers,  and  Hugh  Lebran  count  of  AngouUme, 
engage  in  the  holy  war— Opposition  of  Henry  III.  of  England  to  hig 
barom  and  the  pope— Raymond,  count  of  Thoulouse — Count  d'Artois — 
Death  of  Negmeddin — Beauty  and  genius  of  Chegger-Eddour,  sultana 
of  Egypt— Scharmesah  captured  by  the  Crusaders — Fakreddin  takes  the 
•ommand  of  the  Egyptian  forces — ^Treachery  of  the  Mamelukes — Military 
operations  on  the  canal  of  Aschmoum — Terrific  effects  of  the  Greek  fire 
--Fakreddin  slain,  and  the  Saracens  defeated— Rashness  of  Count 
d'Artois,  and  his  death— Battle  of  Mansourah— The  Crusaders  defeated 
by  the  Mamelukes— The  earl  of  Salisbury,  Robert  de  Vair,  and  other 
illustrious  warriors  slain — Continued  contests  with  the  Egyptians,  and 
serere  losses  of  the  Crusaders — Instances  of  devoted  h'eroism  and  indi- 
Tidual  bravery — ^The  Crusaders  exposed  to  famine  and  pestilence,  and  the 
Saracens  victorious — ^The  canal  of  Mehallah  fatal  to  the  Crusaders — 
Sufferings  and  losses  of  the  Christian  army — Guy  du  Chatel,  Gaucher  de 
Chatillon,  and  other  distinguished  Crusaders  slain— Louis  attempts  to 
regain  Damietta — Is  defeated,  and  surrender^  as  a  prisoner  of  war — His 
entire  army  annihilated  by  the  Saracens — Sieur  de  Joinville  taken  prisoner 
— Agonizing  situation  of  Marguerite,  queen  of  Louis — 30,000  Crusaden 
masmcred,  or  taken  into  slavery — Religious  resignation  of  Louis — Ho 
enters  into  an  abject  treaty  fur  his  ransom — Revolt  of  the  Mamelukes- 
Death  of  Almoadan — Octai,  chief  of  the  Mamelukes— The  emirs  of 
Egypt— Chegger-Eddour  elected  sultana  of  Egypt,  and  Ezz-Eddin 
Aybek  the  governor — Extinction  of  the  Ayoubite  dynasty — Damietta 
delivef  ed  up  to  the  Mussulmans— Ransom  paid  for  Louis — Consternation 
in  France  on  hearing  of  his  capture— He  arrives  at  Ptolemais — Deli- 
berates with  his  knights  as  to  their  future  operations — ^The  Syrians  refuse 
to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  the  Mamelukes — Civil  commotions  in 
Egypt — Chegger-Eddour  marries  Ezz-Eddin,  and  yields  her  regal  autho- 
rity— Death  of  Frederick  II.  of  Germany — <^onrad,  his  successor,  ex- 
communicated— Jacob  of  Hungary — **  Pastors" — Pope  Innocent  IV. 
nrges  the  preaching  of  a  fresh  crusade— Singular  message  of  the  *'  Old 
Man  of  tluB  Mountain"  to  Louis — A  visit  to  his  court — Cities  of  Palestine 
fortified  by  Louis— War  between  the  sultans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus — 
Treaty  between  them,  and  hostilftiea  resumed  against  the  Christians — The 
Turcomans  surprise  Sidon,  and  slaughter  the  inhabitants — Belinas  pil- 
laged by  the  Crusaders — Pious  devot^ness  of  Louis — He  fortifies  Sidon 
-^eath  of  Blanche,  queen -regent  of  France — Louis  quits  Palestine,  and 
arrives  at  Paris— Exoellenee  of  Joinville's  history — On  the  character  and 
misfortunes  of  Louis — Damietta  destroyed  by  the  Mussulmans,  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Nile  filled  with  stones — Rise  and  fall  of  the  Mamelukes — 
Hospital  of  Quinze-Vingts — The  Tartars  and  Moguls — '^  Assizes  of 
Jerusalem"— Characters  of  Frederick  II.  of  Germany  and  Pope  Inno- 
cent IV. — Papal  crusade  against  Eccelino  de  Romano  ....  pp.  393-493. 




BOOK    IX. 

A.D.  1195—1198. 

Whsit  we  cast  a  retrospectiye  glance  over  the  periods  we 
liare  described,  we  congratulate  ounelyes  upon  not  having 
lired  in  those  times  of  war  and  trouble ;  but  when  we  look 
around  us,  and  reflect  upon  the  age  of  which  we  form  a  part, 
we  fear  we  have  little  reason  to  boast  over  the  epochs  com- 
monly termed  barbarous.  During  twenty-five  years  a  revo- 
lution, bom  of  opinions  unknown  to  past  ages,  has  pervaded 
cities,  agitated  nations,  and  shaken  thrones.  This  revolution 
has  for  auxiliaries  war  and  victory ;  it  strengthens  itself  with 
all  the  obstacles  that  are  opposed  to  it ;  it  is  for  ever  bom 
again  from  itself,  and  when  we  believe  we  can  perceive  the 
end  of  its  ravages,  it  re-appears  more  terrible  and  menacing 
than  ever.  At  the  moment  in  which  I  resume  the  account 
of  the  Crusades,*  the  spirit  of  sedition  and  revolt,  the 
fanaticism  of  modem  doctrines,  which  seemed  to  slumber, 

*  The  author  wrote  the  history  of  the  fourth,  fifth,  and  siith  crusades 
during  the  last  usurpation  of  Buonaparte.  [How  easily  an  observant 
reader  may  tell  when  a  book  was  published — the  above  note  wma,  doubt- 
less, written  after  Buonaparte's  failure. — ^TaAN«.] 


2  HISTOBT   07  THE   CBirSAJ)ES. 

all  at  once  awake,  and  again  threaten  the  world  with  uni* 
Tersal  disorder ;  nations  which  tremble  for  their  liberty  and 
their  laws,  are  aroused,  and  spring  up  in  arms ;  a  coalition 
of  all  kings  and  of  all  nations,  a  general  crusade  is  formed, 
not  to  defend  the  tomb  of  Christ,  but  to  preserve  that  which 
Europe  possesses  of  its  ancient  civilization.  It  is  amidst 
the  rumoiu's  of  a  new  revolution,  of  a  formidable  war,  that 
I  am  about  to  describe  the  revolutions  and  wars  that  dis- 
turbed the  East  and  the  "West  in  the  middle  ages.  May  I, 
w^hilst  deploring  the  calamities  of  my  country,  profit  by  the 
events  of  which  I  am  a  witness,  and  by  the  frightful  spec- 
tacle which  is  before  my  eyes,  to  paint  with  greater  truth 
the  passions  and  the  troubles  of  a  remote  age,  and  revive 
in  the  hearts  of  my  contemporaries  a  love  of  concord  and 

The  death  of  Saladin  was  followed  by  that  which  almost 
always  is  to  be  observed  in  the  dynasties  of  the  East, — a  reign 
of  agitation  and  trouble  succeeding  a  reign  of  strength  and 
absolute  power.  In  these  dynasties,  which  have  no  other 
support  but  victory,  and  the  all-powerful  vrill  of  a  single 
man,  as  long  as  the  sovereign,  surrounded  by  his  soldiers, 
commands,  he  is  tremblingly  obeyed ;  but  as  soon  as  he  has 
closed  his  eyes,  his  people  precipitate  themselves  towards 
license  with  the  same  ardour  that  they  had  yielded  to  ser- 
"vitude  ;  and  passions,  long  restrained  by  the  presence  of  the 
despot,  only  blaze  forth  with  the  greater  violence  when  there 
remains  nothing  of  him  but  a  vain  remembrance. 

Saladin  gave  no  directions  respecting  the  order  of  succes- 
sion, and  by  this  want  of  foresight  prepared  the  ruin  of  his 
empire.  One  of  his  sons,  Alaziz,*  who  commanded  in 
Egypt,  caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  sultan  of  Cairo; 
another  t  took  possession  of  the  sovereignly  of  Aleppo,  and 
a  third  of  the  principality  of  Amath.J  Malek-Adel,  the 
brother  of  Saladin,  assumed  the  throne  of  Mesopotamia, 
and  the  countries  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Euphrates. 

*  Alm^k-Alazoz,  Emad-eddin  OUman.  We  have  given  the  names 
of  the  Mussulman  princes  as  the  greater  part  of  our  historiahs  write 
them  ;  we  shall  take  care  to  point  out  in  notes  how  they  arc  pronounced 
by  Arabian  authors. 

t  Alem^lek  Almansour,  Nassir-eddin  Mohammed. 

X  Alm^k  Aladd  Seif-eddin  Abcn-beer  Mohammed. 


The  principal  emirs,  and  all  the  princes  of  the  race  of  the 
Ayoubites,  made  themselves  masters  of  the  cities  and 
provinces  of  which  they  held  the  command.* 

Afdhal,t  eldest  son  of  Saladin,  was  proclaimed  sultan  of 
Damascus.  Master  of  S3rria,  and  of  the  capital  of  a  vast  empire, 
sovereign  of  Jerusalem  and  Palestine^  he  appeared  to  have 
preserved  something  of  the  power  of  his  father ;  but  all  fell 
into  disorder  and  confusion.  The  emirs,  the  old  companions 
of  the  victories  of  Saladin,  endured  with  reluctance  the 
authority  of  the  young  sultan.  Several  refused  to  take 
the  oath  of  obedience,  §  drawn  up  by  the  cadis  of  Damascus ; 

*  Aboalfeda  and  some  other  Arabian  historians  point  out  safficiently 
raoeinctly  the  division  that  the  Ayonbite  princes  made  of  the  vast  provinces 
that  formed  the  empire  of  Saladin.  This  empire  included  Syria,  Egypt, 
almost  all  Mesopotamia,  and  even  a  great  portion  of  Arabia. 

Aziz,  as  we  have  said,  established  himself  in  Egypt ;  Afdhal  and  Thaher 
shared  Syria  between  them,  one  reigning  at  Damascus,  and  the  other  at 
Aleppo.  Adel  retained,  as  his  part,  the  cities,  situated  beyond  the 
Euphrates,  which  composed  the  eatiem  provinces t  that  is,  Mesopotamia 
proper.  To  these  three  great  divisions  were  attached  several  feudatory 
princes,  who  governed  as  Aefs  various  cities  of  the  empire.  Hamah, 
Ss'alamiak,  Moanah,  and  Mambedj  belonged  to  Mansour ;  it  was  from  this 
branch  that  issued  the  celebrated  Aboulfeda  :  the  family  of  Chirkouh  was 
established  at  Emessa ;  Thaher,  son  of  Saladin,  enjoyed  Bosra;  Amdjed, 
great-grandson  of  Ayoub,  was  prince  of  Balbek  ;  Cheizer,  Abou  Cobai's, 
Sahyonn,  TelLBacher,  Kaubeb,  Adjlonn,  Barin,  Kafar-Tab,  and  Famieh 
were  possessed  by  various  emirs  who  had  served  in  the  armies  of  Saladin. 

As  to  Yemen,  a  province  of  Arabia,  in  which  Touran-chah  established 
himself,  the  family  of  the  Ayoubites  reigned  there  till  1239. 

t  Alm^lek  Alafdhal,  Nour-eddin  AH. 

t  At  the  death  of  Saladin  Jerusalem  came  into  the  possession  of 
Afdhal,  his  son.  who  gave  it  in  fief  to  the  emir  Azz-eddin  Djerdik.  Aziz 
becoming  master  of  Damascus,  the  holy  city  fell  into  the  hands  of  another 
emir,  Ilm-eddin  Caxsser ;  to  him  succeeded  Aboul^iedj,  the  favourite  of 
Adel ;  for  in  the  division  that  this  prince  and  his  nephew  Aziz  made  of 
Egypt  and  Syria,  Palestine  remained  in  the  power  of  Adel.  Aboul-H^j 
was  in  his  turn  replaced  by  the  famous  emir  Aksankar-el-K^bir,  and  he 
by  Meimoun,  1197.  When  the  empire  became  re-unitied  under  the 
dominion  of  Adel,  his  son  Moaddhem  had  Damascus,  of  which  Palestine 
and  Jerusalem  were  dependencies. 

$  This  is  the  text  of  tlie  oath,  as  it  has  been  preserved  by  an  histo- 
.  nan  : — '•  I,  such  a  one,  devote  myself  entirely  from  this  moment  to  the 
serfice  of  the  sultan  Elraelek  Alnaser  Salak-eddin,  as  long  as  he  shall 
live.  I  swear  to  consecrate  my  life,  my  property,  my  sword,  and  my 
powers  to  the  defence  of  his  empire,  and  to  be  always  obedient  to  his 
orders.     I  swear  to  observe  the  same  engagements  after  him  to  his  son 

4  HI8T0BY  OP  THE  0BUBAJ>X8. 

others  consented  to  take  it,  but  on  condition  that  their  fie& 
should  be  secured  to  them,  or  that  new  ones  should  be 
bestowed  upon  them.  Ear  from  labouring  to  reduce  the, 
power  of  this  haughty  soldiery,  Afdhal  neglected  the  duties 
of  his  throne  for  the  pleasures  of  debauchery,  to  which  he 
gave  himself  up  entirely,  abandoning  the  welfare  of  his 
empire  to  a  vizier,*  who  rendered  him  odious  to  the 
Mussulmans.  The  army  demanded  the  dismissal  of  the 
vizier,  whom  they  accused  of  having  usurped  the  authority  of 
the  prince:  the  vizier,  on  his  park,  advised  his  master  to 
banish  the  seditious  emirs.  The  weak  sultan,  who  only  saw 
with  the  eyes  of  his  minister,  annoyed  bv  the  presence  and 
complaints  of  a  discontented  army,  dismissed  from  his  ser- 
vice a  great  number  of  soldiers  and  emirs,  who  went  among 
all  the  neighbouring  princes,  complaining  of  his  ingratitude, 
and  accusing  hijn  ot  forgetting,  in  the  bosom  of  idleness 
and  effeminacy,  the  holy  laws  of  the  prophet  and  the  glory 
of  Saladin. 

The  greater  number  of  them,  who  went  ruto  Egypt, 
exhorted  Alaziz  to  take  anns  against  his  brother.  The 
sultan  of  Cairo  gave  ear  to  their  advice,  and  under  the  pre- 
tence of  avenging  the  glory  of  his  father,  conceived  the 
project  of  possessing  himself  of  Damascus.     He  assembled 

and  heir  Alm^lek  Alafdhal.  I  swear  to  submit  myself  to  him*  to  fight  for 
htfl  empire  and  states  with  my  life,  my  wealth,  my  sword,  and  my  troops. 
I  swear  to  obey  him  in  everything ;  I  devote  myself  to  him  inwardly  and 
outwardly,  and  I  take  God  for  a  witness  of  this  engagement.'' 

*  This  vizier  was  named  Nasr-allah,  and  bore  the  surname  of  Dhia- 
eddin,  '  the  splendour  of  religion ;'  he  was  brother  of  the  celebrated  his- 
torian Ibn-Elatzir,  author  of  the  Tarikh  Kamelt  and  himself  cultivated 
letters  with  success.  The  study  of  most  of  the  sciences  occupied  his 
youth,  and  his  memofy  was  adorned  with  the  most  beautiful  passages  of 
the  ancient  and  modem  poetry  of  his  nation.  Saladin  had  given  him  as 
vizier  to  his  son,  and  Nasr-allah  proved  by  his  conduct  that  he  was  worthy 
of  the  honour.  If  he  committed  faults  as  a  minister,  he  at  least  honoured 
his  character  by  remaining  faithful  to  his  master,  sharing  his  misfortunes, 
and  following  him  into  exile.  After  remaining  some  time  at  Samosata, 
whither  Afdhal  was  banished,  he  came  to  Aleppo,  and  entered  into  the 
service  of  Thaher,  who  reigned  there ;  and  becoming  dissatisfied  with  his 
conduct,  he  quitted  the  court,  and  retired  to  Mossoul,  where  he  took  up 
his  residence.  He  died  at  Bagdad  in  1239,  whilst  fulfilling  a  diplomatic 
mission  with  which  the  prince  of  Mossoul  had  charged  him.  Nasr-allah 
left  several  literary  works,  the  nomenclature  of  which  is  contained  in  the 
biography  of  Ibn-Khilcan. 

HI8T0BT  OT  TEB  OB178iJ>E8.  5 

hifl  forces,  and  marclied  into  Syria  at  the  head  of  an  ann j. 
At  the  approach  of  danger,  Amhal  invoked  assistance  from 
the  princes  that  reigned  over  the  countries  of  Amath  and 
Aleppo.  Soon  a  formidable  war  blazed  forth,  into  which 
was  dragged  the  whole  of  the  family  of  the  Ajoubites. 
Alaziz  laid  siee^e  to  Damascus.  The  hopes  of  an  easy  con- 
quest  animated  his  emirs,  and  made  them  believe  that  thej 
were  fighting  in  a  just  cause ;  but  as  they  at  first  had  but 
little  success,  and  as  victory  seemed  every  day  to  fly  further 
from  their  banners,  the  war  began  to  appear  to  them  unjust. 
At  first  they  murmured ;  then  they  revolted  from  Alaziz, 
and  at  length  rejoined  the  troops  of  Syria.  Ilie  sultan  of 
Cairo,  upon  being  thus  abandoned,  was  obliged  to  raise  the 
siege  disgracefully,  and  return  into  Eg3rpt.  The  sultans  of 
Damascus  and  Aleppo  pursued  him  across  the  desert,  with 
the  design  of  attacicmg  him  in  his  capital.  Afdhal,  at  the 
head  of  a  victorious  army,  soon  carried  terror  to  the  banks  of 
the  Nile.  Alaziz  was  about  to  be  dethroned,  and  Egypt  to  be 
conquered  by  the  Sjrrians,  if  the  brother  of  Saladm,  guided 
by  a  policy,  whose  motive  might  be  easily  divined,  had  not 
opposed  the  authority  of  his  counsels  to  the  arms  of  the 
conqueror,  and  re-established  peace  in  the  family  of  the 
Ayoubites.       ^ 

The  princes  and  emirs  respected  the  experience  of  Malek- 
Adel,  and  allowed  him  to  be  the  arbitrator  of  their  differ- 
ences. The  warriors  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  accustomed  to 
see  him  in  camps,  looked  upon  him  as  their  leader,  and 
followed  him  witli  joy  to  battle ;  whilst  nations,  that  he  had 
often  astonished  by  his  exploits,  invoked  his  name  in  their 
reverses  and  dangers.  The  Mussulmans  now  perceived 
with  surprise  that  he  had  been  in  ^a  manner  exiled  in 
Mesopotamia,  and  that  an  empire,  founded  by  his  valour, 
was  abandoned  to  young  princes  who  bore  no  name  among 
warriors :  he  himself  grew  secretly  indignant  at  not  having 
received  due  recompense  for  his  labours,  and  was  aware  of 
all  that  the  old  soldiers,  he  had  so  often  led  to  victory,  might 
one  day  do  to  further  his  ambitious  views.  It  was  important 
to  his  designs  that  too  much  of  the  empire  should  not  be  in 
the  same  hands,  and  that  the  provinces  should  remain  for 
some  time  longer  shared  by  two  rival  powers.  The  peace 
which  he  had  brought  about  could  npt  be  of  long  duration. 


and  the  discord  ei^er  on  tHe  point  of  breaMng  out  among 
his  nephews,  must  soon  offer  him  an  opportunity  of  reaping 
the  ri^  harvest  of  the  vast  heritage  of  Saladin. 

Afdhal,  warned  by  the  dangers  he  had  run,  resolved  to 
change  his  conduct.  Hitherto  he  had  scandalized  all  faith- 
ful Mussulmans  by  his  intemperance  in  the  use  of  wine. 
Aboulfeda,  who  was  descended  from  the  family  of  Saladin,* 
says,  in  his  history,  that  the  sultan  of  Damascus,  during  the 
early  years  of  his  reign,  passed  his  life  amidst  banquets  and 
indulgence,  taking  delight  in  nothing  but  listening  to  songs  . 
and  composing  verses.  On  his  return  from  Egypt,  Afdhal 
exhibited  an  entire  alteration  in  his  manners ;  but  he  only 
fell  from  one  excess  into  another ;  he  was  now  constantly  at 
prayers,  or  employed  in  the  most  minute  practices  of  the 
Mussulman  religion ;  but,  in  his  excessive  devotion,  as  in 
his  dissipated  life,  he  was  perfectly  inattentive  to  the  duties 
of  a  monarch,  and  submitted  himself,  without  reserve,  to 
the  counsels  of  the  same  vizier  who  had  already  nearly  cost 
him  his  dominions.  "  Then,'*  says  Aboulfeda,  "  complaints 
against  him  were  heard  from  all  quarters,  and  tongues  that 
had  been  loud  in  his  praise  became  silent." 

Alaziz  thought  this  opportunity  favourable  for  again 
taking  up  arms  against  his  brother ;  and  Malek-Adel,  per- 
suaded that  war  was  most  likely  to  minister  to  his  ambition, 
no  longer  advocated  peace,  but  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  army  of  Eg^-pt.  Having  intimidated  by  his  threats,  or 
won  by  his  presents,  the  principal  emirs  of  Afdhal,  he  at 
once  took  possession  of  Damascus  in  the  name  of  Alaziz, 
and  soon  governed  as  sovereign  the  richest  provinces  of 

Every  day  fresh  quarrels  broke  out  among  the  emirs  and 
princes  ;  all  those  who  had  fought  with  Saladin,  thought  the 
moment  was  come  at  which  to  put  forth  and  establish  their 
pretensions ;  and  the  princes  who  still  remained  of  the  family 
of  Noureddin  began  to  entertain  hopes  of  regaining  tlie 
provinces  wrested  from  the  unfortunate  Attabeks  by  the  son 
of  Ayoub.     All  the  East  was  in  a  state  of  fermentation. 

*  M.  Am.  Jourdain  has  published  a  curious  nccount  of  Aboulfeda  and 
his  family,  the  materials  for  which  were  supplied  by  the  works  themselves 
of  this  historian  :  it  is  printed  in  the  fourteenth  volume  of  Le$  A  finales 
des  Voyages f  &c.  of  M.  Malte  Bran. 


Bloodj  divisions  desolated  Persia,  a  prey  to  the  various 
claims  of  the  feeble  remains  of  the  race  of  the  Scljoucides. 
The  empire  of  the  Carismians,  which  conquest  was  every 
day  extending,  threatened  at  the  same  time  the  capital  of 
Corosan  and  the  city  of  Bagdad,  in  which  the  pontiff'  of  the 
Mussulman  religion  lived  in  perpetual  fear.  For  a  long 
time  the  caliphs  had  been  unable  to  take  any  active  part  in 
the  events  that  changed  the  face  of  Syria ;  and  the  only 
authority  they  possessed  was  exercised  in  consecrating  the 
victories  of  the  triumphant  party,  whoever  that  might  be. 
Afdhal,  driven  from  Damascus,  called  in  vain  upon  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad  for  protection ;  all  that  shswiow  of  power 
could,  afford  him  was  a  recommendation  to  exercise  patience, 
and  an  assurance  '^  thai  his  enemies  would  have  to  render  an 
account  to  Ood  of  what  they  had  done.^* 

Among  the  rivalries  that  convulsed  the  Mussulman  states, 
Malek-Adel  met  with  no  obstruction  to  his  projects ;  the 
troubles  and  disorders  which  his  usurpation  gave  birth  to, 
even  the  wars  undertaken  against  him,  all  contributed  to  the 
consolidation  and  extension  of  his  unjustly-obtained  power. 
It  became  evident  that  he  must  soon  unite  under  his  sway 
the  greater  part  of  the  provinces  conquered  bv  Saladin. 
Thus  was  verified,  for  the  second  time  within  a  few  years, 
the  observation  of  an  Arabian  historian,  who  expressed 
himself  in  the  following  words  when  speaking  of  the  suc- 
cession of  Noureddin :  "  The  greater  part  of  the  founders 
of  empires  have  not  been  able  to  leave  them  to  their  posteritu.^^ 
This  instability  of  power  is  not  a  thing  to  be  wondered  at 
in  countries  where  success  renders  everything  legitimate, 
where  the  caprices  of  fortune  are  frequently  laws,  and 
where  the  most  formidable  enemies  of  an  empire  founded 
by  arms,  are  the  very  men  whose  bravery  has  assisted  in 
raising  it.  The  historian  we  have  quoted,  deplores  the  revo- 
lutions of  military'  despotism,  without  duly  searching  for  the 
natural  causes  of  them ;  and  can  explain  so  many  changes 
only  by  referring  to  the  justice  of  God,  always  ready  to 
punish,  at  least  in  their  children,  all  who  have  employed  vio- 
lence or  shed  the  blood  of  man  to  attain  empire. 

Such  were  the  revolutions  which,  during  many  years, 
ag  tated  the  Mussulman  states  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  The 
fourth  crusade,  which  we  are  about  to  describe,  ani  in  which 


the  Christijins  might  haye  greatly  profited  by  the  troubles 
of  the  East,  only  served  to  reunite  the  scattered  members 
of  the  empire  of  Saladin.  Malek- Adel  owed  the  progress  of 
his  power  not  only  to  the  divisions  of  the  Mussulmans,  but 
to  the  spirit  of  discord  that  reigned  among  the  ChristiaiiB. 

After  the  departure  of  the  king  of  England,  as  was 
always  the  case  at  the  temunation  of  every  crusade,  the 
Christian  colonies,  surrounded  by  perils,  advanced  more 
rapidly  to  their  fall.  Henry  of  Champagne,  charged  with 
the  government  of  Palestine,  disdained  the  title  of  king,  as 
he  was  impatient  to  return  to  Europe,  and  looked  upon  his 
kingdom  as  a  place  of  exile.  The  three  military  orders, 
detained  in  Asia  by  their  vows,  constituted  the  principal 
strength  of  a  state  which  but  lately  had  had  all  the  warriors 
of  Europe  for  its  defenders.  Guy  of  Lusignan  retired  to 
Cyprus,  took  no  more  interest  in  the  fate  of  Jerusalem,  and 
had  full  occupation  in  keeping  himself  on  his  new  throne, 
shaken  by  the  continual  revolts  of  the  Greeks  and  threatened 
by  the  emperors  of  Constantiaople. 

Bohemond  III.,  grandson  of  Kaymond  of  Poictiers,  and 
descended,  in  the  female  line,  from  the  celebrated  Bohemond, 
one  of  the  heroes  of  the  first  crusade,  governed  the  prin- 
cipality of  Antioch  and  the  county  of  Tripoli.  Amidst  the 
misfortunes  that  a£Q[icted  the  Christian  colonies,  the  sole  aim 
of  this  prince  was  the  extension  of  his  dominions,  and  eyery 
means  appeared  to  him  good  and  just  that  could  forward  his 
designs.  Bohemond  pretended  to  have  claims  to  the  prin- 
cipality of  Armenia;  and  employed  by  turns  force  and 
stratagem  to  get  possession  of  it.  After  several  useless 
attempts,  he  succeeded  in  decoying  into  his  capital  Eupin 
of  the  Moimtain,  one  of  the  princes  of  Armenia,  and  detained 
him  prisoner.  Livon,  the  brother  of  Eupin,  determined  to 
take  signal  vengeance  for  such  an  outrage ;  and,  under  the 
pretence  of  treating  for  peace,  invited  Bohemond  to  repair 
to  the  frontiers  of  Armenia.  The  two  princes  engaged  by 
oath  to  come  without  escort  or  train  to  the  place  of  confer- 
ence ;  but  each  formed  a  secret  design  of  laying  a  snare  for 
his  aidversary.  The  Armenian  prince,  better  seconded  by 
either  his  genius  or  fortime,  remained  conqueror  in  this  dis- 
graceful contest.  Bohemond  was  surprised,  loaded  with 
chains,  and  carried  away  to  a  fortress  of  Lesser  Armenia. 


The  war  was  instanilj  renewed  with  fuiy ;  the  people  of 
both  Ajmcnia  and  Antioch  rushed  to  arms,  and  the  coun- 
tries and  cities  of  the  two  principalities  were  speedily  bj 
turns  invaded  and  ravaged.  At  length  peace  became  desir- 
able, and  afler  some  disputes  upon  the  conditions,  the  prince 
of  Antioch  was  sent  back  to  his  states,  and  Bupin  of  the 
Mountain  was  restored  to  the  nations  of  Armenia.  By  an 
agreement  entered  into  by  the  two  princes,  Alice,  the  daugh- 
ter of  Bupin,  married  the  eldest  son  of  Bohemond.  This 
union  promised  to  be  the  pledge  of  a  durable  peace ;  but 
the  germ  of  so  many  divisions  still  subsisted ;  the  two  par- 
ties retained  a  strong  feeling  of  the  outrage  they  had  re- 
ceived ;  and  every  treaty  of  peace  becoming  a  fresh  subject 
of  discussion,  war  was  always  ready  to  be  rekindled. 

In  another  direction,  ambition  and  jealousy  set  at  variance 
tbe  orders  of  the  Temple  and  St.  John.  At  the  period  of 
the  third  crusade,  the  Hospitallers  and  the  Templars  were  as 
powerM  as  sovereign  prmces ;  they  possessed  in  Asia  and 
Europe  tillages,  cities,  and  even  provmces.*  The  two  orders, 
rivalbng  each  other  in  power  and  glory,  attended  far  less  to 
the  defence  of  the  holy  places  than  to  the  augmentation  of 
their  own  renown  and  nches.  Every  one  of  their  immense 
possessions,  every  one  of  their  prerogatives,  the  renown  of 
the  knights,  the  credit  of  the  leaders,  ul,  even  to  the  trophies 
of  their  valour,  were  for  them  subjects  of  rivalry,  and,  at 
length,  this  spirit  of  discord  and  jealousy  produced  an  open 
war.  A  French  gentleman,  established,  m  Palestine,  pos- 
sessed, as  a  vassal  of  the  Hospitallenf,  the  castle  of  Margat, 
situated  towards  the  frontiers  of  Arabia.  The  TempIarB 
pretended  that  this  castle  belonged  to  them,  and  took  pos- 
session of  it  by  main  force.  Bobert, — that  was  the  name  of 
the  gentleman, — carried  his  complaints  to  the  Hospitallers, 
who  immediately  flew  to  arms  and  drove  the  Templars  from 

*  The  Hospitallere  then  possessed  within  the  limits  of  Christendom 
nineteen  thouiand  manortg  the  Templars  had  only  nine  thousand.  Mat- 
thew Paris  expresses  himself  thus : — Habent  insnper  Templarii  in  Chris- 
tianitate  noTem  millia  maneriorom ;  Hospitalii  vero  novem  decern,  pneter 
emolamenta  et  varios  proventos  ex  fraternitadbns  et  pnedicationibna  pro- 
▼enientes,  et  per  privilegia  sua  accrescentes. — Maith.  Parity  ad  annum 
1244,  in  Henry  III.,  lib.  xi.  p.  ^15.  A  manor  in  die  middle  ages  woe 
the  Mom  qfemphugh* 

10  HI8T0BX  07  THE  CSVSAD28. 

the  castie.  From  that  time  the  kniglits  of  the  two  orders 
never  met  without  provoking  each  other  to  tlie  combat; 
most  of  the  Franks  and  Christians  always  taking  a  part  in 
the  qnarrcl,  some  for  the  order  of  St.  John,  others  for  that 
of  the  Temple.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  most  pru- 
dent of  the  barons  made  many  useless  attempts  to  restore 
peace ;  and  several  Christian  princes  endeavoured  in  vain  to 
reconcile  the  two  rival  orders.  The  pope  himself  had  much 
difficulty  in  getting  his  sacred  mediation  to  be  accepted ;  and 
it  was  only  after  long  debates  that  the  Holy  See,  sometimes 
armed  with  evangelical  thunders,  sometimes  employing  the 
paternal  language  of  the  head  of  the  Church,  terminated,  by 
its  wisdom  and  supreme  ascendancy,  a  contest  which  the 
knights  themselves  would  have  preferred  deciding  with 
sword  and  lance. 

During  these  fatal  divisions  none  thought  of  defending 
themselves  against  the  general  enemy,  the  Saracens.  One 
of  the  mpst  melancholy  consequences  of  the  spirit  of  faction 
IB,  that  it  always  leads  to  a  lamentable  indifference  for  the 
common  cause.  The  more  violently  the  parties  attacked 
each  other,  the  less  perception  they  seemed  to  have  of  the 
dangers  that  threatened  the  Christian  colonies ;  neither  the 
knights  of  the  Temple  or  of  St.  John,  nor  the  Christians  of 
Antioch  or  PtolemaJis,  ever  thought  of  asking  for  succour 
against  the  infidels ;  and  history  does  not  say  that  one  per- 
son was  sent  from  the  East  to  make  Europe  aware  of  the 
griefs  of  Sion. 

The  situation  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine  was  besides  so 
uncertain  and  perilous,  that  the  wisest  could  form  no  idea  of 
coming  events,  or  dare  to  adopt  a  resolution.  If  they 
appealed  afresh  to  the  warriors  of  the  West,  they  broke  the 
truce,  made  with  Saladua,  and  exposed  themselves  to  all  the 
resentment  of  the  infidels ;  if  they  respected  treaties,  the 
truce  might  be  broken  by  the  Mussulmans,  ever  ready  to 
profit  by  the  calamities  which  fell  upon  the  Christians.  In 
this  state  of  things,  it  appeared  difficult  to  foresee  a  new 
crusade,  which  was  neither  called  for  by  the  wishes  of  the 
Christians  of  Asia,  nor  promoted  by  the  mterests  of  Europe. 
In  fact,  when  we  cast  our  eyes  over  the  Christian  colomes 
of  the  East,  as  they  are  described  to  us  in  these  unhappy 
times,  and  see  the  spirit  of  ambition  and  diacord  diaplamng 


in  all  hearts  the  holy  spirit  of  the  G-ospel,  >ye  cannot  wonder 
that  Christendom  took  so  little  interest  in  their  fate.  Again, 
when  contemporary  history  represents  to  ns  these  colonies  a 
prey  to  license  and  division,  and  destitute  of  everything  that 
cordd  render  them  flourishing,  we  can  scarcely  believe  that 
the  West  was  again  likely  to  lavish  its  wealth  and  its  blood 
to  support  ^d  defend  them.  But  the  great  name  of  Jeru- 
salem still  produced  a  powerful  effect  upon  the  minds  of  all ; 
the  rememorance  of  the  first  crusade  still  aroused  the  enthu- 
siasm of  Christians ;  and  the  veneration  for  the  holy  places, 
which  appeared  to  grow  weaker  in  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
itself,  was  yet  cherished  beyond  the  seas  and  in  the  principal 
countries  of  the  West. 

Celestine  III.  had,  by  his  exhortations,  encouraged  the 
warriors  of  the  third  crusade ;  and,  at  the  age  of  ninety, 
pursued  with  zeal  all  the  projects  of  his  predecessors; 
ardently  wishing  that  the  last  days  of  his  ponl^cate  should 
be  illustrated  by  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  After  the 
return  of  Bichard,  the  news  of  the  death  of  Saladin  had 
spread  joy  throughout  the  West,  and  revived  the  hopes  of 
the  Christians.  Celestine  wrote  to  all  the  faithful  to  inform 
them  that  the  most  formidable  enemy  of  Christendom  had 
ceased  to  live ;  and,  without  regarding  the  truce  made  by 
Bichard  Coeur  de  Lion,  he  ordered  his  bishops  and  arch- 
bishops to  preach  a  new  crusade  in  their  dioceses.*  The 
sovereign  pontiff  promised  all  who  would  take  the  cross  the 
same  privileges  and  the  same  advantages  as  in  the  preceding 
crusades.  The  profanation  of  the  holy  places ;  the  oppression 
under  which  the  faithful  of  the  East  groaned ;  the  ever- 
increasing  ^insolence  and  audacity  of  the  Saracens — such  were 
the  motives  by  which  he  supported  his  holy  exhortations. 
He  addressed  nimself  particularly  to  the  bishops  of  England, 
and  commanded  them  to  use  every  persuasion  to  induce 
Bichard  again  to  take  up  arms  against  the  infidels. 

Bichard,  although  returned,  had  never  laid  aside  the  cross, 

*  We  poBsess  two  letters  written  by  Celeitine  to  Hubert,  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  to  engage  him  to  preach  the  crusade.  The  pope  commands 
the  archbishop  to  employ  ecclesiastical  censures  against  those  who,  after 
taking  the  cross,  delayed  their  departure  for  the  Holy  Land ;  and  to  re- 
quire such  as  oould  not  possibly  set  out,  to  send,  at  their  own  expense, 
oat  Mr  two  men  to  fight  against  the  infidels. 

12  '    HI8TOBY  OF  THB  0BU8ADEB. 

the  Bymbol  of  pilgrimage ;  and  it  might  be  Enipposed  he  still 
intended  to  repair  again  to  the  Holy  Land ;  out,  Bcarcely 
escaped  from  an  unjust  captiYity,  taught  by  his  own  expen- 
ence  how  great  were  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  a  distant 
enterprise,  his  thoughts  and  time  were  engrossed  by  his 
endeavours  to  remedy  his  losses,  to  defend  or  aggrandize  his 
states,  and  to  be  on  his  guard  against  the  insidious  attempts 
of  Philip  Augustus.  His  knights  and  barons,  whom  ne 
himself  exhorted  to  resume  the  cross,  professed,  as  he  did,  a 
warm  devotion  for  the  cause  of  Jerusalem  ;  but  they  could 
not  make  up  their  minds  to  return  to  a  country  which  had 
been  to  them  a  place  of  suffering  and  exile. 

Although  the  appearance  of  ttie  preachers  of  the  crusade 
eveiywhere  inspired  respect,  they  had  no  better  success  in 
France,  where,  only  a  few  years  before,  a  hundred  thousand 
warriors  had  been  roused  by  the  summons  to  defend  the  holy 
places.  If  the  fear  of  the  enterprises  of  Philip  was  sufficient 
to  detain  Bichard  in  the  West,  the  dread  of  the  vindictive 
and  jealous  disposition  of  Eichard  exercised  the  same  influ- 
ence over  Philip.  The  greater  number  of  his  knights  and 
nobles  followed  his  example,  and  contented  themselves  with 
shedding  tears  over  the  fate  of  Jerusalem.  The  enthusiasm 
for  the  crusade  was  commimicated  to  only  a  small  number  of 
warriors,  amongst  whom  history  names  the  count  de  Mont- 
fort,  who  afterwards  conducted  the  cruel  war  against  the 

Prom  the  commencement  of  the  crusades,  Germany  had 
never  ceased  to  send  its  warriors  to  the  defiance  of  the  Holy 
Land.  It  deplored  the  recent  loss  of  its  armies,  destroyed 
or  dispersed  in  Asia  Minor,  and  the  death  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick,  who  had  gained  nothing  but  a  grave  in  the  plains 
pf  the  East ;  but  the  remembrance  of  so  great  a  disaster  did 
not  extinguish  in  all  hearts  the  zeal  for  the  cause  of  Jeru- 
salem/ Henry  VI.,  who  occupied  the  imperial  throne,  had 
not  partaken,  as  the  kings  of  France  and  England  had,  the 
perils  and  reverses  of  the  last  expedition.  Unpleasant 
remembrances  or  fears  of  his  enemies  in  Europe  could  have 
no  effect  in  preventing  him  from  joining  in  a  new  enterprise, 
or  deter  him  from  a  holy  pilgrimage  which  so  many  illus- 
trious .examples  seemed  to  point  out  as  a  sacred  dut^. 

Although  this  prince  had  been  ezcommunicatea  by  the 


Holy  See,  onlj  the  preceding  jear,  the  Pope  sent  an  embaflsy 
to  him,  charged  with  the  duty  of  recalling  to  his  mind  the 
example  of  his  father  Frederick,  and  urging  him  to  assume 
the  cross.  Heniy,  who  sought  every  occasion  to  conciliate 
the  head  of  the  Church,  and  who  likewise  entertained  yast 
projects  in  which  a  new  crusade  might  be  very  serviceable, 
received  the  envoy  of  Celestine  with  great  honours. 

Of  all  the  princes  of  the  middle  ages,  no  one  evinced  more 
ambition  than  Henry  YI. ;  his  imagination,  say  historians, 
was  Med  with  the  glory  of  the  CsBsars,  and  he  wished  to  be 
able  to  say  with  Alexander,  all  that  my  desires  can  emhrace 
belongs  to  me.  Tancred,  a  natural  son  of  William  II.,  king 
of  Sicily,  chosen  by  the  Sicilian  nobility  to  succeed  his 
&ther,  was  recently  deceased ;  and  the  emperor,  who  had 
espoused  Constance,  the  heiress  of  a  throne  founded  by 
Norman  Crusaders,  and  desirous  of  establishing  his  claims, 
judged  that  the  time  was  come  to  carry  out  his  designs  and 
achieve  his  conquests.  The  expedition  of  which  the  Holy 
See  desired  him  to  be  the  leader,  was  exceedingly  favourable 
to  his  ambitious  projects ;  when,  promising  to  defend  Jeru- 
salem, he  only  thought  of  the  conquest  of  Sicily ;  and  the 
conquest  of  Sicily  had  no  value  in  his  estimation  but  as 
opening  the  road  to  Greece  and  Constantinople.*  At  the 
same  time  that  he  professed  entire  submission  to  the  will  of 
the  head  of  the  Church,  he  endeavoured  to  form  an  alliance 
with  the  republics  of  Genoa  and  Venice,  promising  them  the 
spoils  of  the  conquered ;  but  in  his  mind  he  nourished  the 
hope  that  he  should  one  day  overthrow  the  Italian  republics 
ana  lower  the  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  and  upon  their 
remains  revive,  for  himself  and  his  family,  the  empire  of 
Augustus  and  Constantine. 

Such  was  the  prince  to  whom  Celestine  sent  an  embassy, 
and  whom  he  wished  to  persuade  into  a  holy  war.  Ailer 
having  announced  his  intention  of  taking  the  cross,  Henry 
convoked  a  general  diet  at  Worms,  in  which  he  himself 
exhorted  the  faithful  to  take  up  arms  for  the  defence  of 
the  holy  places.     Since  Louis  VII.,  king  of  France,  who 

*  This  reminds  ns  of  the  plans  of  conquest  laid  down  by  Pyrrhus, 
king  of  Epirus, — and  of  the  traveller,  who  intended  to  perambulate  the 
globe, — that  he  might,  at  the  end  of  his  wanderings,  plant  cabbagm  in 
Hanover, — ^Trans. 


harangued  His  subjects  to  induce  them  to  join  in  the  crusade, 
Honry  was  the  only  monarch  that  had  mingled  his  voice 
with  that  of  the  preachers  of  the  holy  war,  to  make  his  sub- 
jects acquainted  with  the  sufferings  and  complaints  of  the 
Church  of  Jerusalem.  His  eloquence,  celebrated  by  the 
historians  of  his  time,  but  above  allj  the  spectacle  presented 
of  a  great  emperor  himself  preaching  a  holy  war  against  the 
infidels,  made  a  profound  impression  upon  the  multitude  of 
his  auditors.*  After  this  solemn  address,  the  most  illus- 
trious of  the  prelates  assembled  at  Worms  ascended  the 
evangelical  pulpit  to  keep  up  the  rapidly  increasing  en- 
thusiasm of  the  faithful ;  during  eight  hours  nothing  was 
heard  but  the  groans  of  Sion  and  the  city  of  Otod.  Henry, 
surrounded  by  bis  court,  assiuned  the  symbol  of'the  Cru- 
saders; a  great  number  of  German  nobles  followed  his 
example,  some  to  please  God,  and  others  to  please  the  em* 
peror.  Among  those  who  took  the  oath  to  combat  the 
Saracens,  history  names  Henry  duke  of  Saxony ;  Otho  mar- 
quis of  Brandenburgh ;  Henry  count  palatine  of  the  Ehme ; 
Herman  landgrave  of  Thuringia ;  Henry  duke  of  Brabant ; 
Albert  count  of  Apsburg;  Adolphus  count  of  Schwemburg ; 
Henry  count  of  Pappenhein,  marshal  of  the  empire ;  the  duke 
of  Bavaria;  Frederick,  son  of  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria; 
Conrad  marquis  of  Moravia;  Valeran  de  Limboiu'g;  and 
the  bishops  of  Wurtzburg,  Bremen,  Verdun,  Habbastadt, 
Passau,  and  Eatisbon.f 

The  crusade  was  preached  in  all  the  provinces  of  Ger^ 
many,  and  the  letters  of  the  emperor  and  the  pope  kindled 
the  zeal  of  the  Christian  warriors  everywhere ;  never  had  an 
enterprise  against  the  infidels  Been  undertaken  under  more 
favourable  auspices.  As  Germany  undertook  the  crusade 
abnost  singly,  the  glory  of  the  German  nations  seemed  as 
much  interested  in  this  war  as  religion  itself.    Henry  was 

*  All  the  facts  relative  to  the  preaching  of  this  crusade  are  to  be  found 
in  Roger  dc  Hoveden,  Matthew  Paris,  Godfrey  Moine,  William  of  New- 
bridge, Oth5  of  St.  Blaise,  and  Arnold  of  Lubeck.  The  latter  gives  the 
most  details ;  he  does  not  fail  to  tell  us  that  forty  burgesses  of  Lubeck 
took  the  cross  on  this  occasion. 

t  The  long  lists  of  the  names  and  titles  of  the  Crusaders  may  at  first 
appear  tiresome  to  the  reader ;  but  as  each  name  represents  a  territory  or 
an  estate,  the  lists  are,  in  fact,  the  best  means  of  becoming  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  the  extent  of  this  astonishing  mania«-^T&ANS. 


to  eommandi  the  holy  expedition ;  and  the  Crusaders,  full  of 
confidence  and  hope,  were  preparing  to  follow  him  to  the 
East.  But  Henry  entertained  other  yiews ;  several  nobles 
of  his  court,  some  who  penetrated  his  secret  designs,  and 
others  who  believed  they  oflTered  him  prudent  advice,  con- 
jured him  to  remain  in  the  West,  and  direct  the  crusade 
j&om  the  bosom  of  his  dominions ;  and  Henry,  after  a  slight 
resistance,  yielded  to  their  prayers,  and  gave  his  whole 
attention  to  the  hastening  of  the  departure  of  the  Gru- 

The  emperor  of  Germany  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
forty  thousand  men  and  took  the  route  for  Italy,  where 
everything  was  prepared  for  the  conquest  of  Sicily;  the 
remainder  of  the  Crusaders  were  divided  into  two  armies, 
which,  proceeding  by  different  roads,  were  to  meet  in  Syria. 
The  first,  commanded  by  the  duke  of  Saxony  and  the  duko 
of  Brabant,  embarked  at  ports  of  the  German  Ocean  and 
the  Baltic ;  the  second  crossed  the  Danube,  and  directed  its 
march  towarda  Constantinople,  whence  the  fleet  of  the 
Greek  emperor  Isaac  was  to  transport  it  to  Ptolemais.  To 
this  army,  commanded  by  the  archbishop  of  Mayence  and 
Valeran  de  Limbourg,  were  joined  the  Himgarians,  who 
accompanied  their  queen  Margaret,  sister  to  Philip  Augustus. 
The  queen  of  Hungary,  after  having  lost  Bela  her  husband, 
had  made  a  vow  to  live  only  for  Christ,  and  to  end  her  days 
in  the  Holy  Land. 

The  Crusaders  under  the  command  of  the  archbishop  of 
Mayence  and  Valeran  de  Limbourg,  were  the  first  to  arrive 
in  Palestine.  Scarcely  were  they  landed  when  they  ex- 
pressed their  desire  and  resolution  to  begin  the  war  agaipst 
the  infidels.  The  Christians,  who  were  then  at  peace  with 
the  Saracens,  hesitated  to  break  the  truce  signed  by  Eichard, 
and  were,  further,  unwiUing  to  give  the  signal  for  hostilities 
before  they  could  open  the  campaign  with  some  hopes  of 
success.  Henry  of  Champagne  and  the  barons*  of  Palestine 
represented  to  the  German  Crusaders  the  danger  to  which 
an  imprudent  rupture  would  expose  the  Christians  of  the 
East,  and  conjured  them  to  wait  for  the  army  of  the  dukes 
of  Saxony  and  Brabant.  But  the  Germans,  full  of  con- 
fidence in  their  own  strength,  were  indignant  at  having 
obstadea  thrown  in  the  way  of  their  valour  by  vain  scruples 


and  chimerical  alarms ;  they  were  astonished  that  the'  Chris- 
tians of  Palestine  should  thus  refuse  the  assistance  sent  to 
them  hy  Providence  itself,  and  added,  in  a  tone  of  anger  and 
contempt,  that  warriors'  of  the  West  were  not  accustomed 
to  defer  the  hour  of  battle,  and  that  the  pope  had  not  in- 
duced them  to  take  up  arms  and  the  cross  to  remain  in  a 
state  of  shameful  inactivity.  The  barons  and  knights  of  the 
Holy  Land  could  not  listen  to  such  injurious  speeches  with- 
out indifi^nation,  and  replied  to  the  German  Crusaders  that 
they  had  neither  solicited  nor  wished  for  their  arrival ;  that 
they  were  better  acquainted  than  the  northern  warriors  of 
Europe  with  what  was  advantageous  to  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem;  that  they  had  without  any  foreign  succour 
braved  the  greatest  perils,  and  that  when  the  proper  mo- 
ment should  arrive  they  knew  how  to  prove  their  valour 
otherwise  than  by  words.  Amidst  such  warm  debates  the 
minds  of  both  parties  became  daily  more  exasperated,  and 
the  most  cruel  discord  thus  prevailed  among  the  Christians 
before  war  was  declared  against  the  infidels. 

All  at  once  the  German  Crusaders  marched  out  in  arms 
from  Ptolemais,  and  commenced  hostilities  by  ravaging  the 
lands  of  the  Saracens.  At  the  first  signal  of  war  the  Mus- 
sulmans gathered  together  their  forces ;  and  the  danger  that 
threatened  them  putting  an  end  to  their  discord,  from  the 
banks  of  the  Nile  and  from  the  remotest  parts  of  Syria 
crowded  hosts  of  warriors  but  lately  armed  against  each 
other,  but  who  now,  assembled  under  the  same  banners, 
acknowledged  no  other  enemies  but  the  Christians. 

Malek-Adel,  towards  whom  all  Mussulmans  turned  their 
eyes  when  the  defence  of  Islamism  was  the  question,  marched 
from  Damascus  at  the  head  of  an  army  and  repaired  to  Jeru- 
salem, where  all  the  emirs  of  the  adjoining  provinces  came 
to  take  his  orders.  The  Mussulman  army,  after  dispersing 
the  Christians  who  had  advanced  towards  the  mountains  of 
NM)louse,  laid  siege  to  Jafia. 

In  the  third  crusade  much  importance  had  been  attached 
to  the  conservation  of  this  city.  Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion  had 
fortified  it  at  great  expense,  and  when  that  prince  returned 
to  Europe  he  left  a  numerous  garrison  in  it.  Of  all  the 
maritime  places,  Jaffa  was  nearest  to  the  city  which  was 
the  object  of  the  wishes  of  the  faithful ;  if  it  remained  in 


the  bandfl  of  the  CliriBtiaiis,  a  road  was  always  open  for  them 
to  Jerusalem,  and  the  means  of  laying  siege  to  that  phice 
were  rendered  more  easy ;  but  if  it  fell  into  the  power  of  the 
Mussulmans,  it  gave  them  proportionate  advantages  for  the 
defence  of  the  holy  city. 

When  it  was  known  at  Ptolemais  that  the  city  of  Jaffa 
was  threatened,  Henry  of  Champagne,  with  his  barons  and 
knights,  immediately  took  arms  to  defend  it,  and  joined  the 
German  Crusaders,  giving  all  their  energies  to  the  prosecu- 
tion of  a  war  which  they  foimd  could  now  no  longer  be 
deferred  or  avoided.  The  three  military  orders,  with  the 
troops  of  the  kingdom,  were  about  to  set  forward  on  their 
march,  when  a  tragical  accident  once  more  plunged  the 
Christians  in  grief,  and  retarded  the  effects  of  the  happy 
harmonywhich  had  been  re-established  at  the  approach  of 
peril.  Henry  of  Champagne,  leaning  against  a  window  of 
nis  palace,  at  which  he  nad  placed  himself  to  see  his  army 
defile  from  the  city,  the  window  all  at  once  gave  way,  and 
in  its  fall  precipitated  him  with  it.*  The  unfortunate  prince 
expired  in  sigut  of  his  soldiers,  who,  instead  of  following 
him  to  battle,  accompanied  him  to  his  grave,  and  lost  sevenu 
days  in  celebrating  his  funeral  obsequies.  The  Christians  of 
Ptolemaos  were  still  weeping  the  death  of  their  king,  when 
the  misfortune  they  dreaded  increased  their  grief  and  con- 
sternation ;  the  garrison  of  Jaffa  having  attempted  a  sortie, 
had  fallen  into  an  ambuscade,  and  all  the  warriors  that  com- 
posed it  were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  The  Mus- 
sulmans entered  the  city  almost  without  resistance,  and 
twenty  thousand  Christiains  were  put  to  the  sword. 

These  disasters  had  been  foreseen  by  all  who  had  dreaded 
the  breaking  of  the  truce ;  but  the  barons  and  knights  of 
Palestine  lost  no  time  in  vain  regrets,  or  in  the  utterance  of 
useless  complaints,  and  looked  with  eager  impatience  for  the 
arrival  of  the  Crusaders  who  had  set  out  from  the  ports  of 
the  Ocean  and  the  Baltic.    These  troops  had  stopped  on  the 

*  Roger  de  Hoveden  givei  this  account  of  the  death  of  Henry  of 
Champagne.  Arnold  of  Labeck  says  that  this  prince  had  placed  himself 
at  a  window  to  take  the  air.  The  same  Arnold  adds  that  many  thought 
that  God  had  punished  Henry  for  the  regret  he  had  erinoed  on  the  arrival 
of  the  Germans,  whom  he  envied  the  glory  of  delivering  the  kingdom  o# 

Vol.  II.— 2 


coast  of  Portugal,  where  they  bad  defeated  the  Moors,  and 
taken  from  them  the  city  of  Silves.  Proud  of  their  triumph 
over  the  infidels,  they  landed  at  Ptolemais  at  the  moment 
the  people  were  lamenting  the  loss  of  Jafia  and  crowding  to 
the  churches  to  implore  the  mercy  of  Heaven. 

The  arrival  of  the  new  Orusaaers  restored  hope  and  joy 
to  the  Christians,  and  they  resolved  to  lose  no  time,  but  to 
march  at  once  against  the  infidels.  The  army  left  Ptolemais 
and  advanced  towards  the  coast  of  Syria,  whilst  a  nume- 
rous fleet  kept  along  shore,  loaded  with  provisions  and 
warlike  stores.  The  Crusaders,  without  seeKing  the  army 
of  Malek-Adel,  laid  siege  to  Berytus. 

The  city  of  Beiytus,  at  an  equal  distance  between  Jeru- 
salem and  Tripoli,  by  the  commodiousness  of  its  port,  its 
large  population,  and  its  commerce,  had  become  the  rival  of 
Ptolemais  and  Tyre.  The  Mussulman  provinces  of  Syria 
acknowledged  it  as  their  capital,  and  it  was  in  Berytus  that 
the  emirs,  who  contended  for  the  lordship  of  the  neighbour- 
inff  cities,  came  to  display  the  pomp  of  their  coronations. 
AKer  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  Saladin  was  here  saluted 
sovereign  of  the  city  of  Qod,  and  crowned  sultan  of  Da- 
mascus and  Cairo.  The  pirates,  who  infested  the  seas, 
brought  to  this  city  all  the  spoils  of  the  Christians ;  the 
Mussulman  warriors  there  deposited  the  riches  acquired  by 
conquest  or  brigandage ;  and  the  Frank  captives,  made  in 
late  w^ars,  were  crowded  together  in  the  prisons  of  Berytus ; 
so  that  the  Christians  had  powerful  motives  for  endeavouring 
to  get  possession  of  this  place,  and  the  Mussulmans  had  no 
less  urgent  ones  for  defending  it. 

Malek-Adel,  after  having  destroved  the  fortifications  of 
Jaffa,  advanced  with  his  army  as  far  as  the  mountains  of 
Anti-Libanus,  on  the  route  to  Damascus ;  but  on  hearing 
of  the  march  and  determinatioi^of  the  Crusaders,  he  crossed 
the  mountains  on  his  left,  and  drew  near  to  the  coast :  the 
two  armies  met  on  the  plain  watered  by  the  river  Eleuthera, 
between  Tyre  and  Sidon.  The  trumpets  soon  sounded  to 
battle ;  the  army  of  the  Saracens,  which  covered  an  immense 
space,  endeavoured  at  first  to  surround  the  Franks,  and 
then  to  get  between  them  and  the  coast ;  their  cavalry  pre- 
cipiteted  itself  by  turns  on  the  flanks,  the  van,  and  the  rear 
of  the  Christians.    The  Christians  closed  their  battaLionB^ 


and  on  all  sides  presented  impenetrable  ranks.  Whilst  their 
enemies  showered  arrows  ana  darts  upon  them,  their  lances 
and  swords  were  bathed  in  the  blood  of  the  Saracens.  They 
fought  with  different  arms,  but  with  the  same  brarerj  and 
fury.  The  victory  remained  for  a  long  time  uncertain ;  the 
Christians  were  several  times  on  the  point  of  losing  the 
battle ;  but  their  obstinate  valour  at  length  triumphed  over 
all  the  resistance  of  the  Mussulmans,  and  the  sesrcoast,  the 
banks  of  the  river  Eleuthera,  and  the  declivities  of  the 
mountains  were  covered  with  dead.  The  Saracens  lost  a 
ereat  many  of  their  emirs.  Malek-Adel,  who  displayed, 
during  the  whole  of  this  day,  the  skill  of  a  great  captain, 
was  wounded  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  only  owed  his  safety 
to  flight.  All  his  army  was  dispersed ;  some  fled  towarcb 
Jerusalem,  whilst  others  hurried  along  the  road  to  Da- 
mascus, n^hither  the  news  of  this  bloody  defeat  carried 
consternation  and  despair.* 

In  consequence  of  this  victoiy,  all  the  cities  on  the  coast 
of  Syria,  which  still  belonged  to  the  Mussulmans,  fell  into 
the  power  of  the  Christians ;  the  Saracens  abandoned  Sidon, 
Laodicea,  and  Giblet.  When  the  Christian  fleet  and  army 
appeared  before  Beijtus,  the  ^;arrison  was  surprised,  and 
dia  not  venture  to  oner  any  resistance.  This  city  contained, 
say  historians,  more  provisions  than  would  have  sufficed 
for  the  inhabitants  during  three  years;  two  large  vessels, 
add  the  same  chronicles,  could  not  have  contained  the  bows' 
arrows,  and  machines  of  war  that  were  found  in  the  city  of 
Berytus.  In  this  conquest  immense  riches  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  victors,  but  the  most  precious  reward  of  their 
triumph  doubtless  was  the  deliverance  of  nine  thousand 
captives,  impatient  to  resume  their  arms,  and  avenge  the 
outrages  of  their  long  captivity.  The  prince  of  Antioch, 
who  had  joined  the  Christian  army,  sent  a  dovef  to  his 

*  We  possess  a  yeiy  predous  monumeot  apoD  the  battle  of  Sidon ;  it 
it  a  letter  from  the  duke  of  Saxony,  written  to  the  archbishop  of  Cologne. 
The  duke  was  present  at  the  battle. 

t  Arnold,  who  gives  an  account  of  this  message  of  the  dove,  appears 
to  fear  that  it  will  not  be  beliered.  This  is  the  manner  in  which  he  ex* 
presses  himself  in  the  third  chapter  :->Hic  qaiddam  dicturus  sam  non 
ridicnlum,  sed  ridicol^  i^  gentibns  tractnmi  qui  quoniam  sapientiores  liliis 
tads  in  generstione  su&  sunt,  multa  ezcogitant,  qtm  nostrates  non  novo- 
nmty  nisi  forti  ab  eia  didioerinL    Solent  enim  ezeontps  ad  qwsUbet 


oftpital  to  annoimoe  to  all  the  inliabitaiits  of  the  principalitj 
the  miiaculoufl  victory  giuned  by  the  soldiers  of  the  cross. 
In  all  the  Christian  cities  thanks  were  offered  np  to  the 
Grod  of  armies.  The  historians,  who  have  transmitted  to  vm 
the  account  of  these  glorious  events,  in  order  to  paint  the 
transports  of  the  Christian  people,  content  themselves  with 
repeating  these  words  of  holy  writ :  "  Then  Sum  leaped  wUh 
joy,  and  the  children  ofJudah  v)ere  filled  with  delight,*^ 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  were  thus  pursuing  their  triumphs 
in  Syria,  the  emperor  Henry  YI.  took  advantage  of  all  the 
means  and  all  the  powers  that  the  crusade  had  placed  in  his 
hands,  to  achieve  the  conquest  of  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and 
Sicily.  Although,  in  the  course  of  his  victories,  he  unceasingly 
invoked  religion,  humanity,  and  justice,  he  only  listened  to 
the  dictates  of  his  ambition ;  and,  tormented  by  the  sentiment 
of  an  implacable  revenge,  he  was  neither  touched  by  the 
misery  of  the  conquered,  nor  the  submission  of  his  enemies. 
All  who  had  shown  any  respect  or  any  fidelity  for  the  family 
of  Tancred,  were  cast  by  his  orders  into  dungeons,  or 
perished  in  horrible  tortures,  which  he  himself  had  invented. 
The  army  he  led  but  too  well  seconded  his  gloomy  and 
savage  policy ;  the  peace  which  the  conquerors  boasted  of 
having  restored  to  the  people  of  SicOy,  caused,  them  more 
evils,  and  made  more  victims  than  war  itself.  Falcandus^ 
who  died  some  years  before  this  expedition,  had  deplored 
beforehand,  in  his  history,  the  misfortunes  that  were  about 
to  desolate  his  country.  He  already  saw  the  most  flourish- 
ing cities  and  the  rich  country  of  Sicily  laid  waste  by  the 
irruption  of  the  barbarians.  "  Oh !  unfortunate  Sicilians," 
cried  he, ''  it  would  be  less  frightful  for  you  still  to  endure 
the  tyrants  of  old  Syracuse,  than  to  live  under  the  empiro 
of  this  savage  nation,  which  advances  to  invade  your  terri- 
tory, and  plunge  you  into  all  the  horrors  of  misery  and 
slavery."  • 

negotia  secmn  ezportare  columbu,  qn»  domi  ant  ote  aut  pvlloa  noviter 
habent  creatos,  et  si  in  vi&  forte  accelerare  ▼olont  nundnm,  scriptas  literas 
rab  umbilico  coluinbtt  rabtiliter  ponnnt,  et  earn  avolare  permittmnt. 
Que  cum  ad  snoa  foetna  propenit,  oeleriter  amicis  desideFatiim  nanciuiii 
apportat.  * 

*  Tbe  picture  of  Faleandns  ia  perfectly  prophetic,  and  describes  events 
exactly  like  those  which  came  after  him.    We  will  onote  the  most  cnriooa 
:-«>lB^aeri  mihi  jam  fideor  tnibiilentM  bailMronun  aciea*  eo  t^ 

BXftrOST  07  tXX  OB178ADX8.  21 

Nerertiielefla,  tliese  pitileas  soldien  wore  the  erosaes  of 
pilgnniB;  and  their  emperor,  although  not  yet  relieved 
fpom  hia  excommunication,  arrogated  to  himself  glory  as  the 
first  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Henry  YI.  was  considered 
aa  the  head  of  the  crusade,  and  supreme  arbiter  of  the 
affiiirs  of  the  East.  The  king  of  Cyprus  offered  to  become 
his  vassal ;  Liyon,  prince  of  Armenia^  begged  the  title  of 
king  of  him.  The  emperor  of  Germany  haying  no  more 
enemies  to  dread  in  the  West,  gave  his  whole  attention 
to  the  war  against  the  Saracens,  and,  in  a  letter  addressed 
to  all  the  nobles,  magistrates,  and  bishops  of  his  empire, 
exhorted  them  to  hasten  the  departure  of  the  Crusaoers. 
The  emperor  undertook  to  keep  up  an  army  of  fi%-  thou- 
sand men  for  one  year,  and  promised  to  pay  thirty  oimces  of 
gold  to  every  one  that  should  remain  under  his  banners  till 
the  end  of  the  holy  war.  A  great  number  of  warriors, 
seduced  by  this  promise,  entered  into  an  engagement  to 
cross  the  sea,  and  fight  against  the  infidels.  Henry  had  no 
further  need  of  them  for  his  own  conquests,  and  therefore 
pressed  their  departure  for  the  East.    Conrad,  bishop  of 

fernntur  impetu  irruentes,  mitates  opulentas  et  loca  diutiirn&  pace  ilorentU 
metu  concutere,  csde  vastare,  rapinia  atterere,  et  foedare  loxuria.  Ingerit 
se  mihi,  et  lachrymas  a  nolente  fatnne  species  calamitatia  eztorquet. 
Oecumint  hinc  ctves  ant  raiatendo  gladiis  intercepti,  ant  se  dedendo 
miaer&  aerritnte  depreiai.  lUinc  Tirginea  in  ipsia  parentum  oonapectibua 
oooatupratB :  matronae  poat  varia  et  preciosa  capitis,  colli,  et  pectom 
omamenta  direpta,  ludibrio  habitse  et  defizia  in  terra  oculis  inconsola- 
biliter  deplorantes,  venerabile  foedus  conjugii  foedissimie  gentis  libidine 
▼iolari.  Nee  enim  ant  rationis  ordine  regi,  ant  miseratione  deflect!,  ant 
reUgione  terreri  Thentonica  novit  inaanta,  qnam  et  innatna  fnror  exagitat, 
et  rapadtaa  stimulat,  et  libido  pnecipitat.  Hec  antem  in  Apulii  Yid- 
nisque  provinciis  geri,  licet  horrendum  ac  trute  ait  facinna,  et  mnlto  cum 
moerore  deflendum,  ntcnnqae  tamen  tolerabile  pntaretur,  ai  in  cispbarinia 
tantum  partibaa  barbarornm  immanitaa  desieyiret.  Servire  barbaria 
jam  cogetnr  antiqna  ilia  Corinthioram  nobilitaa  qui  patriis  olim  relictia 
aedibns,  in  Siciliam  transnentea,  et  urbi  construendse  locum  idoneum 
perquirentes,  tandem  in  optimft  et  palcberrimfi  parte  Sicilise  inter  in- 
sqnalea  portas  moenia  sua  loco  tutiasimo  const ruxerant.  Quid  tibi  nunc 
prodest  philosophorum  quondam  floruisse  doctrinis,  et  poetamm  ora 
▼atifici  fontia  nectare  proluisse  ?  satius  tibi  quidem  esset  ac  tutiib,  Sicu- 
lomm  adhnc  tyrannornm  sse-vitiam  pati,  quam  barbane  foedseque  gentia 
tyrannidem  experiri.  Vie  tibi  fons  Celebris  et  pneclari  nominis  Arethusa, 
qns  ad  banc  deroluta  est  miaeriam,  ut  quie  poetarum  solebas  carmina 
modulari,  nunc  Thetftonicorum  ebrietatem  midges,  et  eorum  serviaa 
ibeditati.— See  HiHoria  SiculOf  ap.  Mnratori,  toI.  yii. 


Hildesheim,  chancellor  of  the  empire,  whose  coonselB  in  the 
wars  of  Sicily  had  but  too  well  aided  the  ambition  and  bar- 
barous policy  of  his  master,  was  charged  with  the  task  of 
leading  the  third  army  of  the  Crusaders  into  Syria. 

The  arrival  of  so  powerful  a  reinforcement  in  Palestine 
rekindled  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  the  Christians,  and  it 
might  be  expected  that  they  would  signalize  their  arms  by 
some  great  enterprise.  The  victory  they  had  recently  gained 
in  the  plains  of  Tyre,  the  taking  of  Berytus,  Sidon,  and 
Giblet,  had  struck  the  Mussulmans  with  terror.  Some  of 
the  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  proposed  to  march  against 
Jerusalem.  "That  city,"  said  tney,  "cannot  resist  our 
victorious  arms ;  her  governor  is  tf  nephew  of  Saladin,  who 
endures  with  impatience  the  authority'  of  the  sultan  of 
Damascus,  and  has  often  appeared  disposed  to  listen  to  the 
propositions*  of  the  Christians."  Most  of  the  barons  did 
not,  however,  partake  in  this  hope,  and  placed  no  confidence 
in  the  words  of  the  Mussulmans.  It  was  well  known  that 
the  infidels,  after  the  departure  of  Sjchard  Coeur  de  Lion, 
had  very  considerably  anniented  the  fortifications  of  Jeru- 
salem ;t  that  a  triple  walT,  and  ditches  of  great  depth,  must 
render  this  conquest  more  perilous,  and  particularly  more 
difficult,  than  in  the  time  of  Ghodfrey  of  Bouillon.  Winter 
was  approaching ;  the  Christian  army  might  be  overtaken  by 
the  rainy  season,  and  forced  to  raise  the  siege  in  face  of  the 
army  of  the  Saracens.  These-  considerations  determined  the 
Crusaders  to  put  off  the  attack  of  the  holy  city  to  the 
following  year. 

It  is  not  impertinent  to  remark  here,  that  in  the  Chris- 
tian armies  they  were  constantly  talking  about  Jerusalem^ 

*  Roger  de  Hoveden  says  tliat  the  Mussulman  prince  of  Jerusalem 
had  offered  to  deliver  the  city  up  to  the  Franks,  and  even  to  become  a 
Christian.  If  the  Mussulman  prince  had  really  made  such  a  proposition, 
we  cannot  easily  guess  why  the  Christians  should  not  have  accepted  it. 
But  Roger  is  the  only  historian  that  mentions  this  perfectly  incredible 
circumstance :  Oriental  historians  are  silent. 

t  Otho  of  St.  Blaise  says,  that  after  the  first  crusade  the  Saracens  had 
fortified  Jerusalem  : — Pagani  summ&  industrifi  civitates  et  castella  quae 
obtinuerunti  muniverunt,  et  pnecipu^  Hyerusalem,  duplici  muro  ante- 
murali  opposito,  et  fossatis  profundissimis  dngentes,  inexpugnabilem 
reddiderunt,  dato  Christianis  securissimo  oonductu  yisendi  sepulcrum 
Dominicum,  qusestiU  gratis. — See  OM.  de  Si.  Blaite,  ap.  Urtii  collect 


bat  that  the  leaders  as  constantly  directed  their  efforts  and 
their  arms  to  the  acquisition  of  other  conquests.  The  holy- 
city,  situated  far  from  the  sea,  contained  within  its  walls  no 
other  treasures  but  religious  relics  and  moniunents.  The 
maritime  cities  of  Asia  could  boast  of  more  worldly  wealth, 
and  held  out  far  greater  advantages  to  the  conquerors  ;  they 
afforded,  likewise,  more  easy  communication  with  Europe ; 
and  if  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  sometimes  tempted  the 
piety  and  devotion  of  the  pilgrims,  that  of  cities  bordering 
upon  the  sea,  constantly  kept  awake  the  ambition  of  the 
maritime  and  warlike  nations  of  the  West. 

All  the  sea-coast  from  Antioch  to  Ascalon  belonged  to  the 
Christians ;  the  Mussulmans  having  only  been  able  to  keep 
possession  of  Thoron.  The  garrison  of  this  fortress  fre- 
quently made  incursions  into  the  neighbouring  coimtrics, 
and  by  continual  hostilities,  intercepted  the  communication 
between  the  Christian  cities.  The  Crusaders  resolved  that 
before  they  set  out  for  Jerusalem,  they  would  lay  siege  to 
the  castle  of  Thoron.  This  fortress,  built  by  Hugh  de  Saint- 
Omer,  in  the  reign  of  Baldwin  H.,  was  situated  at  some 
leagues  from  Tyre,  on  the  summit  of  a  mountain,  between 
the  chain  of  Libanus  and  the  sea.  It  was  only  accessible 
across  steep  rocks,  and  by  a  narrow  way  bordered  by  preci- 

i)ices.  The  .Christian  army  had  no  machines  sufficiently 
ofty  to  reach  the  heights  oi  the  walls,  and  arrows  or  stones 
hurled  from  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  could  not  injure  the 
besieged ;  whilst  beams  and  fragments  of  rock  precijjitated 
from  the  ramparts,  made  dreadful  havoc  among  the  besiegers. 
In  the  early  attacks,  the  Saracens  ridiculed  the  vain  efforts 
of  their  enemies,  and  witnessed,  almost  without  danger  to 
themselves,  prodigies  of  valour,  and  the  most  murderous  in- 
ventions .of  the  art  of  sieges,  exercised  ineffectually  against 
their  walls.  But  the  almost  insurmountable  difficulties  that 
might  have  been  supposed  likely  to  arrest  the  progress  of 
the  Christians,  only  redoubled  their  ardour  and  courage.* 
They  every  day  made  fresh  attacks,  each  day  seeming  to  in- 
crease  their  efiorts,  and  their  obstinate  bravery  was  seconded 
by  newly-invented  machines  of  war.   "With  incredible  labour, 

*  Arnold  of  Lubec  enters  most  folly  into  the  details  of  this  siege  :  this 
historian  is  almost  oar  only  guide  in  this  part  of  our  narrative.  We  have 
found  some  useM  documents  in  the  continuator  of  Tabary. 


theey  dug  out  the  earth,  and  made  themselyes  a  way  acroM 
the  rocks ;  whilst  some  Saxons,  who  hod  worked  in  the  mines 
of  Eammesherg,  were  employed  in  opening  the  flank  of  the 
mountain.  The  Crusaders  at  length  reached  the  bottom  of 
the  ramparts  of  the  fortress ;  the  walls,  the  foimdations  of 
which  they  demolished,  be^n  to  shake  in  various  parts, 
without  being  struck  by  me  ram,  and  their  fall,  which 
seemed  delayed  by  a  miracle,  filled  the  besieged  with  dread. 

The  Mussulmans  now  losing  all  hope  of  defending  them- 
selyes, proposed  to  capitulate ;  but  such  was  the  disorder  of 
the  Christian  army,  with  its  multitude  of  leaders,  that  not 
one  of  them  durst  take  upon  himself  to  listen  to  the  pro- 
posals of  the  infidels.  Henry,  palatine  of  the  Bhine,  and 
the  dukes  of  Saxony  and  Brabant,  who  enjoyed  great  con- 
sideration among  the  Germans,  could  enforce  obedience  from 
none  but  their  own  soldiers.  Conrad,  chancellor  of  the  em- 
pire, who  represented  the  emperor  of  Germany,  might  have 
been  able  to  exercise  beneficial  power;  but,  weakened  by 
disease,  without  experience  in  war,  always  shut  up  in  his 
tent,  he  awaited  the  issue  of  the  contest,  and  did  not  even 
deign  to  be  present  at  the  councils  of  the  princes  and 
barons.  When  the  besieged  had  come  to  the  determination 
to  capitulate,  they  remained  several  days  without  knowing 
to  which  prince  it  would  be  most  proper  to  address  them- 
selves, and  when  their  deputies  came  to  the  Christian  camp, 
their  propositions  were  heard  in  a  general  assembly,  in  which 
the  spirit  of  rivalry,  short-sighted  zeal,  and  blind  enthusiasm 
held  much  greater  empire  than  reason  and  prudence. 

The  Saracens,  in  their  speech,  confined  themselves  to  im- 
ploring the  clemency  of  their  conquerors ;  they  promised  to 
abandon  the  fort  with  all  their  wealth,  and  only  asked  life 
and  liberty  as  the  price  of  their  submission.  The  suppliant 
attitude  of  the  Saracens  must  have  touched  the  pride  of  the 
Christian  warriors ;  religion  and  policy  united  to  procure  a 
favourable  answer  to  the  proposals  that  were  made  to  them, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  leaders  were  disposed  to  sign  the 
capitulation.  But  some  of  the  most  ardent  could  not  see 
without  indignation  that  it  was  wished  to  obtain  by  treaty 
that  which  they  must  soon  gain  by  force  of  arms.  "  It  is 
necessary/*  said  they,  *'  that  all  our  enemies  should  be  struck 


viih  tenor;  and  if  the  garriaon  of  this  place  periah  by  the 
aword,  the  affrighted  Saracens  will  not  dare  to  wait  for  ua 
either  in  Jeroaalem  or  the  other  cities  still  in  their  pos- 

As  their  advice  was  not  adopted,  these  ardent  and  incon- 
siderate soldiers  resolved  to  employ  eveiy  means  to  interrupt 
the  negotiation,  and  whilst  re-conducting  the  deputies  to 
the  fortress,  said  to  them :  ''  Defend  your$elve$,  far  if  you 
surrender  to  the  ChrUtiatu,  you  vnll  all  perish  in  tortures.^^ 
In  addition  to  this,  they  addressed  the  Christian  soldiers, 
and  informed  them,  with  accents  of  anger  and  erief,  that  a 
disgraceful  peace  was  about  to  be  concluded  with  the 
enemies  of  Christ.  At  the  same  time,  such  of  the  leaders 
as  inclined  towards  peace,  spread  themselves  through  the 
camp,  and  represented  to  the  armj  that  it  was  useless,  and 
perhaps  dangerous,  to  purchase  bj  new  contests  that  which 
fortune,  or  rather  Providence  itself,  offered  to  the  Crusaders. 
Amon^  the  Christian  warriors,  some  yielded  to  the  counsels ' 
of  moderation,  others  were  unwilling  to  trust  to  anything 
but  the  sword ;  such  as  preferred  victory  to  peace,  ran  to 
arms,  and  thev  who  accepted  the  capitulation,  retired  to 
their  tents.  The  camp,  in  which  some  remained  in  inaction 
and  repose,  whi^t  others  prepared  for  battle,  presented,  at 
the  same  time,  an  image  of  peace  and  war :  but  in  this 
diversity  of  opinions,  amidst  so  strange  a  spectacle  as  the  army 
then  presented,  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that  they  would  very 
soon  be  unable  either  to  ti^at  with  enemies  or  fi^ht  them. 

The  capitulation  was,  notwithstanding,  ratified  by  the 
principal  chiefs  and  by  the  chancellor  of  the  empire.  The 
hostages  the  Saracens  were  to  send  were  looked  for  in  the 
camp,  and  the  Crusaders  fancied  they  could  see  the  gates  of 
the  castle  of  Thoron  thrown  open  to  them ;  but  despair  had 
all  at  once  changed  the  resolutions  of  the  Saracens.  When 
the  deputies  to  the  Christian  camp  reported  to  their  com- 
panions in  arms  what  they  had  seen  and  what  they  had 
heard ;  when  they  told  them  of  the  menaces  that  had  been 
made  to  them,  and  of  the  divisions  that  existed  among  the 
enemies,  the  besieged  forgot  that  their  walls  were  in  ruins, 
that  they  wanted  both  arms  and  provisions ;  that  they  had  to 
defend  themselves  against  a  victorious  army ;  and  they  swore 



rather  to  die  than  treat  with  the  Crusaders.  Instead  of 
sending  hostages,  they  appeared  in  arms  upon  the  ramparts, 
and  provoked  the  besiegers  to  renew  the  contest.  The 
Christians  resumed  the  labours  of  the  siege,  and  recom- 
menced their  attacks ;  but  their  courage  grew  weaker  ereiy 
day,  whilst,  in  the  same  proportion,  despair  seemed  to  in- 
crease the  bravery  of  the  Mussulmans.  The  besieged 
laboured  without  intermission  in  repairing  their  machines 
and  rebuilding  their  walls ;  sometimes  the  Christians  were 
attacked  in  the  subterranean  passages  they  had  dug,  and 
perished,  buried  under  masses  of  loosened  earth;  whilst 
arrows  and  stones  were  constantly  showered  upon  them 
from  the  ramparts.  Frequently  the  Saracens  succeeded  in 
surprising  some  of  their  enemies,  whom  they  carried  alive 
into  the  place,  and  then  slaughtered  without  mercy;  the 
heads  of  these  unfortunate  prisoners  were  exposed  upon  the 
walls,  and  afterwards  hurled  by  the  n^hines  into  the  camp 
of  the  Christians.  The  Crusaders  appeared  to  have  sunk 
into  a  sort  of  dejection  or  apathv;  some  still  fought  and 
remembered  their  oaths;  but  others  remained  indifferent 
spectators  of  the  dangers  and  death  of  their  brethren. 
Many  added  the  scandal  of  the  most  depraved  morals  to 
their  indifference  for  the  cause  of  God.  There  might  be 
seen,  says  an  historian,  men  who  had  quitted  their  wives  to 
follow  Christ,  forgetting  all  at  once  the  most  sacred  duties, 
and  attaching  themselves  to  vile  prostitutes ;  in  fact,  the  vices 
and  disorders  of  the  Crusaders  were  so  disgraceful,  that  the 
authors  of  the  old  chronicles  blush  whilst  they  retrace  the 
picture  of  them.  Arnold  of  Lubec,  after  havmg  described 
the  corruption  that  reigned  in  the  camp  of  the  Christians, 
appears  to  ask  pardon  of  his  reader ;  and,  that  he  may  not 
be  accused  of  writing  a  satire,  he  takes  care  to  add  that  he 
does  not  recall  such  odious  remembrances  to  confound  the 
pride  of  men,  but  to  warn  sinners,  and  touch,  if  possible, 
the  hearts  of  his  brothers  in  Christ.* 

Fame  soon  brought  to  the  ears  of  the  Christians  that  the 
kingdoms  of  Aleppo  and  Damascus  were  in  arms,  that  Egypt 
had  assembled  an  army,  and  that  Malek-Adel,  followed  by  a 

*  After  describing  tlie  oorrnptioii  of  the  CroMden,  Arnold  adds  :~- 
Yeniam  non  peto,  non  enim  at  qnempiam  confimdam,  hiec  acribo,  aed 
dilectoa  in  Chiiato  moneo. 


nmnberlesB  multitude  of  warriors,  was  advancing  by  forced 
marches,  impatient  to  avenge  his  late  defeat.* 

At  this  news,  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  resolved  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Thoron ;  and  to  conceal  their  retreat  from  the 
enemy,  they  did  not  blush  to  deceive  their  own  soldiers.  On 
the  day  of  the  Purification  of  the  Virgin,  whilst  the  Chris- 
tians were  engaged  in  the  offices  of  devotion,  the  camp  was 
informed,  by  sound  of  trumpet,  that  it  was  intended  to  make 
a  general  assault  on  the  morrow.  The  whole  army  passed 
the  night  in  preparations  for  the  fight;  but,  at  break  of 
day,  they  learnt  that  Conrad  and  most  of  the  leaders  had 
quitted  the  army  and  taken  the  road  to  Tyre.  The  men 
assembled  in  groups  round  their  tents  to  ascertain  the  truth, 
and  made  inquiries  of  each  other  with  the  greatest  inquietude. 
The  blackest  forebodings  took  possession  of  the  minds  of  the 
Crusaders ;  as  if  they  had  been  conquered  in  a  great  battle, 
their  only  thought  was  flight.  Nothing  had  been  prepared 
for  the  retreat^  no  order  had  been  given ;  no  man  saw  any- 
thing but  his  own  danger,  or  listened  to  any  advice  but  that 
suggested  by  his  fear ;  some  loaded  themselves  with  every- 
thing valuable  they  possessed,  whilst  others  abandoned  even 
their  arms.  The  sick  and  wounded  dragged  themselves 
along  with  pain  in  the  steps  of  their  companions  ;  such  as 
could  not  walk  were  abandoned  in  the  camp.  The  confusion 
was  general ;  the  soldiers  marched  pele^mele  with  the  bag- 
gage; they  knew  not  what  route  to  take,  and  m&ny  lost 

*  Oriental  historiana  say  little  of  the  liege  of  Thoron ;  the  continaator 
of  Tabory  expresses  himself  thna : — ''The  Franks  attacked  Tebnyn 
(Thoron),  and  made  breaches  on  Tarious  sides.  When  Malek-Adel  learnt 
this,  he  wrote  to  Melic-Alaziz,  sultan  of  Egypt,  to  desire  him  to  come  In 
person ;  *  for  if  you  do  not  come,'  said  he,  '  we  shall  not  be  able  to  protect 
the  frontier  country.'  Abziz  then  came  with  his  troops.  As  to  the  Mus- 
sulmans who  were  in  the  castle,  when  they  saw  the  breaches  made  in  their 
walls,  and  they  had  no  hope  but  defending  themselves  at  the  point  of  the 
tword,  many  among  them  surrendered  to  the  Franks,  and  demanded  a 
safeguard  for  themselves  and  their  property,  offering  to  deliver  up  the 
CBstle.  The  command  was  given  to  the  priest  Kandelard  (Conrad),  a 
German  ;  but  a  Frank  of  the  Sahel  (coast  of  Syria)  said  to  the  Mussul- 
mans, '  If  you  give  up  the  fortress,  these  men  will  make  you  prisoners, 
and  will  kill  you  :  preserve  your  own  days  then.'  The  Mussulmans  left 
them  as  if  to  give  up  tlie  fortress  $  but  when  they  had  re-ascended,  they 
persisted  in  defending  themselves,  and  fought  in  despair,  so  that  they  kept 
the  castle  till  the  arrival  of  Melic-Alaziz  at  Ascalon." 


themfielves  in  the  monntaiiui ;  nothing  was  heard  hut  cries 
and  groans,  and,  as  if  Heaven  wished  to  denote  its  anger  at 
this  disorder,  a  frightful  tempest  came  on ;  fierce  lightning 
rent  the  clouds,  the  thunder  rolled  in  awful  pe^s,  and 
torrents  of  rain  inundated  the  country.*  In  their  tumul- 
tuous flight,  not  one  of  the  Crusaders  Tentured  to  turn  his 
eyes  to  that  fortress  which,  but  a  few  days  before,  had  offered 
to  surrender  to  their  arms :  their  terror  was  not  abated  till 
th^  beheld  the  walls  of  Tyre. 

The  army  being  at  last  re-assembled,  it  became  a  general 
inquiry,  "What  was  the  cause  of  the  disorder  they  had 
experienced  ?"  Then  a  new  delirium  took  possession  of  the 
Christians;  mistrust  and  mutual  hatred  succeeded  to  the 
panic  terror  of  which  they  had  been  the  victims ;  the  most 
grave  sufipicions  were  attached  to  actions  the  most  simple, 
and  gave  an  odious  meaning  to  words  perfectly  innocent.  The 
Crusaders  reproached  each  other,  as  with  wrongs  and  proofs 
of  treachery,  with  all  the  evils  they  had  suffered  or  reared 
to  suffer.  The  measures  that  an  improvident  zeal  had  coun- 
selled, as  well  as  those  that  had  been  dictated  by  necessity 
and  prudence,  were  the  work  of  perfidy  without  example. 
The  holy  places,  which  so  lately  the  Crusaders  had  contem- 
plated witn  apparent  indifference,  now  occupied  their  every 
thought;  and  the  most  fervent  reproached  the  leaders  with 
introducing  none  but  profane  views  into  a  holy  war ;  with 
having  sacrificed  the  cause  of  G-od  to  their  own  ambition, 
and  with  having  abandoned  the  soldiers  of  Christ  to  the 
fury  of  the  Saracens.  The  same  Crusaders  proclaimed 
loudly,  that  .Gk)d  had  been  imfavourable  to  the  Christians, 
because  those  whom  he  had  appointed  to  lead  the  defenders 
of  the  cross,  disdained  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  Our 
readers  may  remember  that  after  the  siege  of  Damascus,  in 
the  second  crusade,  some  Templars  and  Germans  were 
accused  of  avarice,  and  of  having  sacrificed  the  zeal  and 
bravery  of  the  Christian  warriors.  Accusations  quite  as 
BeriouB  were  renewed  on  this  occasion,  and  with  equal 
bitterness.  If  we  are  to  believe  the  old  chronicles,  Malek- 
Adel  had  promised  several  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  a 

*  Nee  inter  iata-deftiit  spiritiu  prooellK,  tonitruis  et  conucationibas,  et 
pluviarnm  inandationibiui  etgrandine  de  ooelo  fugientet  infettandft.— 
Amotd  Lub,  cap.  5. 


great  niunber  of  pieces  of  gold  to  enga^  tbem  to  raifle  the 
siege  of  Thoron ;  and  the  same  chronicles  add,  that  when 
the  Mussulman  prince  paid  them  the  sum  a£;reed,  he  save 
them  nothing  but  false  gold, — a  worthy  price  of  their  cupidity 
and  treachery.*  The  Arabian  historians  give  no  sanction  to 
tliese  odious  accusations ;  but  such  was  the  spirit  of  animosity 
which  then  reined  among  the  Christian  warriors,  that  they 
were  judged  with  more  severity  by  their  brethren  and  com- 
panions in  .arms  than  by  their  enemies. 

At  length  the  rage  of  discord  was  carried  so  far  that  the 
Germans  and  the  Syrian  Christians  would  not  remain  under 
the  same  colours ;  t^e  former  retired  to  the  city  of  Jaffa,  the 
ramparts  of  which  they  restored,  and  the  latter  returned  to 
Ptolemaas.  Malek- Adel,  willing  to  profit  by  these  dirisions, 
marched  towards  Jaffa,  and  offered  uie  Germans  battle.  A 
severe  conflict  took  place  at  a  short  distance  from  the  city. 
The  duke  of  Saxony  and  the  duke  of  Brabant  both  perished 
in  the  mSlee.f  The  Crusaders  lost  a  great  number  of  their 
bravest  warriors ;  but  the  victory  was  in  their  favour.  After 
a  triumph  which  was  due  to  their  arms  alone,  the  pride  of 
the  Germans  knew  no  bounds ;  and  they  treated  the  Chris- 
tians of  Palestine  with  the  greatest  contempt.  **  We  have," 
said  they,  "  crossed  the  seas  to  defend  their  country ;  and,  far 
from  taking  any  part  in  our  labours,  these  warriors,  without 
either  gratitude  or  courage,  abandoned  us  in  the  hour  of 
peril."  The  Christians  of  Palestine,  on  their  side,  re- 
proached the  Germans  with  having  come  into  the  East,  not 

*  Otlio  de  St.  Blaise  appears  con?inced  that  the  Templars  had  received 
money  to  betray  the  cause  of  the  Christians.  He  eipresses  himself  as 
follows : — Nam  sicnt  fertur,  quidam  de  militibus  Templi,  ^  paganis  oor- 
mpti  pecania,  animam  Conradi  cancellarii,  qal  in  hlU:  ipsft  obsidione  pne- 
cipu^  clarebat,  cum  qaibusdam  aliis  inflezemnt,  eisque  auri  maximo 
pondere  collocato,  obsidionem  solvere  persaasenint ;  sioqne  vendito 
Christo  tradito  paganis  per  castellam,  sicut  olim  Jadseis,  reoessemnt. 
Nee  tamen  de  pretio  taliter  acquisito  aliquod  emoliunentum,  sicat  nee 
Jndas  de  triginta  argenteis,  oonsecuti  sant.  Si  qnidem  pretio  cormpti, 
cormptam  a  pnganis  aurum  metallo  sophistico,  auro  in  soperfide  oolorato 
receperunt ;  sicque  in  opprobrinm  sempitemum  cam  notA  infamise  merits 
consecttti  sont. — See  0th,  de  St.  Blaite,  in  the  collection  of  Urtius. 

t  We  are  astonished  to  find  so  little  concerning  this  crusade  in  the 
continoator  of  WilUam  of  Tyre.  He  speaks  of  this  battle  and  of  the 
division  among  the  Christians,  but  irithoat  any  ctrcamstanoe  worthy  of 
being  oommunioafed  to  our  readers. 


to  figHt  but  to  command;  not  to  assist  their  brethren,  but 
to  impose  a  yoke  upon  them  more  insupportable  than  that 
of  the  Saracens.  "  The  Crusaders,"  added  they,  "  only 
quitted  the  West  to  make  a  pleasurable  military  progress 
into  Syria ;  they  there  found  peace,  but  they  left  war  behind 
them ;  like  those  birds  of  passage  tliat  announce  the  season 
of  storms  and  tempests." 

In  these  &tal  divisions  nobody  had  sufficient  credit  and 
power  to  restrain  angry  spirits,  or  reconcile  discordant 
opinions.  The  sceptre  of  Jerusalem  was  in  the  hands  of  a 
woman ;  the  throne  of  God&ey,  so  often  shaken,  was  desti- 
tute of  support ;  the  empire  of  religion  and  law  was  every 
day  fading  away,  and  violence  alone  possessed  the  privilege 
of  making  itself  respected.  Necessity  and  force  were  the 
onlv  powers  that  commanded  obedience ;  whilst  the  license 
and  corruption  that  prevailed  among  the  people,  still  called 
the  people  of  Ood,  made  such  frightful  progress,  that  we  are 
tempted  to  accuse  contemporary  authors  and  ocular  wit- 
nesses of  employing  great  exaggeration  in  their  recitals. 

In  this  state  of  decline,  amidst  such  shameful  disorders, 
the  most  wise  and  prudent  of  the  prelates  and  barons 
thought  the  best  step  they  could  adopt  would  be  to  give  an 
able  and  worthy  leader  to  the  Christian  colonies,  and  they 
entreated  Isabella,  the  widow  of  Henry  of  Champagne,  to  take 
a  new  husband,  who  might  consent  to  be  their  sovereign. 
Isabella,  by  three  marriages,  had  already  given  Palestine 
three  kings.  They  proposed  to  her  Amaury,  who  had 
recently  succeeded.  Guy  de  Lusignan  in  the  kingdom  of 
Cyprus.  An  Arabian  historian  says  that  Amaury  was  a  wise 
and  prudent  man,  who  loved  God  and  respected  humanity. 
He  did  not  fear  to  reign,  amidst  war,  troubles,  .and  factions, 
over  the  poor  remains  of  the  unfortunate  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem, and  came  to  share  with  Isabella  the  vain  honours  of 
royalty.  Their  marriage  was  celebrated  at  Ptolemais,  with 
more  pomp,  say  historians,  than  the  posture  of  affairs 
warranted.  Although  this  marriage  might  not  remedy  all 
the  evils  under  which  the  Christians  laooured,  it  at  least 
afforded  them  the  consolatory  hope  that  their  discords  would 
be  appeased,  and  that  the  colonies  of  the  Franks,  when 
better  governed,  might  gather  some  firuit  from  so  many 
victories  gained  over  the  infidels.    But  news  which  arrived 

HI8T0XT  or  9HX  CBUBABBS.  81 

from  the  West,  soon  spread  freeh  grief  through  the  kingdom, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  barren  exploits  of  the  holy  war. 
Amidst  the  festivities  which  followed  the  marriage  and 
coronation  of  Amaury,  the  death  of  the  emperor  Henry  VI. 
was  announced.*  The  election  of  a  new  head  of  the  empire 
would  most  probably  produce  a  Tiolent  contest  in  Germany ; 
and  every  one  of  the  German  princes  or  nobles  then  in 
Palestine,  naturally  turned  his  attention  to  that  which  he 
had  to  hope  pr  fear  in  the  events  preparing  in  Europe :  they 
determined  to  return  immediately  into  the  West. 

The  count  de  Montforfc  and  several  other  !French  knights 
had  but  recently  arrived  in  the  Holy  Land,  and  earnestly 
entreated  the  German  princes  to  defer  their  return.  The 
pope  likewise,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  the  death  of 
Henry  VI.,  wrote  to  the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders,  to  im- 
plore them  to  finish  their  good  work,  and  not  to  abandon 
the  cause  of  Christ ;  but  neither  the  nrayers  of  the  count 
de  Montfort  nor  the  exhortations  of  the  pope  could  detain 
the  Grermans,  impatient  to  return  to  their  country.  Of  so 
many  princes  who  had  left  the  West  to  secure  a  triumph  to 
the  cause  of  God,  the  ^ueen  of  Hungary  alone  was  faithful 
to  her  vows,  and  remained  with  her  knights  in  Palestine.f 
On  quitting  Syria,  the  Germans  contented  themselves  vrith 
leaving  a  garrison  in  Jaffa.  A  short  time  after  their  depar- 
ture, whilst  celebrating  the  feast  of  St.  Martin  with  every 
excess  of  drunkenness  and  debauchery,  this  garrison  was 
surprised  and  massacred  by  the  Saracens.l     Winter  was 

*  Arnold  of  Lnbec  sayi  that  the  news  of  the  death  of  the  emperor  of 
Germany  arriTed  before  the  siege  of  Thoron ;  bat  it  is  not  probable  that 
the  CraradeiB,  who  were  suddenly  so  anxious  to  return  to  the  West  on 
account  of  the  troubles  that  threatened  Germany,  should  have  under- 
taken the  siege  of  Thoron  after  hearing  of  a  death  which  must  give  rise 
to  great  events  in  Europe.  Henry  died  in  the  month  of  September, 
1196  ;  the  siege  of  Thoron  was  begun  nearly  at  the  same  time;  thus  the 
Crusaders  could  not  be  informed  at  that  period  of  a  circumstance  which 
made  them  so  suddenly  renounce  the  holy  war. 

t  Le  P^re  Maimbourg  bestows  the  greatest  praise  upon  the  widow  of 
Bela.  **  This  example,"  says  be,  '*  makes  apparent  that  which  has  often 
been  seen  in  other  princesses,  that  heroic  virtue  is  not  at  all  dependent  on 
sex,  and  that  it  is  possible  to  make  up  for  weakness  of  temperament  and 
body  by  greatness  of  soul  and  strength  of  mind/' 

X  Fuller,  an  English  historian,  speaks  of  this  disaster  at  great  length. 
As  hif  work  is  scarce,  I  will  translate  the  passage  from  it  rdative  to  tbii 

82  HI8T0BT  01*  THB  0BU8ASX8. 

approaching ;  neither  partTy'  conld  keep  the  field ;  discord 
reigned  eqiudl^  among  Christians  and  MusBulmans ;  and  both 
sides  were  desirous  of  peace,  because  they  were  incapable  of 
carrjing  on  the  war.  The  count  de  Montfort  concluded 
with  the  Saracens  a  truce  for  three  years.  Thus  terminated 
this  crusade,  which  only  lasted  a  few  months,  and  was  really 
nothing  but  a  pilgrimage  for  the  warriors  of  the  West.  The 
yictories  of  the  Crusaders  rendered  the  Christians  masters 
of  all  the  coasts  of  Syria ;  but  their  precipitate  departure 
destroyed  the  fruits  of  their  conquests.  The  cities  they  had 
obtained  were  left  without  defenders,  and  almost  without 

This  fourth  crusade,  in  which  all  the  powers  of  the  West 
miscarried  in  an  attempt  upon  a  little  fortress  of  Syria,  and 
which  presents  us  with  the  strange  spectacle  of  a  holy  war 
directed  by  an  excommunicated  monarch,  furnishes  the  his- 
torian with  fewer  great  events  and  a  smaller  number  of 
great  misfortunes  than  the  preceding  expeditions.  The 
Christian  armies,  which  made  but  a  transient  visit  to  the 
East,  experienced  neither  the  &mine  nor  the  diseases  that 
had  proved  so  fatal  to  the  former  enterprises.  The  foresight 
and  attention  of  the  emperor  of  Ghermany,  who  had  become 
master  of  Sicily,  provided  for  all  the  wants  of  the  Crusaders, 
whose  exploits  were  intended  to  assist  his  ambitious  projects, 
and  whom  he  considered  as  his  own  soldiers. 

crnsadet  in  which  the  impartial  reader  will  find  the  groaa  miarepieacnta- 
tions  of  a  violent  enemy  of  the  CmBaden.  **  In  this  war/'  Bays  he,  **  we 
may  contemplate  an  episcopal  army  which  might  have  senred  for  a  synod ; 
cnr,  more  truly,  it  offers  ns  a  picture  of  the  Church'  milUatU,  Many 
captains  returned  home  secretly,  and  when  the  soldiers  wanted  to  fight, 
the  officers  went  away :  what  remained  of  this  army  fortified  themselves 
in  Jaffa.  The  feast  of  St.  Martin,  that  great  saint  of  Germany,  fell  at 
this  time.  This  holy  man,  a  German  by  birth,  and  bishop  of  Tours  in 
France,  distinguished  himself  eminently  by  his  charity.  The  Germans 
changed  his  charity  for  the  poor  into  excess  for  themselves,  observing  the 
11th  of  November  in  such  a  manner  that  it  ought  no  longer  to  be  osUed 
a  saint's  day,  but  a  day  of  festivity.  Drunkenness  reduced  th^m  to  such 
a  state,  that  the  Turks,  falling  upon  them,  killed  more  than  twenty  thou- 
sand of  them.  This  day,  which  the  Germans  write  in  red  letters  in  their 
calendars,  takes  its  colour  from  their  own  blood,  and  as  their  camp  was  a 
slaughter-house,  the  Turks  were  their  butchers.  We  may  compare  them 
to  the  oxen  of  St.  Martin,  which  differ  little  from  droves  of  drunkards.'' 
— Nieol.  FuUeTy  b.  ii.  chap.  xvi.  p.  133.  [I  really  cannot  see  that  old 
FsJler  it  aovery  widely  wrong.— Trana.] 


The  Oennan  wamon  that  composed  the  Christian  anniet 
had  not  the  requisite  Qualities  to  secure  the  advantages  of 
victory.*  Always  reaay  to  throw  themselves  blindly  into 
danger ;  quite  ignorant  that  it  is  possible  to  ally  prudence 
with  courage ;  Hstening  to  nothing  but  the  violence  of  their 
own  passions,  and  recognising  no  law  but  their  own  will ; 
obedient  to  leaders  of  their  own  nation,  and  despising  all 
others ;  full  of  an  indomitable  pride,  which  made  them  dis- 
dain the  help  of  their  allies  and  the  lessons  of  experience^ 
such  men  could  neither  make  peace  nor  war. 

When  we  compare  these  new  Crusaders  witb  the  com- 
panions of  Eicharid  or  GK>dfrey,  we  find  in  them  the  same 
ardour  for  fight,  the  same  indifi<&rence  for  danger ;  but  we 
find  them  very  deficient  in  that  enthusiasm  which  animated 
the  first  soldiers  of  the  cross  at  the  sight  of  the  holv  places. 
Jerusalem,  which  had  never  ceased  to  be  open  to  the  devo- 
tion of  the  faithful,  no  longer  beheld  witlun  its  walls  that 
crowd  of  pilgrims  which,  at  the  commencement  of  the  holy 
wars,  repau^d  thither  from  all  parts  of  the  West.  The  pope 
and  the  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  forbade  Crusaders  to 
enter  the  holy  city  without  having  conquered  it ;  and  they, 
who  did  not  alws^s  prove  so  docile,  obeyed  the  prohibition 
without  pain.  More  than  a  hundred  thousand  warriors  that 
had  lefl  Europe  for  the  purpose  of  delivering  Jerusalem, 
returned  to  their  homes  without  having  entertamed  perhaps 
one  thought  of  visiting  the  tomb  of  Christ,  for  which  they 
had  taken  up  arms.  The  thirty  ounces  of  gold  promised  by 
the  emperor  to  all  who  should  cross  the  sea  to  fight  the 
infidels,  veiy  much  increased  the  number  of  the  Crusaders ; 
this  was  not  the  case  in  former  expeditions,  in  which  the 
crowd  of  soldiers  of  the  cross  was  influenced  principally  by 
religious  motives.  More  religion  than  politics  had  entered 
into  the  other  holy  wars ;  in  this  crusade,  although  it  had 
been  directly  promoted  by  the  head  of  the  Church,  and  was 
to  a  consideraole  extent  directed  by  bishops,  we  may  safely 
say  there  was  more  of  politics  than  religion.     Pride,  ambi- 

*  TkU  is  the  pictnre  of  the  Germans  in  the  chronicle  of  Usperg  :-^ 
BelUcosi,  cradeles,  expensanim  prodigi,  rationis  expertes,  TolaDtatem 
pro  jure  hahentes,  ensibos  inTicti ;  in  nvUis,  nisi  hominibns  suae  gentts 
oonfidentes ;  dadbas  tuis  fideliastmi,  et  qmbna  vitam  dtiiks  qnam  fidem, 
peases  toicm. 


tion,  jealousy,  tbe  most  disgraceful  passions  of  the  human 
heart,  did  not  make  an  effort,  as  in  the  preceding  expedi- 
tions, to  cover  themselves  with  a  religious  veil.  The  arch- 
bishop of  Mayence,  the  bishop  of  Hildesheim,  with  most  of 
the  other  ecclesiastics  who  took  the  cross,  attracted  no  ad- 
miration for  either  their  wisdom  or  piety,  or  distinguished 
themselves  by  any  personal  quality.  Conrad,  the  chancellor 
of  the  empire,  on  his  retiun  to  Europe,  was  followed  by 
the  suspicions  which  had  been  attached  to  his  conduct 
during  the  holy  war ;  and  when,  a  long  time  after,  he  was 
slain  by  several  gentlemen  of  Wurtzburg,  who  conspired 
against  him,  the  people  considered  his  tragical  death  as  a 
pimishment  from  Heaven.* 

Henry  VI.,  who  had  preached  the  crusade,  only  viewed 
this  distant  expedition  as  a  means  and  an  opportunity  for 
increasing  his  power  and  extending  his  empire ;  whilst  the 
West  put  up  prayers  for  the  success  of  a  holy  war,  of 
which  ho  was  the  life  and  soul,  he  prosecuted  an  impious 
war,  desolated  a  Christian  people  for  the  purpose  of  subject- 
ing them  to  his  laws,  and  threatened  the  empire  of  Greece.* 
The  son  of  Tancred  was  deprived  of  his  sight,  and  cast  into 
prison,  and  the  daughters  of  the  king  of  Sicily  were  carried 
away  into  captivitv.  Henry's  barbarities  were  so  excessive, 
that  he  irritated  his  neighbours,  and  created  enemies  in  his 
own  family.  When  he  died,  a  report  prevailed  in  Europe 
that  he  had  been,  poisoned ;  the  nations  that  he  had  ren<> 
dered  miserable  could  not  believe  that  so  manv  cruelties 
could  remain  unpunished,  and  they  asserted  that  Provi- 
dence had  employed  the  wife  of  the  emperor  to  be  his 
executioner,  and  to  avenge  all  the  calamities  he  had  inflicted 
upon  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  At  the  approach 
of  death,  Henry  remembered  that  he  had  persecuted  Eichard; 
that  he  had  detained  a  prince  of  the  Crusaders  in  chains, 
in  spite  of  the  solicitations  of  the  father  of  the  faithfid ; 
and   he   hastened  to  send  ambassadors  to   the  king  of 

*  The  littin  and  Greek  chronicles  hoth  describe  the  cmeltieB  of 
Henry  YI.  in  Sicily.  Nicetas,  in  his  history,  makes  a  long  ennmeration 
of  the  panishments  invented  by  the  emperor  of  Germany,  and  says  that 
Greece  was  on  the  eye  of  seeing  all  the  evils  that  afiUcted  Sicily  fall  upon 
her  territory,  when  Henry  YI.  was  removed,  as  if  by  an  extraordinary 
inteiposition  of  Providence. 


England,  cliaiged  with  the  task  of  making  him  a  solemn 
reparation  for  so  great  an  outrage.  Afler  hia  death,  as  he 
had  been  excommunicated,  it  was  thought  necessary  to 
address  the  sovereign  pontiff  to  obtain  permission  to  burj 
him  in  the  Holj  I^d;  and  the  pope  coolly  replied,  that 
they  were  at  liberty  to  bury  him  among  Christians,  out  before 
they  did  so,  they  must  offer  up  many  prayers  to  mitigate  the 
anger  of  God. 

In  taking  possession  of  the  beautiful  and  rich  territories 
of  Italy  by  perfidy  and  violence,  Henry  prepared  for  that 
unfortunate  country  a  series  of  revolutions,  to  be  renewed 
from  age  to  age.  The  odious  war  he  had  made  against  the 
family  of  Tancred,  naturally  gave  birth  to  other  wars 
injurious  to  his  own  family.*  In  removing  so  far  from 
Grermany  with  his  armies,  Henry  afforded  opijortunity  for 
the  formation  of  powerful  parties,  which,  at  nis  death,  dis- 
puted the  imperial  ace^tre  with  some  success,  and  at  length 
^ave  rise  to  a  war  in  which  the  principal  states  of  Europe  were 
involved.  Thus,  whilst  the  other  holy  wars  had  contributed 
to  maintain  or  establish  public  peace  in  Europe,  this  fourth 
crusade  produced  divisions  among  the  states  of  Chrisfendom, 
without  at  all  diminishing  the  power  of  the  Saracens,  and 
only  served  to  introduce  double  and  confusion  into  many 
kingdoms  of  the  West. 

♦  "We  shall  see  in  the  end  that  Sicfly  cott  Frederick  II.,  but  particnlarly 
young  Conrad,  the  last  prince  of  the  family  of  Swabta,  much  embavaas- 
ment  and  many  miafortanas. 

BOOK    X, 

A.D.  1198—1204. 

**  Christian  troops/*  says  J.  J.  Bonsseau,  in  his  ''  Contrat 
Social,"  ^^are,  as  they  say,  excellent;  I  deny  it;  show  me 
such  ;  fir  my  part,  I  Know  no  Christian  troops.^*  The  events 
we  have  just  related,  and  those  we  are  about  to  make  known, 
will,  there  is  no  doubt,  suffice  to  refute  this  strange  paradox 
of  J.  J.  Bousseau.  The  author  of  the  "  Social  Contract " 
does  not  dissemble,  it  is  true,  the  objections  that  may  be 
made  to  him  from  the  history  of  the  crusades ;  but,  ever 
faithful  to  his  system,  and  taking  no  account  of  historical 
truths,  he  answers,  that  "  the  Crusaders,  fir  from  heing  Chris- 
Hans,  were  citizens  of  the  Church  ;  that  they  fiuyht  fir  their 
spiritual  country,  which  the  Church  had  rendered  temporal 
nobody  knows  how^  Strange  abuse  of  reasoning,  which  con- 
foundb  the  sense  of  words,  and  refuses  the  title  of  Christians 
to  those  who  fought  in  the  name  of  Christ !  In  representing 
the  Crusaders  as  citizens  of  the  Church,  Eousseau  doubt- 
less, meant  to  say  that  the  popes  were  the  origin  of  the 
crusades,  and  that  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  defended  the 
temporal  power  of  the  popes.  We  at  once  reply  that  the 
crusades  owed  their  birtli  and  growth  to  the  religious  and 
warlike  enthusiasm  that  animated  the  nations  of  the  West 
in  the  twelfth  century,  and  that  without  this  enthusiasm, 
which  was  not  the  work  of  the  heads  of  the  Church,  the 
preachings  of  the  Holy  See  would  not  have  been  able  to 
collect  a  single  army  under  the  banners  of  the  cross.  We 
may  further  add  that,  during  the  holy  wars,  the  sovereign 
pontiffs  were  frequently  driven  from  Kome  and  despoiled  of 
their  states,  and  that  they  did  not  summon  the  Crusaders 


to  tlie  defence  of  tbe  power  or  temporal  country  of  the 
Church.  Not  onlj  were  the  CruaaderB  not  alwajs  liie  blind 
instruments  of  the  Holy  See,  but  they  sometimes  resisted 
the  will  of  the  popes,  and  yet  in  their  camps  were  no  less 
models  of  valour  united  with  Christian  piety.  No  doubt, 
the  leaders  were  oftep  seduced  by  ambition,  the  love  of 
glory,  and  a  passion  for  war ;  but  religion,  well  or  ill  under- 
stood, acted  upon  the  greater  number;  the  Christian  reli- 
gion which  they  defended,  or  believed  they  defended,  by 
inspiring  them  with  a  desire  for  the  blessings  of  heaven  and 
a  contempt  for  life,  elevated  them  above  all  perils,  and 
enabled  them  to  brave  death  on  every  occasion.  Here  is 
the  whole  truth ;  but  this  truth  is  too  simple  for  such  as 
disdain  common  routes,  and  cannot  form  a  judgment  upon 
human  affairs  without  displaying  all  the  pande  of  a  proud 
and  austere  philosophy.  I'or  ourselves,  wno  are  persuaded 
that  true  philosophy  consists  in  studying  the  human 
heart  and  the  spirit  of  societies,  not  in  vain  theories,  but  in 
the  £uthful  history  of  past  ages ;  we  will  not  refute  bril- 
liant sophisms  by  long  arguments ;  but  to  show  in  all  ifcs 
splendour  the  vuour  of  Christian  soldiers,  we  will  content 
ourselves  with  pursuing  our  recital,  and  making  known  with 
impartiality  the  labours,  the  reverses,  and  the  victories  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  cross.* 

The  departure  of  the  G^erman  Crusaders  plunged  the 
eastern  Christians  into  grief  and  consternation ;  the  colonies, 
when  left  to  their  own  resources,  were  only  protected  by 
the  truce  concluded  between  the  count  de  Montfort  and 
Malek-Adel.    The  infidels  had  too  great  a  superiority  over 

*  Our  ezoellent  author  has  conoeiTed  a  kind  of  parental  affection  for 
the  crusades,  which  makes  him  hlind  to  their  delects.  If  we  speak  of  the 
spirU  of  Christianity,  certainly  the  philosopher  of  Geneva  has  the  advan- 
tage of  him,  as  his  own  pages  show.  Divested  of  their  mundane  motives, 
the  crusades  were  little  else  than  *'  a  savage  fanaticism."  There  was,  at 
least,  as  much  religious  merit  in  the  Mussulmans,  who  fought  to  defend 
their  ftith.  A  pmlosopher  may  deduce  beaefidal  results  from  the  era- 
sades,  particnlarly  to  Europe ;  but  he  will  be  much  pnuled  to  prove  that 
that  which  we  now  consider  a  truly  Christian  spirit,  influenced  many  of 
the  warriors  that  carried  them  out,  or  the  churchmen  that  promoted  them. 
The  Inquisition  and  the  crusade  against  the  Albigeois  were  of  the  same 
age,  and  the  principal  agents  in  them  equally  pmtitiited  the  nans  of 
leBgkm  in  thoir  horrors.— Tkams. 


their  enemies  to  respect,  for  anj  length  of  time,  a  treaty 
which  they  considered  as  an  obstacle  to  the  progress  of 
their  power.  The  Christians,  threatened  by  new  perils,  again 
turned  their  eyes  to  the  West.  The  bishop  of  Ptolemais, 
accompanied  by  several  knights,  embarked  for  Europe,  in 
order  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  faithful.  The  vessel  in  which 
he  embarked  had  scarcely  quitted  the  port,  when  it  was 
swallowed  up  by  the  waves,  and  the  bishop  and  every  person 
of  his  suite  perished.  Other  ships,  that  set  sail  a  short  time 
afterwards,  were  surprised  by  the  tempest,  and  forced  to 
return  to  the  port  of  Tripoli;  so  tha€  the  prayers  and 
complaints  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine  could  not  reach 
the  ears  of  their  brethren  of  the  "West.  Nevertheless,  the 
afflicting  news  of  the  situation  of  the  feeble  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  soon  became  generally  known;  some  pilgrims, 
escaping  from  the  perils  of  the  sea,  described,  on  their 
return,  the  triumphs  and  threats  of  the  Saracens ;  but  in 
the  state  of  Europe  at  that  moment,  nothing  could  be  more 
difficult  thah  to  induce  nations  to  undertake  a  new  crusade. 
The  death  of  the  Emperor  Henry  VI.  divided  the  princes 
and  prehites  of  Ghsrmany,  and  Phdip  Augustus  was  still  at 
war  with  Bichard  of  SSugland.  One  of  the  sons  of  Bela, 
king  of  Hungary,  who  pretended  to  take  the  cross,  only 
assembled  an  army  to  agitate  the  kingdom,  and  get  posses- 
sion of  the  crown.  Amidst  the  fierce  contentions  that 
disturbed  Europe,  the  Christian  people  seemed  to  have 
forgotten  the  tomb  of  Christ:  a  smgle  man  was  touched 
with  the  misfortunes  of  the  Mthful  of  the  East,  and  was  not 
without  hope  of  alleviating  them. 

Innocent  III.,  at  the  age  of  thirty-three,  had  recently 
gained  the  suffira^ges  of  the  conclave.*  At  a  period  of  hie 
in  which  the  paasions  are  generally  masters,  devoted  to  the 
most  austere  retirement,  constantly  occupied  with  the  study 
of  holy  books,  and  ready  at  all  times  to  confound  new  here- 
sies by  the  force  of  reason,  the  successor  of  St.  Peter  shed 
tears  on  being  informed  of  his  elevation ;  but  when  seated 
on  the  pontifical  throne.  Innocent  all  at  once  exhibited  a 
new  character :  the  same  man,  who  had  appeared  to  dread 

*  We  have  &  life  of  Innocent  III.  which  extends  to  the  thirteenth  year 
of  his  pontificate.  TbiM  Ufe»  Gaia  Innoemtii,  is  the  more  Talaable  from 
bdng  written  by  a  contemporary. 


the  Bplendour  of  a  lofly  position,  became  most  eager,  by  any 
means,  to  increase  his  power,  and  dispWed  all  the  amoition 
and  inflexible  obstinacy  of  Gregory  VIL  His  youth,  which 
promised  him  a  long  reign ;  his  ardour  in  the  defence  of  jus- 
tice and  truth ;  his  eloquence,  his  knowledge,  his  virtues, 
which  drew  upon  him  the  respect  of  the  faitmul,  all  united 
to  giye  birth  to  the  hope  that  he  would  assure  the  triumph 
of  religion ;  and  that  he  would  one  day  accomplish  the  pro- 
jects of  his  predecessors. 

As  the  power  of  the  pope  was  founded  upon  the  promss 
of  the  faith  and  the  noly  enthusiasm  of  the  Christians, 
Innocent  gave  his  first  attention  to  the  suppression  of  the 
dangerous  innovations  and  imprudent  doctrines  that  began 
to  corrupt  his  age  and  menace  the  sanctuary;  he  parti- 
cularly endeavoured  to  re-animate  the  ardour  for  the  cru- 
sades :  and,  to  master  the  minds  of  kings  and  nations,  to 
rally  all  Christians,  and  make  them  concur  in  the  triumph 
of  the  Church,  he  spoke  to  them  of  the  captivity  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  he  pointed  to  the  tomb  of  Christ,  and  the  holy 
places  pro&ned  by  the  presence  and  the  domination  of 

In  a  letter*  addressed  to  the  bishops,  the  clergy,  the 
nobles,  and  people  of  France,  England,  Hungary,  and  Sicily, 
the  sovereign  pontiff  made  known  the  will,  the  menaces,  and 
the  promises  of  God.  "  Since  the  lamentable  loss  of  Jeru- 
salem," said  he,  "the  Holy  See  has  never  ceased  to  cry 
towards  Heaven,  and  to  exhort  the  faithful  to  avenge  the 
injury  done  to  Christ,  thus  banished  from  his  heritage. 
Formerly  Uriah  would  not  enter  into  his  house,  or  see  his 
wife,  whilst  the  ark  of  the  Lord  was  in  the  camp ;  but  now 
our  princes,  in  this  public  calamity,  abandon  themselves  to 
illegitimate  amours ;  immerse  themselves  in  voluptuousness ; 
abuse  the  blessings  that  God  has  given  them ;  and  pursue 
each  other  with  implacable  hatred ;  only  thinking  of  re- 
venging their  own  personal  injuries,  they  never  consider 
that  our  enemies  insult  us,  saying :  *  Where  is  your  Qody 
ioko  cannot  deliver  himself  out  of  our  hands  ?  We  have  prO' 
faned  your  sanctuary^  and  the  places  in  which  you  pretend 

*  We  may  consult,  for  the  preachings  of  this  cmsade,  the  letters  of 
Innocent  III.  Some  details  will  be  foond  in  Roger  de  Uoveden, 
Matthew  Paris,  &e.  &c. 

40  HlflTOBT  OV  THB  OBlTflADM. 

your  tu^^sUtion  had  its  hirth;  toe  have  crushed  the  arme  cf 
the  'Frenchy  the  English,  the  Germans,  and  subdued  a  second 
time  the  proud  Spaniards :  what  remains  then  for  us  to  dot 
to  drive  out  those  you  have  left  in  Syria,  and  to  penetrate  into 
the  West  to  efface  for  ever  both  your  name  and  your  memory.' " 
Assuming  then  a  more  paternal  tone :  "  Prove,"  cried  Inno- 
cent, "  that  you  have  not  lost  your  courage ;  he  prodigal,  in 
the  cause  of  God,  of  all  you  have  received  from  him ;  if,  on 
an  occasion  so  pressing,  you  refuse  to  serve  Christ,  what 
excuse  will  you  he  ahle  to  offer  at  his  terrihle  tribunal  ?  If 
.  God  died  for  man,  shall  man  fear  to  die  for  his  God  P  Will 
he  refuse  to  give  up  his  transitoiy  life  and  the  perishable 
goods  of  this  world  for  him  who  lays  before  us  the  treasures 
of  eternity?" 

Prelates  were  at  the  same  time  sent  through  all  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe,  to  preach  peace  among  princes,  and  exhort 
them  to  unite  against  the  common  enemies  of  God.  These 
prelates,  clothed  in  the  fvJl  confidence  of  the  Holy  See,  were 
to  engage  cities  and  nobles  to  equip,  at  their  own  expense, 
for  the  Holy  Land,  a  certain  number  of  warriors,  to  serve 
there  during  two  years  at  least.  They  promised  remission 
of  sins,*  and  the  special  protection  of  the  Church  t  to  all 
that  would  take  up  the  cross  and  arms,  or  would  contribute 
to  the  equipment  and  support  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  To 
receive  the  pious  tribute  of  the  faithful,  boxes  were  placed 
in  all  the  churches.  At  the  tribunal  of  penitence,  the 
priests  were  ordered  to  command  all  sinners  to  concur  in 
the  holy  enterprise ;  no  error  could  find  grace  before  God, 
without  the  smcere  will  of  participating  in  the  crusade; 
zeal  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places  appeared  to  be  at 
that  time  the  only  virtue  the  pope  required  of  Christians, 
and  even  chauitv  itself  lost  some  of  its  value,  if  not  exercised 
in  promoting  the  crusades.  As  the  Church  of  £ome  was 
reproached  with  imposing  upon  the  people  burdens  to  which 

.  *  Villeluurdoniii  expresses  bimself  thus  when  speaking  of  the  indul- 
genoes  of  the  pope : — For  ce  cU  pardon  fut  issi  grand,  si  s'en  emenrent 
malt  U  cuers  dcs  gens,  et  mult  s'en  croisiirent,  poroe  que  li  pardon  ne  si 
grand.  (The  pardon  was  so  great  that  the  hearts  of  people  were  moved, 
and  many  took  the  cross  because  the  pardon  waa  so  great,  or  complete.) 
t  Gretser  baa  spoken  at  great  length  of  the  indulgences  gtaoted  to  uia 
~    I.— l>e(>«e»,voLiii.b.iLe.3. 


0he  only  appUed  the  tip  of  her  ovm  finger,  the  pope  exhorted 
the  heads  of  the  clergy,  and  the  clergy  themselyes,  to  set  an 
example  of  devotedness  and  sacrifices.  Innocent  ordered 
Ills  gold  and  silver  plate  to  be  melted  to  defray  the  expensea 
of  the  holy  war,  and  would  allow  none  but  vessels  of  wood 
and  clay  to  be  seen  on  his  table  whilst  the  crusade  lasted. 

The  sovereign  pontiff  was  so  satisfied  of  the  zeal  and 
piety  of  the  Christians,  that  he  wrote  to  the  patriarch  and 
king  of  Jerusalem,  to  announce  to  them  the  coming  suc- 
cours from  the  West.  He  neglected  nothing  that  could 
augment  the  numbers  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ ;  he  addressed 
himself  to  the  emperor  of  Constantinople,  and  reproached 
him  with  indifference  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places. 
The  emperor  Alexius  endeavoured,  in  his  answer,  to  show 
his  zeal  for  the  cause  of  religion ;  but  he  added  that  the 
time  of  deliverance  was  not  yet  arrived,  and  that  he  feared  to 
oppose  himself  to  the  will  of  God,  irritated  by  the  sins  of 
the  Christians.  The  Greek  prince  adroitly  remmded  him  of 
the  ravages  committed  in  tne  territories  of  the  empire  by 
the  soldiers  of  Frederick,  and  conjured  the  pope  to  direct 
his  reproofs  against  those  who,  feigning  to  labour  for  Jesua 
Christ,  acted  against  the  will  of  Heaven.  In  his  corre- 
spondence with  Alexius,  Innocent  Jll.  did  not  at  all  conceal 
his  pretensions  to  universal  empu^e,  and  spoke  in  the  cHSi- 
racter  of  sovereign  arbiter  of  the  kings  of  the  East  and 
"West.  He  applied  to  himself  these  words  addressed  to 
Jeremiah :  "  I  have  placed  thee  over  the  nations  and  over 
the  kingdoms,  to  pull  up  and  scatter,  to  edify  and  to  plant." 
When  speaking  of  the  power  of  the  popes  and  that  of 
princes,  he  compared  the  one  to  the  sun,  which  lights  the 
universe  during  the  day,  and  the  other  to  the  moon,  which 
lights  the  earth  during  the  night. 

The  pretensions  that  Innocent  put  forth,  and  the  haugh- 
tiness with  which  he  sought  to  establish  them,  were,  no 
doubt,  injurious  to  the  effect  of  his  exhortations,  and  must 
have  weakened  the  zeal  of  the  Christian  princes  whom  he 
wished  to  persuade  to  undertake  the  crusade.  The  prinCea 
and  bishops  of  Germany  were  divided  between  Otho  of 
Saxony  and  Philip  of  Swabia ;  the  sovereign  pontiff  pro- 
nounced strongly  for  Otho,  and  threatened  with  the  thun- 
ders of  the  Church  all  who  assisted  the  opposite  party.    In 

Vol.  II.— 3 


the  dissensions  occasioned^bj  this  momentoufl  affair,  some 
availed  themselves  of  the  opportunity  to  gain  the  favour  of 
the  pope,  and  others  to  secure  themselves  Jrom  the  effects  of 
his  anger ;  but  all  Germany  being  engaged  in  the  quarrel, 
nobody  took  the  cross. 

One-  of  the  pope's  legates,  Peter  of  Capua,  succeeded  in 
re-establishing  peace  between  Bichard  Coeur  de  Lion  and 
Philip  Augustus.  Bichard,  who  was  desirous  of  conciliating 
the  good- will  of  the  Holy  See,  constantly  promised  to  equip 
a  fleet  and  collect  an  army  to  go  and  make  war  against  the 
infidels.  He  proclaimed  &  tournament  in  his  capital,  in  the 
midst  of  which  he  called  upon  the  barons  and  knights  to 
follow  him  into  the  East ;  but  all  these  demonstrations,  the 
sincerity  of  which  was  very  suspicious,  remained  unproduc- 
tive. It  was  not  long  before  war  again  broke  out  tetween 
Prance  and  England;  and  Eichard,  who  on  all  occasions 
repeated  his  vow  of  combating  the  infidels,  was  killed  in  a 
petty  quarrel  with  Christians. 

Phihp  Augustus  repudiated  Ingeburge,  daughter  of  the 
king  of  Denmark,  to  marry  Agnes  de  Meranie.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff",  in  a  letter  addressed  to  the  faithful,  strongly 
censured  princes  who  gave  themselves  up  to  illegitimate 
amours ;  he  ordered  Philip  Au^stus  to  take  back  Inge- 
burge, and  as  Philip  refusecl  to  obey,  the  kingdom  of  France 
was  placed  under  an  interdict.  During  several  months  all 
religious  ceremonies  were  suspended ;  the  pulpits  of  the 
Gospel  ceased  to  give  forth  the  holy  word  ;  churcn  bells  and 
the  voice  of  prayer  were  silenced;  Christian  burial  was 
refused  to  the  dead;  the  sanctuary  was  closed  agaiast  the 
faithful ;  a  long  mourning  veil  seemed  to  hang  over  cities 
and  plains,  from  which  the  Christian  religion  was  banished, 
and  which  might  almost  be  fancied  to  be  invaded  by  the 
Saracens.  Although  such  as  took  the  cross  were  exempt 
from  the  interdict,  the  spectacle  which  France  presented 
discouraged  and  saddened  its  inhabitants.  Philip  Augustus, 
irritated  against  the  pope,  showed  very  little  disposition  to 
revive  their  zeal ;  and  the  clergy,  whose  influence  might  have 
had  a  powerful  effect,  had  less  reason  to  deplore  the  captivity 
of  Jerusalem  than  the  unhappy  state  of  the  kingdom. 

At  length  acur6  of  Neuilly-sur-Maine  began  to  fill  France 
with'  the  mme  of  his  eloquence  and  his  miracles.    Foulques 


had  at  first  led  a  verj  dissipated^o,  but,  touched  with  sin- 
cere repentance,  he  was  not  satisfied  with  expiating  his 
irregukrities  by  penitence,  but  became  desirous  of  bringing 
back  all  dinners  to  the  paths  of  salvation,  and  trayelled 
through  the  provinces  enoeavouring  to  awaken  in  the  people 
a  contempt  for  the  things  of  this  life.  Gk)d,  to  try  him, 
permitted  that,  in  his  early  sermons,  Foulques  should  be 
exposed  to  the  ridicule  of  his  auditors ;  but  the  truths  he 
uttered  soon  obtained  a  marvellous  ascendancy  over  all  that 
came  to  hear  him.  Bishops  invited  him  to  preach  in  their 
dioceses ;  he  received  everywhere  extraordinary  honours,  and 
both  people  and  clergy  flocked  out  to  meet  him,  as  if  he  had 
been  an  envoy  of  God.  Foulques,  sa^'s  the  chronicle  of 
St.  Victor,  had  nothing  remarkable  in  his  vestments  or  man- 
ner of  living ;  he  travelled  on  horseback,  and  ate  that  which 
was  gioen  to  him.  He  preached  sometimes  in  churches,  at 
others  in  public  places,  and  not  unfrcquently  amidst  the 
excitement  of  tournaments.  His  eloquence  was  simple  and 
natural;  safe,  by  his  ignorance,  from  the  bad  taste  of  his 
age,  he  neither  astonished  his  auditors  by  the  vain  subtleties 
of  the  schools,  nor  by  an  absurd  mixture  of  passages  from 
the  Scriptures  and  profane  quotations  from  antiquity.  His 
words,  from  being  unadorned  by  the  erudition  then  so  much 
admired,  were  the  more  persuasive,  and  found  their  way  more 
•  directly  to  the  heart.*  The  most  learned  preachers  ranked 
themselves  among  his  disciples,  and  declared  that  the  Holy- 
Ghost  spoke  by  his  mouth.  Animated  by  that  faith  which 
performs  prodigies,  he  enchained  at  his  pleasure  the  passions 
of  the  multitude,  and  caused  to  resound,  even  in  the  palaces 
of  princes,  the  thunders  of  evangelical  denunciations.^  At  his 
voice,  all  that  had  enriched  themselves  by  fraud,  brigandage, 
or  usury,  hastened  to  restore  that  which  they  had  unjustly 

*  The  Chnmiele  of  St  Victor  speaks  thus  of  Foulques  de  Neuilly  :— 
£t  verba  ejus  quasi  sa^ttae  potentis  acutce,  hominum  prava  cords 
consnetudine  obdurata  penetrarent  et  ad  lacrymas  et  poenitentiam  amo- 

t  If  we  may  believe  contemporary  chronicleB,  Foulques  addressed 
Ridiard  Coeur  de  Lion,  and  said  to  him, — **  You  have  three  daughterii  to 
dispose  of  in  marriage,  Avarice,  Pride,  and  Luxury."  **  Well,"  replied 
Richard,  "  I  give  my  pride  to  the  Templars,  my  avarice  to  the  monks  of 
Citeanx,  and  my  luxury  to  the  bisbops."  This  anecdote  is  quoted  by 

4/k  HISTOBY  01*  TCLB   CBUfiADSB. 

acquired ;  libertines  confessed  tbeir  sins,  and  devoted  tbem- 
selves  to  the  austerities  of  penitence  ;•  prostitutes,  following 
the  example  of  Madeline,  deplored  the  scandal  of  their  lives, 
cut  off  their  hair,  exchanged  their  gaudy  apparel  for  hair- 
cloth and  mean  garments,  and  made  vows  to  sleep  upon 
ashes  and  die  in  retirement.  In  short,  the  eloquence  of 
Eoulques  of  Neuillj  effected  such  miracles,  that  contempo- 
raries speak  of  him  as  of  another  St.  Paul,  sent  for  the  con- 
version of  his  age.  One  of  them  even  goes  so  far  as  to  saj 
that  he  dares  not  relate  all  he  knows  of  him,  fearing  the  in- 
credulity of  men.t 

Innocent  III.  cast  his  eyes  upon  Foulqucs  of  Neuilly,  and 
confided  to  him  the  mission  that,  fifty  years  before,  had  been 
8:iven  to  St.  Bernard.  The  new  preacher  of  the  crusade 
himself  assumed  the  cross  at  a  general  chapter  of  the  order 
of  Citeaux.  At  the  sound  of  his  voice,  the  zeal  for  the 
holy  war,  which  had  appeared  extinct,  blazed  out  again  in  all 
paits.  In  every  city  he  passed  through,  the  people  crowded 
to  listen  to  him ;  and  all  who  were  in  a  condition  to  bear 
arms,  took  the  oath  to  combat  the  infidels. 

Several  holy  orators  were  associated  with  Poulques  of 
Neuilly;  Martin  Litz,  of  the  order  of  Citeaux,  in  the 
diocese  of  B41e,  and  on  the  banks  of  the  Bhine  ;  Herloin,  a 
monk  of  St.  Denis,  took  his  cause  through  the  still  wild 
countries  of  Bretagne  and  the  lower  Foitou ;  and  Eustace, 
abbot  of  Flay,  crossed  the  sea  twice,  to  awaken  the  enthu- 
siasm and  holy  ardour  of  the  provinces  of  England. 

These  pious  orators  were  not  all  endowed  with  the  same 
eloquence ;  but  all  were  animated  by  the  most  ardent  zeal. 
The  profanation  of  the  holy  places,  the  evils  suffered  by  the 
Eastern  Christians,  and  the  remembrance  of  Jerusalem, 
imparted  the  most  lively  interest  to  their  discourses,  and 

*  The  Latin  history  of  the  dioceae  of  Paris  thus  designates  the  pros- 
titutes— Multse  mnliercttlse  quse  oorpore  qiuestum  faciebant. 

t  Alberic,  Rigord,  Otbo  of  St.  Blaise,  James  of  Vitri,  the  manuscript 
chronicle  Auiore  Radui/o  Coggehalenai^  the  Chronicle  of  Brompton,  and 
Marin  Sanul,  haTe  left  particulars  of  the  life  of  Foulques.  The  EceU" 
tioMHeal  History  of  Fleury,  vol.  zvi.,  has  collected  all  the  materials  scat* 
tered  about  in  the  old  chronicles.  The  Abb^  Lebeuf,  in  his  History  qf 
PariM^  quotes  a  L\fe  of  Foulques,  1  vol.  in  12mo.  Paris,  1620,  which  we 
have  in  Yam  endeayonred  to  procure. 


touched  all  hearts.*  Such  was  the  spirit  spread  through 
Europe,  that  simply  to  mention  the  name  of  Christ,  or  to 
speak  of  the  city  of  GK>d,  held  in  captivity  by  the  infidels, 
melted  auditors  to  tears,  and  gave  birth  to  transports  of 
enthusiasm.  The  people  everywhere  evinced  the  same  piety 
and  the  same  feelings ;  but  the  cause  of  Christ  still  wanted 
the  example  and  courage  of  princes  and  nobles.  As  a  cele- 
brated tournament  had  been  proclaimed  in  Champagne,  at 
which  the  boldest  warriors  of  Prance,  Germany,  and  Flan- 
ders were  expected  to  be  present,  Foulques  repaired  to  the 
castle  of  Ecry-8ur-Ai8ne,t  which  was  the  rendezvous  of  the 
knights.  His  eloquence  procured  attention  to  the  complaints 
of  Sion,  even  amidst  the  profane  and  violent  amusements  of 
chivah-y ;  when  Foulques  spoke  of  Jerusalem,  knights  and 
barons  neglected  their  jousts,  the  shivering  of  lances,  or 
high  feats  of  arms ;  they  became  insensible  of  the  presence 
of  dameM  and  demoiselles,  who  accorded  the  prizes  to  valour ; 
and  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  the  gay  minstrels  who  celebrated 
la  prouesse  achefee  et  vendue  au  fer  et  a  Vacier.  All  took 
the  oath  to  fight  against  the  infidels ;  and  it  must  have  been 
surprising  to  see  numerous  defenders  of  the  cross  come 
forth  from  these  warlike  festivals  that  were  so  severely  re- 
prehended by  the  Church. 

Among  the  princes  and  lords  who  enrolled  themselves  in 
the  crusade,  the  most  conspicuous  were  Thibault  IV.,  count  of 
Champagne,  and  Louis,  count  of  Chartres  and  Blois,  both 
relations  of  the  kings  of  France  and  England.  The  father 
of  Thibault  had  followed  Louis  VII.  to  the  second  cruBade, 
and  his  elder  brother  had  been  king  of  Jerusalem.  Two 
thousand  five  hundred  knights  owed  him  homage  and  military 
service,  and  the  nobility  of  Champagne  excelled  in  all  the 

*  The  monk  Gunther  gives  some  account  of  this  sermon  in  the  history 
he  has  left  ns  of  the  conquest  of  Constantinople.  The  monk  Gunther 
bestows  the  warmest  praise  upon  Martin  Idtz,  who  was  his  abbot,  and 
gives  curious  details  of  the  sermons  of  the  latter.  He  puts  into  the  mouth 
of  the  preacher  of  the  crusade  a  discourse  in  which  we  find  the  same 
reasons,  and  almost  the  same  words,  as  in  all  the  discourses  of  those  who 
had  previously  preached  holy  wars  ;  it  is  probable  that  the  people  were 
more  affected  by  the  spirit  that  reigned  in  Europe  than  by  the  eloquence 
of  the  orators. — See  Gunther,  in  the  Collection  of  Canisius. 

t  The  castle  of  Eery  was  situated  on  the  river  Aisne,  not  fiff  from 
Chateau  Porcien. 

46  HISTOBT  or  THE  CBU8ABE8. 

noble  exercises  of  arms.*  The  marriage  of  Thibault  with 
the  heiress  of  Navarre  brought  to  his  standard  a  great 
number  of  warriors  from  the  countries  bordering,  on  the 
Pyrenees.  Loids,  count  of  Chartres  and  Blois,  reckoned 
among  his  ancestors  one  of  the  most  illustrious  chiefs  of  the 
iBrst  crusade,  and  was  master  of  a  province  abounding  in 
warriors  of  name.  After  the  example  of  these  two  princes, 
the  following  distinguished  leaders  took  the  cross : — The 
count  of  St.  Paul,  the  counts  GJauthier  and  Jean  de  Brienne, 
Manasses  de  Tlsle,  Benard  do  Dampierre,  Mathieu  de 
Montmorency,  Hugh  and  Eobert  de  Boves,  d* Amiens, 
Benaud  de  Boulogne,  Geofirey  de  Perche,  Bcnaud  de  Mont- 
mirail,  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  had  just  signed  a  treaty 
with  the  Saracens,  but  was  no  less  ready  on  that  account  to 
take  an  oath  to  fight  against  them ;  and  Geofirey  de  Ville- 
hardouin,t  marshal  of  Champagne,  who  has  left  us  an  account 
of  this  crusade  in  the  unadorned  language  of  his  time. 

Among  the  ecclesiastics,  history  names  Nivelon  de  Ch6- 
risi,  bishop  of  Soissons ;  Gamier,  bishop  ^f  Langres  ;  the 
abbot  of  Looz,  and  the  abbot  of  Veaux-de-Cernai.  The 
bishop  of  Langres,  who  had  been  the  object  of  the  censures 
of  the  pope,  expected  to  find  in  the  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy 
Land,  an  opportunity  of  reconciling  nimself  with  the  Holy 
See.  The  abbot  of  Looz  and  the  abbot  of  Veaux-de-Cemai 
were  both  remarkable  for  their  piety  and  learning ;  the  former 
full  of  wisdom  and  moderation,  the  latter  animated  by  a  holy 
enthusiasm  and  an  ardent  zeal,  which  afterwards  he  but  too 
strongly  displayed  against  the  Albigeois  and  the  partisans  of 
the  count  of  Thoulouse. 

When  the  knights  and  barons  returned  to  their  homes, 
bearing  a  red  cross  upon  their  baldrics  and  their  coats  of 

•  The  aatfaor  of  a  History  of  Jerusalem,  who  wrote  in  the  twelfth 
century,  says,  when  speaking  of  the  Champenois: — Et  qusedam  pars 
Franciae,  quae  Campania  dicitur,  et  cum  regio  tota  studiis  armornm 
floreat,  haec  qnodam  militise  privilegio  singularius  exceliit  et  pnecellit ; 
hinc  martia  puhes  potcnter  egressa,  vires  qaae  in  tyrociniis  exercitaverat, 
in  hostem  ardentius  exerit,  et  imaginaria  bellorum  prolusione  proposita, 
pugnans  animos  aJ  verum  martem  intendit. 

t  The  name  of  Villehardoain  took  its  origin  from  a  village  or  castle  of 
the  diocese  of  Troye,  between  Bar  and  Arcy  ;  the  elder  branch,  to  which 
the  historian  belonged,  only  subsisted  to  1400 ;  the  younger,  which  ac- 
quired the  principality  of  Achaia,  merged  in  the  family  of  Savoy.  Dacange 
has  left  a  very  long  historical  notice  of  the  genealogy  of  this  family. 


mail,*  they  aroused  by  their  presence  the  enthusinam  of 
their  yasszQs  and  brdthers  in  arms.  The  nobility  of  Flanders, 
after  the  example  of  those  of  Champagne,  were  anxious  to 
prove  their  zeal  for  the  recovery  of  the  holy  places.  Baldwin, 
who  had  taken  the  part  of  Eichard  against  Philip  Augustus, 
sought  beneath  the  standard  of  the  cross  an  asylum  against 
the  anger  of  the  king  of  France,  and  swore,  in  the  church  of 
St.  Donatien  of  Bruges,  to  go  into  Asia  to  combat  the 
Saracens.  Mary,  countess  of  Flanders,  sister  of  Thibault, 
count  of  Champagne,  would  not  live  separated  from  her 
husband ;  and  although  she  was  still  in  the  flower  of  her 
youth,  and  was  several  months  advanced  in  her  pregnancy, 
took  an  oath  to  follow  the  Crusaders  beyond  the  seas,  and  to 
quit  a  home  she  was  doomed  never  to  see  again.  The 
example  of  Baldwin  was  followed  by  his  two  brothers,t 
Eustace  and  Henrv,  count  of  Sarbuck ;  by  Canon  de  Bethune, 
whose  piety  and  eloquence  were  held  in  high  estimation,  and 
by  Jacques  d*  Avesnes,  son  of  him  who,  under  the  same  name, 
had  made  himself  so  famous  in  the  third  crusade.  Most  of 
the  knights  and  barons  of  Flanders  and  Hainault  also  took 
the  oath  to  share  the  labours  and  perils  of  the  holy  war. 

The  principal  leaders  first  met  at  Soissons,  and  afterwards 
at  Compiegne.  In  their  assembly,  they  gave  the  command 
of 'the  expedition  to  Thibault,  count  of  Champagne.  It  was 
decided  also  that  the  Crusaders  should  repair  to  the  East  by 
sea ;  and,  in  consequence  of  this  determination,  six  deputies 
were  sent  to  Venice,  J  in  order  to  obtain  from  the  republic 
the  vessels  required  to  transport  the  men  and  horses. 

The  Venetians  were  at  that  period  in  the  highest  state  of 
their  greatness  and  prosperity.    Amidst  the  convulsions  that 

*  Complures  tanta  pontificii  indalgentisAimi  gratii  illecti,  et  Fulconis 
penuasionibus  excitati,  rnbram  crucem  amiculo,  quo  dexter  hnmerus 
tegitur,  certatim  consuere. — RhamnMivt  de  Bell.  Constant,  lib.  i. 

t  Rhamnusins  gives  a  very  minute  list  of  the  knights  and  barons  that 
took  the  cross.  Le  Pere  d'Outreman  likewise  gives  a  very  extensive  list. 
In  the  notes  that  accompany  the  history  of  Villehardouin,  Ducange  has 
left  us  many  curious  particulars  upon  the  knights  and  barons  of  Flanders 
and  Champagne  who  took  {^art  in  this  crusade. 

%  Villehardouin  has  preserved  the  names  of  the  six  deputies.  The 
Count  Thibault  named  two  :  Geoffrey  of  Villehardouin,  Miles  of  Brabant. 
Baldwin  of  Flanders,  two  others :  Canon  de  Betbune,  and  Alard  de 
Maqaeriaux  ;  and  the  count  of  Blois,  two  :  Jean  de  Friaise  and  Gauthier 
de  Goudonville. 

48  niSTOBT  OT  TH£    OBUSADES. 

had  .preceded  and  followed  the  fall  of  the  Bomon  power,  these 
industrious  people  had  taken  refuge  in  the  islands  that 
border  the  extremity  of  the  Adriatic  Gulf;  and,  placed  upon 
the  waves,  had  directed  all  their  views  to  the  empire  of  the 
sea,*  of  which  the  barbarians  took  no  heed.  Venice  was  at 
first  under  the  dominion  of  the  emperors  of  Constantinople ; 
but,  in  proportion  with  the  decline  of  the  Greek  empire,  the 
republic  acquired  territory,  strength,  and  splendour,  which 
necessarily  produced  independence.  Erom  the  tenth  century, 
palaces  oi  marble  had  replaced  the  humble  huts  of  fishermen, 
scattered  over  the  island  of  the  Eialto.  The  cities  of  Istria 
and  Dalmatia  obeyed  the  sovereigns  of  the  Adriatic  Sea. 
The  republic,  become  formidable  to  the  most  powerful 
monarch,  was  able,  at  the  least  signal,  to  arm  a  fleet  of  a 
hundred  galleys,  which  it  employed  successively  against  the 
Greeks,  the  Saracens,  and  the  Normans.  The  power  of 
Venice  was  respected  by  all  the  nations  of  the  W  est ;  and 
the  republics  ot  Genoa  and  Pisa  in  vain  contended  with  her 
for  the  domination  of  the  seas.  The  Venetians  remembered 
with  pride  these  words  of  Pope  Alexander  III.,  when  the 
republic  had  protested  against  the  emperor  of  Germany, 
who  presented  a  ring  to  the  doge,  saying,  "  Espottse  the  sea 
with  this  ring,  that  posterity  may  know  that  the  Venetians 
have  acquired  tJie  empire  of  the  waves,  and  that  th^  sea  has 
been  subjected  to  them  as  a  woman  is  to  her  husband,*' 

The  fleets  of  the  Venetians  constantly  visited  the  ports  of 
Greece  and  Asia ;  they  transported  pilgrims  to  Palestine, 
and  returned  laden  with  the  rich  merchandise  of  the  East. 
The  Venetians  entered  into  the  crusades  with  less  eagerness 
and  enthusiasm  than  other  Christian  nations,  but  knew  well 
how  to  profit  by  them  for  their  own  interests ;  whilst  the 
warriors  of  Christendom  were  fighting  for  glorj%  for  king- 
doms, or  for  the  tomb  of  Christ,  the  merchants  of  Venice 
fought  for  coimting-houses,  stores,  and  commercial  privi- 
leges ;  and  avarice  often  made  them  undertake  that  which 
other  nations  could  not  have  been  able  to  effect  but  bv  an 
excess  of  religious  zeal.  The  republic,  which  owed  all  its 
prosperity  to  its  commercial  relations,  sought  without  scruple 

*  Innocent  III.  said  of  the  republic  of  Venice  :  Quse  non  agricultnris 
ihserrit,  sed  navigiis  potius  et  merdmoniia  estintenta. — See  the  first  book 
of  the  Collection  qf  the  Leltere  o/JtmocefU, 

H18T0BT  01*  THZ  CBI7BiJ>£8.  40 

the  friendship  and  protection  of  the  Mussulman  powers  of 
Syria  and  Egypt;  and  often,  even  when  all  Europe  was 
arming  against  the  infidels,  the  Venetians  were  accused  of 
supplying  the  enemies  of  the  Christian  nations  with  both 
arms  and  provisions. 

When  the  deputies  of  the  Crusaders  arrived  at  Venice,  the 
republic  had  for  doge  Dandolo,  so  celebrated  in  its  annals. 
Dandolo  had  for  a  length  of  time  served  his  country  in 
important  nussions,  and  in  the  command  of  its  fleets  and 
armies ;  now,  placed  at  the  head  of  its  government,  he  watched 
over  its  liberties  and  the  operations  of  its  laws.  His 
labours  in  war  and  peace,  his  useful  regulations  of  the  money 
currency,  with  his  administration  of  justice  and  public 
security,  deservedly  procured  him  the  esteem  and  gratitude 
of  'his  fellow-citizens.  He  had  acquired  the  power  of  mas- 
tering, by  words,  the  passions  of  the  multituae,  even  in  the 
stormy  msputes  of  a  republic. 

Nobody. was  more  skilful  in  seizing  a  favourable  opportu- 
nity, or  in  taking  advantage  of  the  least  circumstance  lor  the 
furtherance  of  his  designs.  At  the  age  of  ninety,  the  doge 
of  Venice  exhibited  no  symptoms  of  senility  but  virtue  and 
experience.*  Everything  that  could  save  his  country  aroused 
his  activity  and  inflamed  his  courage;  with  the  spirit  of 
calculation  and  economy  which  distinguished  his  compatriots, 
Dandolo  mingled  passions  the  most  generous,  and  threw  an 
air  of  grandeur  over  all  the  enterprises  of  a  trading  people. 
His  patriotism,  always  sustained  by  the  love  of  glory,  ap- 
peared to  possess  something  of  that  sentiment  of  honour,  and 
that  chivaLriic  greatness  of  soul  which  formed  the  predominant 
characteristic  of  his  age. 

Dandolot  praised  with  warmth  an  enterprise  that  appeared 

*  Nicetai  says  in  his  history,  that  Dandolo  was  styled  **  The  Prudent  of 
the  Prudent." 

t  ScTcral  historians  say  that  Dandolo  was  hlind,  and  that  the  emperor 
Manuel  Comnenus  had  deprived  bim  of  sight  during  an  ahode  he  made  at 
Constantinople.  One  of  his  descendants,  Andr^  Dandolo,  says  merely 
in  his  history  that  his  ancestor  was  shortsighted  (tfuu  debiUr).  The  part 
of  the  story  connected  with  Manuel  Comnenus  appears  to  he  a  fable. 
Historians  differ  as  to  the  age  of  Dandolo :  Ducange,  at  the  period  of  the 
cru9ade,  gives  him  ninety-four  years.  Gibbon  does  not  doubt  of  his 
blindness,  though  he  has  no  &ith  in  its  having  beea  caused  by  Manuel ; 
but  he^mtainly  assigns  to  him  actions  that  oonld  scarcely  be  performed 



glorious  to  him,  and  in  which  the  interests  of  his  country- 
were  not  opposed  to  those  of  reKgion.  The  deputies  re- 
quired vessels  to  transport  four  thousand  five  hundred 
knights  and  twenty  thousand  foot,  with  provisions  for  the 

.  Chnstian  army  for  nine  months.  Dandolo  promised,  in  the 
name  of  the  repuhlic,  to  furnish  the  necessary  provisions  and 
vessels,  on  condition  that  the  Crusaders  should  engage  to 
pay  the  Venetians  the  sum  of  eighty-five  thousand  silver 
marks.*  As  he  was  not  willing  that  the  people  of  Venice 
should  he  unconnected  with  the  expedition  of  the  French 
Crusaders,  Dandolo  proposed  to  the  deputies  to  arm,  at  the 
expense  of  the  repuhlic,  fifly  galleys,  and  demanded  for  his 
country  half  of  the  conquests  that  might  be  made  in  the 

The  deputies  accepted  without  hesitation  the  more  in- 
terested than  generous  proposals  of  the  doge.  The  condi- 
tions of  the  treaty  were  first  examined  in  the  doge's  coun- 
cil,t  composed  of  six  patricians ;  it  was  afterwards  ratified  in 
two  other  councils, {  and  at  last  presented  for  the  sanction 
of  the  people,  who  then  exercised  supreme  power.  § 

A  general  assembly  was  convoked  in  the  church  of  St. 
Mark,  and  when  the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost  had  been  cele- 

'  brated,  the  marshal  of  Champagne,  accompanied  by  the  other 
deputies,  arose,  and  addressing  the  people  of  Venice,  pro- 
nounced a  discourse,  the  simple  and  unaffected  expressions 
of  which  paint,  better  than  we  possibly  can,  the  spirit  and 
feelings  of  the  heroic  periods  of  our  history.||     "  The  lords 

by  a  blind  man.  He  does  not  believe  the  accounts  of  his  Tery  advanced 
age,  saying, — *'  It  is  scarcely  possible  that  the  powers  of  mind  and  body 
should  support  themselves  at  such  an  sge."—- Trans. 

*  Weight  of  Cologne  or  Geneva.     See  the  terms  of  the  treaty. 

t  The  Venetians  undertook,  in  the  treaty,  to  distribute  to  each  indi- 
yidual  of  the  army  of  the  Crusaders,  six  setiers  of  bread,  com,  wheat,  or 
vei^etables,  and  half  a  pitcher  (demi-eruche)  of  wine ;  for  each  horse  three 
bushels,  Venetian  measure,  and  water  in  sufficient  quantities.  We  are 
not  able  to  value  the  six  setiers  of  com,  or  the  half-pitcher  of  wine,  having 
no  means  of  ascertaining  the  Venetian  measures. 

X  The  original  treaty  may  be  seen  in  the  CAroniele  of  Andrew  Dandolo, 
pages  325,  328  of  vol.  xii.  of  Mnratori. 

§  From  the  thirteenth  century  the  aristocracy  began  at  Venice  to  get 
the  better  of  the  democracy. — See  Hittory  of  Veniee,  by  lAngier. 

[|  Several  authors  have  thought  that  Villehardouin  could  not  write ;  and 
they  found  their  opinion  upon  what  he  himself  aays, — **  J,  who  tUetated 

HI8T0BY  07  THE  CBVSACES.  51 

and  barons  of  Prance,  the  most  high  and  the  most  powerful, 
have  sent  ns  to  jou  to  pray  you,  in  the  name  of  GK>d,  to 
take  pity  on  Jerusalem,  which  the  Turks  hold  in  bondage ; 
they  cry  to  you  for  mercy,  and  supplicate  you  to  accompany 
them  to  avenge  the  disgrace  of  Jesus  Christ.  They  nave 
made  choice  ot  you,  because  they  know  that  no  people  that 
be  upon  the  sea  have  so  great  power  as  your  nation.  They 
have  commanded  us  to  throw  ourselves  at  your  feet,  and  not 
to  rise  until  you  shall  have  granted  our  request,  until  you 
shall  have  had  pity  on  the  Holy  Land  beyond  the  seas."  At 
these  words  the  deputies  were  moved  to  tears,*  and  feeling 
it  no  degradation  to  humble  themselves  in  the  cause  of 
Christ,t  they  fell  upon  their  knees  and  held  up  their  hands 
in  a  supplicating  manner  towards  the  assembly  of  the  people. 
The  strong  emotion  of  the  barons  and  knights' communicated 
itself  to  the  Venetians,  and  ten  thousand  voices  replied  as 
one,  "  We  grant  vour  request.**  The  doge,  ascendmg  the 
tribunal,  praised  highly  the  earnestness  and  loyalty  of  the 
French  barons,  and  spoke  with  enthusiasm  of  the  honour 
God  conferred  upon  the  people  of  Venice  in  choosing  them 
from  amongst  all  other  nations,  J  to  partake  in  the  glory  of 
the  most  noble  of  enterprises,  and  associate  them  with  the 
most  valiant  of  warriors.  He  then  read  the  treaty  entered 
into  with  the  Crusaders,  and  conjured  his  assembled  fellow- 
citizens  to  give  their  consent  to  it  in  the  forms  ordained  by 

this  work.**  Hower*  that  may  be,  the  bistorj  of  Villehardomii  has  been 
pronoanced  by  learned  men  to  be  a  model  of  the  language  that  has 
ceased  to  be  French.  In  the  sixteenth  century  the  language  of  the 
marshal  of  Champagne  was  already  not  understood ;  his  history  was 
turned  into  modem  French  by  Blaise  de  Vigenere  towards  the  end  of  the 
sixteenth  century  ;  this  translation  has  itself  become  so  old  as  to  be  now 
scarcely  intelligible.  The  new  version  that  Ducange  made  of  it  in  the 
seventeenth  century  still  bears  an  impression  of  antiquity,  which  preserves 
something  of  the  naivete  uf  the  original.  We  shall  often  have  occasion 
to  quote  Viilehardouin ;  but  we  shall  only  quote  the  ancient  versions,  and 
sometimes  from  a  translation  we  have  ourselves  made,  always  endeavouring 
to  preserve  as  far  as  possible  the  simplicity  of  the  old  language. 

*  Gibbon  says,  "A  reader  of  Viilehardouin  must  observe  the  frequent 
tears  of  the  marshal  and  his  brother  knights ;  they  weep  on  every  occasion 
of  grief,  joy,  or  devotion." — Trans. 

t  Maintenant  li  six  messagers  s'agenenillent  k  la  pies  mull  plorant.— 
Viilehardouin^  lib.  i. 

t  Persuasum  omnes  habent,solo8  Venetos  maii,  Galloa  terri  pnepo* 
tentes  esse. — RAamn,  lib.  i. 


tbe  laws  of  the  republic.  Then  the  people  arose,  and  cried 
with  an  unanimous  shout,  "  We  consent  to  it^  All  the  in- 
habitants of  Venice  were  present  at  this  meeting ;  an  im- 
mense multitude  covered  the  place  of  St.  Mark  and  filled  the 
neighbouring  streets.  Eeligious  enthusiasm,  love  of  coun- 
try, surprise  and  joy  were  manifested  by  acclamations  so 
loud  and  general,  that  it  might  be  said,  according  to  the  ex- 
pression of  the  marshal  of  Champagne,  *'  that  the  world  toas 
about  to  engage  in  one  common  conflict. ^^ 

On  the  morrow  of  this  memorable  day,  the  deputies  of  the 
barons  repaired  to  the  palace  of  St.  Mark,  and  swore  on 
their  swords  and  the  Gospel,  to  fvHQi  all  the  engagements 
they  had  made.  The  preamble  of  the  treaty  recaSed  the 
faults  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  princes  who  had  to  that 
time  undertaken  the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land,  and 
praised  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  the  French  lords  and 
knights,  who  neglected  nothing  to  assure  the  success  of  an 
enterprise  lull  of  difficulties  and  perils.  The  deputies  were 
charged  to  endeavour  to  cause  the  conditions  they  had 
sworn  to  to  be  adopted  by  their  brothers  in  arms  the  barons 
and  knightSjby  the  tchole  of  (heir  nation,  and  if  possible,  by 
their  sovereign  lord  the  king  of  France.  The  treaty  was 
written  on  parchment  and  sent  immediately  to  Eome,  to 
receive  the  approbation  of  the  pope ;  and,  full  of  confidence 
in  the  future,  as  well  as  in  the  alliance  they  had  contracted, 
the  French  knights  and  the  patricians  o^  Venice  exchanged 
the  most  touching  protestations  of  friendship.*  The  dog© 
lent  the  barons  the  sum  of  ten  thousand  silver  marks,  and 
the  latter  swore  never  to  forget  the  services  the  republic 
had  rendered  to  Jesus  Christ.  "  There  were  then  shed," 
says  Villehardouin,  "many  tears  of  tenderness  and  joy." 

The  government  of  Venice  was  a  new  spectacle  for  the 
French  nobles ;  deliberations  of  the  people  were  perfectly 
■  unknown  to  them,  and  must  have  struck  them  with  asto- 
nishment. On  the  other  side,  the  embassy  of  the  knights 
and  barons  could  not  fail  to  flatter  the  pride  of  the  Vene- 
tians ^  the  latter  felicitated  themselves  upon  being  thus  ac- 
knowledged as  the  greatest  maritime  nation,  and,  never 

*  Vigen^re,  the  translator  of  Villefaardoain,  informs  us  that  in  Ms 
time  the  treaty  between  the  Venetians  and  the  French,  concluded  in  the 
month  of  April,  1201,  was  still  preserved  in  the  Chanceiy  of  Venioe. 

HI8T0BT  or  THE  CBUSADSS.  58 

Bepanting  tbeir  glory  firom  their  commercild  interests,  re- 
joiced at  having  made  so  advantageous  a  bargain.  The 
knights,  on  the  contraiT,  only  thought  of  honour  and  the 
cause  of  Christ ;  and  although  the  treaty  was  ruinous  to  the 
Crusaders,  they  bore  back  the  news  to  their  companions  in 
arms  with  the  greatest  joy  and  satisfaction.* 

The  preference  given  to  the  Venetians  by  the  Crusaders 
naturally  excited  the  jealousy  of  the  other  maritime  powers 
of  Italy ;  thus  the  French  deputies,  upon  going  to  Fisa  and 
Ghenoa  to  solicit  the  aid  of  the  two  republics  in  the  name  of 
Jesus  Christ,  met  with  a  cold  reception  and  a  perfect  indif- 
ference for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places. 

The  account  of  what  had^ taken  place  at  Venice,  and  the 
presence  of  the  barons,  did  not  fail,  however,  to  arouse  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  inhabitants  of  Lombardy  and  Piedmont ; 
a  great  number  of  them  took  the  cross  and  arms,  and  pro- 
mised to  follow  BonifiEice,  marquis  of  Montferrat,  to  the  Holy 

The  marshal  of  Champagne,  whilst  crossing  Mount  Cenis, 
met  Gauthier  de  Briexme,  who  had  taken  the  cross  at  the 
castle  of  Eery,  and  was  on  his  way  to  Apulia.  He  had  mar- 
ried one  of  the  daughters  of  Tancred,  last  king  of  Sicily. 
Pollowed  by  sixty  knights  of  Champagne,  he  was  going  to 
endeavour  to  make  good  the  claims  of  his  wife,  and  conquer 
the  kingdom  founded  by  the  Norman  knights.  The  marshal 
Villehardouin  and  Gtiuthier  de  Brienne  congratulated  each 
other  upon  the  brilliant  prospects  of  their  expeditions,  and 
promised  to  meet  again  in  tne  plains  of  Egypt  end  S^a. 
Thus  the  future  presented  notlnng  to  the  knights  of  the 

*  The  author  of  the  History  of  the  Republics  0/ Italy  recapitulates  thus 
fbe  sum  that  waa  due  to  the  Venetians  by  the  Crusaders  :^ 

For  four  thousand  fire  hundred  horses,  at  four\  |q  ^^^v 

marks  per  horse   /  ^^'^^ 

For  the  knights,  at  two  marks  per  knight    9,000 

For  twenty  thousand  foot-soldiers,  at  two  marks  \  ^q  ^r^ 

per  soldier j  4U,uuu 

For  two  squires  per  horse,  nine  thousand  squires. .  18,000 

Total  marks 85,000 

Eigl  ty-five  thousand  marks  of  silver  are  equal  to  four  millions  two 
htrndred  and  fifty  thousand  fnncs. 


cross  but  victories  and  trophies ;  and  the  hope  of  conquering 
distant  kingdoms  redoubled  their  ardour. 

When  the  deputies  arrived  in  Champagne,  they  found 
Thibault  dangerously  ill.  The  prince  was  so  delighted  at 
learning  the  success  of  their  embassy,  that,  heedless  of  the 
disease  that  had  confined  him  to  his  bed,  he  insisted  upon 
putting  on  his  armour  and  mounting  on  horseback ;  but  "this 
was  great  pity  and  misfortune,"  says  Villehardotdn ;  "  for  the 
malady  increased,  and  slathered  such  strength,  that  he  declared 
his  will,  took  leave  of  his  friends,  and  got  no  more  on  horse- 
back." Thibault,  the  model  and  hope  of  the  Christian  knights, 
died  in  the  flower  of  his  age,  deeply  regretted  by  his  vassals 
and  companions  in  arms.  Hejleplored  before  the  barons 
the  rigorous  destiny  that  condemned  him  thus  to  die  without 
glory,  at  the  moment  that  he  was  about  to  gather  the  palms 
of  victory  or  of  martyrdom  in  the  plains  of  the  East ;  he 
.exhorted  them  to  perform  the  vow  he  had  made  to  God  to 
deliver  Jerusalem,  and  left  them  all  his  treasures  to  be  em- 
ployed in  this  holy  enterprise.  An  epitaph  in  Latin  verse, 
which  still  exists,  celebrates  the  virtues  and  pious  zeal  of 
Count  Thibault,  recalls  the  preparations  for  his  pilgrimage,* 
and  terminates  by  saying,  that  this  young  prince  found  the 
heavenly  Jerusalemy  when  about  to  seek  the  earthly  Jerusalem, 

After  the  death  of  the  count  of  Champagne,  the  barons 
and  knights  who  had  taken  the  cross,  assembled  to  choose 
another  leader,  and  their  election  fell  upon  the  count  de  Bar 
and  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  The  count  de  Bar  refused  to 
take  the  command  of  the  Christian  army.  Eudes  III.,  duke 
of  Biurgundy,  stUl  mourned  the  death  of  his  father,  who  had 
died  in  Palestine  after  the  third  crusade,  and  could  not  be 
induced  to  quit  his  duchv  to  undertake  the  pOgrimage  to  the 
East.  The  refusal  of  these  two  princes  was  a  subject  of 
scandal  for  the  soldiers  of  the  cross ;  and  contemporary  his- 
tory informs  us  that  they  afterwards  repented  oi  the  indif- 
ference they  had  evinced  for  the  cause  of  Christ.f   The  duke 

*  Thibault  was  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Stephen  of  Troyes ;  hia 
epitaph  finishes  with  these  verses  : — 

Terrenam  quaerens,  coelestem  repperit  nrbem ; 
Dum  procul  hcc  potitur,  obviat  ille  domt. 

t  The  History  qf  Burgundy  by  Court^pde  and  B^oilkt  hat  here  oom- 


of  Burgundy,  who  died  within  a  few  years,  was  desirous  of 
tailing  the  cross  on  his  bed  of  death,  and,  to  expiate  his 
fault,  sent  several  of  his  warriors  into  Palestine. 

Tlie  knights  and  barons  then  offered  the  command  to 
Boniface,  marquis  of  Montferrat.*  Boniface  belouged  to  a 
£imilj  of  Christian  heroes ;  his  brother  Conrad  had  rendered 
himself  famous  by  the  defence  of  Tyre,  and  he  himself  had 
already  fought  many  times  against  the  infidels :  he  did  not 
hesitate  in  complying  with  the  wishes  of  the  Crusaders.  He 
came  to  Soissons,  where  he  received  the  cross  from  the 
hands  of  the  cure  of  NeuiUy,  and  was  proclaimed  leader  of 
the  crusade  in  the  church  of  Notre  Dame,  in  the  presence 
of  the  clergy  and  the  people. 

Two  years  had  passed  away  since  theteovereign  pontiff 
had  ordered  the  bishops  to  preach  the  crusade  in  their 
dioceses.  The  situation  of  the  Christians  of  the  East  be- 
came every  day  more  deplorable ;  the  kings  of  Jerusalem 
and  Armenia,  the  patriarchs  of  Antioch  and  the  holy  city, 
and  the  grand  masters  of  the  military  orders,  addressed  day 
after  day  their  complaints  and  lamentations  to  the  Holy  See. 
Touched  by  their  prayers,  Innocent  again  exhorted  the  faith- 
ful, and  conjured  the  Crusaders  to  hasten  their  departure ; 
warmly  censiuing  the  indifference  of  those  who,  after  having 
taken  the  cross,  appeared  to  be  forgetful  of  their  vow.  The 
Christian  father,  above  all,  reproached  the  ecclesiastics  with 
their  tardiness  in  paying  the  fortieth  part  of  their  revenues, 
destined  to  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war :  "  and  you  and  we," 
said  he,  "  and  all  persons  supported  by  the  goods  of  the 
Church,  ought  we  not  all  to  fear  that  the  inhabitants  of 
Nineveh  should  appear  against  us  at  the  day  of  judgment, 
and  pronounce  our  condemnation  ?  for  they  were  made  peni- 
tent by  the  preaching  of  Jonas ;  and  you,  not  only  you  nave 
not  rent  your  hearts,  you  have  not  even  opened  your  hands 
to  succour  Christ  in  his  poverty,  and  repulse  the  opprobrium 
with  which  the  infidels  load  him,"    The  epoch  of  a  holy  war 

mitted  a  great  error  in  making  Eudes  IIT.  set  out  on  the  crusade,  and 
take  a  part  in  the  capture  of  Constantinople. 

*  Villehardouin  makes  thus  the  eulogy  of  Boniface,  marquis  of  Mont- 
ferrat :— '*  The  marquis  Boniface  is,  as  every  one  knows,  a  very  valorous 
prince,  and  most  esteemed  for  knowledge  of  war  and  feats  of  arms  of  any 
one  at  the  present  day  living.'* 

%6  HI8I0BT  07  THS  CBV8ABE8. 

beinff  for  Christiaiis  a  season  of  penitence,  the  sovereign 
pontiff  proscribed,  in  his  letters,  sumptuousness  in  living, 
splendour  in  dress,  and  public  amusements ;  and  although 
the  new  crusade  had  been  first  preached  at  the  tournament 
of  Eery,  tournaments  were  in  the  niunber  of  diversions  and 
spectacles  forbidden  to  all  Christians  by  the  holy  father 
dnring  the  space  of  five  years. 

To  reanimate  the  courage  and  confidence  of  those  who 
had  taken  the  cross,  Innocent  told  them  of  the  new  divisions 
that  had  sprung  up  among  the  Mussulman  princes,  and  of 
the  scourges  with  which  God  had  recently  afflicted  Egypt. 
"  God,"  cried  the  pontiff,  "has  struck  the  country  of  Babylon 
with  the  rod  of  his  power ;  the  Nile,*  that  river  of  Paradise, 
which  fertilizes  the  land  of  the  Eg}^tians,  has  not  had  its 
accustomed  coiurse.  This  chastisement  has  given  them  up 
to  death,  and  prepared  the  triumph  of  their  enemies."  The 
letters  of  the  pope  had  the  desired  effect.  The  marquis  of 
Montferrat  went  into  France,  towards  the  autumn  of  the 
year  1201,  and  the  whole  winter  was  devoted  to  preparations 
for  the  holy  war.  These  preparations  were  unaccompanied 
by  disorder,  and  the  princes  and  barons  refused  to  receive 
under  their  banners  any  but  disciplined  soldiers  and  men 
accustomed  to  the  use  of  the  lance  and  the  sword.  Some 
voices  were  raised  against  the  Jews,  whom  they  desired  to 
force  to  contribute  to  the  expenses  of  the  holy  war  ;t  but  the 
pope  took  them  under  his  protection,  and  threatened  all  who 
made  attempts  upon  their  lives  or  liberty  with  excommuni- 

*  At  the  same  time  that  Egypt  experienced  all  the  horrors  of  famine, 
Richard  of  St.  Germain  and  the  Chronicle  of  Fossa-Nova  (see  Mvratori) 
say  that  a  great  dearth  was  felt  in  Italy  and  Spain  ;  one  of  them  adds  that 
this  year,  1202^  was  known  under  the  name  of  **  annas  famis/'  Mdzerai 
speaks  of  this  famine,  which  was  felt  in  France,  and  attributes  it  to  the  war 
then  carried  on  between  Philip  and  Richard.  "  The  two  kings,"  says  he, 
*'  pillaged  the  lands,  palled  up  their  vines,  cat  down  the  trees,  cat  the 
harvest  whilst  unripe,  and  destroyed  more  cities  and  towns  in  one  day  ' 
than  had  been  built  in  ages.  Famine  followed  these  horrible  ravages, 
says  an 'author;  so  that  many  of  the  richest  were  reduced  to  beg  their 
bread,  and  finding  none  to  give  it  to  them,  ate  gnu  and  burrowed  in  the 
earth  for  roots.'' 

t  The  pope  was  satufied  with  liberating  the  Crusaders  from  the 
usurious  debts  which  they  owed  to  the  Jews.  At  tha  period  all  interest 
upon  money  lent  was  considered  usury. 

HI8T0BT  or  THB  CBUSADXS.  57 

Before  tbej  left  their  homes,  the  Crusaders  had  to  deplore 
the  loss  of  the  holy  orator  who  had  awakened  their  zeal  and 
animated  their  courage.  Poulques  fell  sick,  and  died  in  his 
parish  of  Neuillj.  Some  time  hefore,  loud  murmurs  had 
been  heard  respecting  his  conduct,  and  his  words  had  ceased 
to  exercise  their  accustomed  power  over  the  minds  of  his 
auditors.  Foulques  had  received  considerable  sums  of  money 
destined  for  the  expenses  of  the  hol^  war,  and  as  he  was 
accused  of  appropriating  these  to  his  own  use,  the  more 
money  he  amassed,  says  James  of  Yitri,*  the  more  con- 
sideration and  credit  he  lost.  The  suspicions  attached  to 
his  conduct  were  not,  however,  generally  credited.  The 
marshal  of  Champagne  informs  us,  in  his  histoi^,  that  the 
knights  and  barons  were  deeply  affected  by  the  death  of  the 
Gur^  of  Neuilly.  Foulques  was  buried  in  the  church  of  his 
parish  with  great  pomp ;  his  tomb,  a  monument  of  the  piety 
of  his  contemporaries,  attracted,  even  in  the  last  century, 
the  respect  and  veneration  of  the  faithful.f 

With  the  earliest  days  of  spring  the  Crusaders  prepared 
to  quit  their  homes,  "  and  knew,"  says  Yillehardouin,  "  that 
many  tears  were  shed  at  their  parting,  and  at  taking  leave 

*  Jacques  of  Yitri,  when  Bpeakiog  of  the  Baspicions  and  murmars  that 
aroae  against  Foulques  of  Neuilly,  expresses  himself  thus :— £t  crescente 
pecunidf  timer  et  reverentia  decrescebant. 

t  The  Kbh6  Lcbeuf,  in  his  History  of  the  Diocete  qf  ParUf  toI.  vi. 
p.  20,  gives  us  a  description  of  the  tomb  of  Foulques  of  Neuilly,  which 
was  still  standing  in  the  last  century.  '*  The  tomb  of  Foulques,  the 
famous  cut6  of  this  place  about  the  year  1200,  is  in  the  nave,  before  the 
entrance  to  the  choir,  built  of  stone  a  foot  and  a  half  high.  It  is  the 
work  of  the  age  in  which  this  pious  personage  died.  Foulques  is  repre- 
sented in  relief  upon  the  monument,  clothed  as  a  priest,  his  head  bare, 
haying  the  tonsure  on  the  top,  and  the  hair  so  short  that  the  whole  of  his 
ears  is  visible.  A  book  is  laid  upon  his  breast,  which  he  does  not  hold, 
as  his  hands  are  crossed  above,  the  right  placed  upon  the  left.  His 
chasuble  and  his  manipule  represent  the  vestments  of  his  times.  He  has 
under  him  a  kind  of  footstool,  cut  in  the  stone,  and  two  angels  in  relief 
incense  his  head,  which  is  placed  towards  the  west ;  for,  after  the  ancient 
manner,  his  feet  are  pointed  to  the  east,  or  the  altar.  It  is  not  true,  as 
has  been  said,  that  this  tomb  is  incensed,  nor  has  it  any  arms.  He  is 
called  in  the  country  Sir  Foulques,  and  sometimes  Saint  Sire  Foulques. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  the  canons  of  St.  Maur  formerly  endeavoured  to 
carry  it  away ;  but  the  immobility  of  the  car  with  which  this  story  is 
adorned,  tells  us  what  degree  of  faith  may  be  attached  to  it."  M.  TAbb^ 
Chastelain  names  his  death,  in  his  Univeraal  Mariyrologjff  as  having 
taken  place  on  the  2nd  of  March,  1201,  and  qualifies  him  as  veneradh. 


of  their  relations  and  friends."  The  count  of  Elanders,  the 
counts  of  Blois  and  St.  Paul,  followed  by  a  great  number  of 
Flemish  warriors  and  their  vassals ;  the  marshal  of  Cham- 
pagne, accompanied  by  several  Champenois  knights,  ad- 
vanced across  Burgundy,  and  passed  the  Alps  to  repair  to 
Venice.  The  Marquis  Boniface  soon  jtfined  them,  brmging 
with  him  the  Crusaders  of  Lombardy,  Piedmont,  Savoy,  and 
the  countries  situated  between  the  Alps  and  the  Ehone. 
Venice  also  received  within  its  walls  the  warriors  from  t*he 
banks  of  the  Ehine,  some  under  the  command  of  the  bishop 
of  Halberstadt,  and  others  under  that  of  Martin-Litz,  who 
had  persuaded  them  to  take  arms,  and  still  continued  to 
animate  them  by  the  example  of  his  virtues  and  piety. 

When  the  Crusaders  reached  Venice,*  the  fleet  that  waa 
to  transport  them  into  Asia,  was  ready  to  set  sail :  they  were 
at  first  received  with  every  demonstration  of  joy ;  but  amidst 
the  festivities  that  followed  their  arrival,t  the  Venetians 
called  upon  the  barons  to  redeem  their  word,  and  pay  the 
sum  agreed  upon  for  transporting  the  Christian  army ;  and 
then  it  was  that,  with  deep  grief;  the  barons  became  aware 
of  the  absence  of  a  great  number  of  their  companions  in 
arms.  Jean  de  Nedle,  chatelain  of  Bruges,  and  Thierri,  son 
of  Philip,  count  of  Flanders,  had  promised  Baldwin  to  brinff 
to  him,-at  Venice,  Marguerite,  his  wife,  and  a  chosen  band 
of  Flemish  warriors :  they  did  not  keep  their  appointment, 
for  having  embarked  upon  the  ocean,  they  had  directed  their 
course  to  Palestine.  Kenaud  de  Dampierre,  to  w^hom  Thi- 
bault,  count  of  Champagne,  had  left  all  his  treasures  to  be 
employed  in  the  voyage  to  the  Iloly  Land,  had  embarked  with 
a  great  number  of  Champenois  knights  at  the  port  of  Bari. 
The  bishop  of  Autun,  Gilles,  count  of  Ferez,  and  several 
other  leaders,  after  having  sworn  upon  the  Gospel  to  join 
the  other  Crusaders,  had  set  out  from  Marseilles,  and  others 
from  Genoa.     Thus  half  the  Crusaders  did  not  come  to 

*  Viilehardoain  says,  whea  speaking  of  the  arrival  of  the  Crasaders  at 
Venice,  "  No  nobler  people  were  ever  seen,  nor  better  appointed,  nor 
more  disposed  to  do  something  good  for  the  honour  of  God  and  the 
seirice  of  Cbristendom.'^ 

t  Upon  the  sojourn  of  the  Crusaders  at  Venice,  Ge$ta  Tnnoeentii^ 
Villehardouin  and  Ducange,  Sanuti,  Herold,  D'Outreman,  Fleurr,  HU- 
toire  EceUtiOMiique,  vol.  zviii.,  TAbb^  Langier,  &c.  &c.,  may  be  con- 


Yenice,  wliich  had  been  agreed  upon  as  tbe  general  rendez- 
vous of  the  Christian  army :  "  by  which,'*  says  Villehardouin, 
"  they  received  great  shame,  and  many  misadventures  after- 
wards befell  them  in  consequence  of  it." 

This  breach  of  faith  might  prove  very  injurious  to  the 
enterprise ;  but  what  most  grieved  the  princes  and  barons 
assembled  at  Venice,  was  the  impossibility  of  fulfilling  their 
engagements  with  the  republic  without  the  concurrence  of 
their  unfaithful  companions.  They  sent  messengers  into  all 
parts  to  warn  the  Crusaders  that  had  set  out,  and  to  implore 
them  to  join  the  main  army ;  but  whether  most  of  the  pil- 
grims were  dissatisfied  with  the  agreement  entered  into  with 
the  Venetians,  or  whether  it  appeared  to  them  more  con- 
venient and  safe  to  embark  at  ports  in  their  own  vicinity,  a 
very  small  number  of  them  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  repair 
to  Venice.  Those  who  were  already  in  that  city,  were  neither 
sufficiently  numerous  nor  sufficiently  rich  to  pay  the  pro- 
mised amount,  or  fulfil  the  engagements  made  in  their  names. 
Although  the  Venetians  were  more  interested  in  the  crusade 
than  the  French  knights,  as  thev  possessed  a  part  of  the  cities 
of  Tyre  and  Ptolemais,  which  they  were  going  to  defend,  they 
were  unwilling  to  make  any  sacrifice,  and  the  barons,  on 
their  side,  were  too  proud  to  ask  any  favour,  or  to  solicit  the 
Venetians  to  change  or  moderate  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty.  Each  of  the  Crusaders  was  required  to  pay  the 
price  of  his  passage.  The  rich  paid  for  the  poor ;  soldiers 
as  well  as  knights  being  eager  to  give  all  the  money  they 
possessed,  persuaded,  they  said,  that  Gk)d  was  powerfm 
enough  to  return  it  to  them  a  hundred-fold,  when  it  should 
please  him.  The  count  of  Flanders,  the  counts  of  Blois 
and  St.  Paul,  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  several  other 
leaders  despoiled  themselves  of  their  plate,  their  jewels,  and 
everything  they  had  that  was  most  valuable,*  and  only  re- 
tained their  horses  and  arms.  Notwithstanding  this  noble 
sacrifice,  the  Crusaders  still  were  indebted  to  the  republic;  a 
sum  of  fifty  thousand  silver  marks.  The  doge  then  assembled 
the  people,  and  represented  to  them  that  it  was  not  honour- 
able to  employ  too  much  rigour ;  and  proposed  to  demand 

*  Then  might  be  seen  so  many  beautifiil  and  rich  vessels  of  gold  and 
■Qver  heaped  np  here  and  there,  and  carried  to  the  hotel  of  the  duke  as 
part  of  their  payment. — VilUAardoum. 


of  the  Crusaders  the  assistaDce  of  their  army  for  the  republic, 
until  they  could  discharge  their  debt. 

The  city  of  Zara  had  been  for  a  length  of  time  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Venetians ;  but  thinkmg  the  government  of 
a  king 'less  insupportable  than  that  of  a  republic,  it  had 
given  itself  up  to  the  king  of  Hungary,  and,  under  the  pro- 
tection of  a  new  master,  braved  the  authority  and  menaces 
of  Venice.  After  having  obtained  the  approbation  of  the 
people,  Dandolo  proposed  to  the  Crusaders  to  assist  the  re- 
public in  subduing  a  revolted  city,  and  promised  to  put  off 
the  entire  execution  of  the  treaty  until  God,  by  their 
common  conquests,  should  have  given  them  the  means  of 
fulfilling  their  promises.  This  proposition  was  received  with 
much  joy  by  the  greater  part  of  the  Crusaders,  who  could 
not  support  the  idea  of  being  unable  to  keep  their  word ;  the 
barons  and  knights  deemed  it  prudent  to  conciliate  the  Vene- 
tians, who  were  so  serviceable  to  them  in  carrying  out  their 
enterprise,  and  thought  they  did  but  little  to  pay  their  debts 
by  an  affair  in  which  they  should  expend  nothing  but  their 

Some  murmurs,  however,  arose  in  the  Christian  army; 
many  of  the  Crusaders  recollected  the  oath  they  had  tskmBi 
to  fight  the  infidels,  and  could  not  make  up  their  minds  to 
turn  their  arms  against  a  Christian  people.  The  pope  had 
sent  the  Cardinal  Peter  of  Capua  to  Venice,  to  deter  the 
pilgrims  from  an  enterprise  which  he  termed  sacrilegious. 
"  The  king  of  Hungary  had  taken  the  cross,  and  by  doing  so 
had  placed  himself  under  the  especial  protection  of  the 
Church ;  and  to  attack  a  city  belonging  to  him  was  to  declare 
themselves  enemies  of  the  Church  itself."  Henry  Dandolo 
braved  menaces  and  reproaches  that  he  deemed  to  be  unjust. 
"  The  privileges  of  the  Crusaders,'*  said  he,  "  could  not 
screen  the  guilty  from  the  severity  of  laws  divine  and  human. 
Crusades  were  not  undertaken  to  promote  the  ambition  of 
kings  or  protect  rebellious  nations.*  The  pope  had  not  the 
power  to  enchain  the  authority  of  sovereigns,  or  turn  the 

*  The  Venetians  might  have  said,  and  no  doubt  did  say  on  this  ooca* 
rion,  that  the  king  of  Hungary  had  taken  the  cross  many  years  before, 
and  had  done  nothing  yet  towards  the  fdlAlment  of  his  yow.  Andrew  did 
not  set  out  for  Palestine  till  many  years  after  the  taking  of  Constan- 

niSTOBT   OF  THE  CnU8AJ>SB«  61 

Crusaders  aside  from  a  legitimate  enterprise ;  from  a  war 
made  against  revolted  subjects,  against  pirates  whose  bri- 
gandage perilled  the  freedom  of  the  seas,  and  jeopardized  the 
safety  of  pilgrims  on  their  way  to  the  Holy  Land." 

To  complete  his  conquest  oyer  all  scruples,  and  dissipate 
all  fears,  the  doge  resolved  to  associate  himself  with  the 
perils  and  labours  of  the  crusade,  and  to  engage  his  fellow- 
citizens  to  declare  themselves  the  companions  in  arms  of  the 
Crusaders.  The  people  being  solemnly  convoked,  Dandolo 
ascended  the  pulpit  of  St.  Mark,  and  demanded  of  the  assem- 
bled Venetians  permission  to  take  the  cross.  "  Seigneurs,** 
said  he  to  them,  ^*  you  have  made  an  engagement  to  concur 
in  the  most  glorious  of  enterprises ;  the  warriors  with  whom 
you  have  contracted  a  holy  alliance,  surpass  all  other  men  in 
piety  and  valour.  For  myself,  you  see  that  I  am  laden  with 
years,  and  have  need  of  repose  ;  but  the  glory  that  is  pro- 
mised to  us  restores  me  courage  and  strength  to  brave  all  the 
perils,  to  support  all  the  labours  of  war.  I  feel  by  the 
ardour  that  lesuls  me  on,  by  the  zeal  which  animates  me,  that 
nobody  will  merit  your  confidence,  nobody  will  conduct  you 
so  well  as  the  man  you  have  chosen  as  head  of  your  republic. 
I^ou  will  pennit  me  to  fight  for  Jesus  Christ,  and  allow  my 
son  to  perform  the  duties  you  have  confided  to  me,  I  will  go 
and  live  or  die  with  you  and  the  pilgrims." 

At  this  discourse,  his  whole  auditory  was  much  aflected, 
and  the  people  loudly  applauded  the  resolution  of  the  doge. 
Dandolo  descended  from  the  tribunal,  and  was  led  in  triumph 
to  the  foot  of  the  altar,  where  the  cross  was  attached  to  his 
ducal  cap.  A  great  number  of  Venetians  followed  his 
example,  and  swore  to  die  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy 
places.  By  this  skilful  policy,  the  doge  completely  won  the 
Crusaders,  and  placed  himself,  in  a  manner,  at  the  head  of 
the  crusade.  He  soon  found  himself  sufficiently  powerftil  to 
deny  the  authority  of  the  cardinal  of  Capua,  who  spoke  in 
the  name  of  the  pope,  and  pretended  to  have  a  right  to  direct 
the  holy  war,  in  his  character  of  legate  of  the  Holy  See. 
Dandolo  told  the  envoy  of  Innocent,  that  the  Christian  army 
stood  in  no  need  of  leaders  to  conduct  it,  and  that  the  legates 
of  the  sovereign  pontifi*  ought  to  content  themselves  with 
edifying  the  Crusaders  by  their  examples  and  discourses. 

Ijiis  bold«  free  language  very  much  astomahed  the  French 

62  HI8T0BT  or  THE  CEUSADXS. 

barons,  aocustomed  to  respect  the  will  of  the  Holy  See ;  bul 
the  doge,  hj  taking  the  cross,  had  inspired  them  with  a  con- 
fidence nothing  could  shake.  The  cross  of  the  pilgrims  was, 
for  the  Venetians  and  French,  a  pledge  of  alliance,  a  sacred 
tie,  which  united  all  their  interests,  and  made  of  them,  in  a 
manner,  but  one  same  nation.  From  that  time  no  one 
listened  to  those  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  See,* 
or  persisted  in  raising  scruples  in  the  minds  of  the  Cru- 
saders. The  barons  and  knights  showed  the  same  zeal  and 
ardour  for  the  expedition  against  Zara  as  the  Venetians 
themselves.  The  army  of  the  Crusaders  was  ready  to 
embark,  when  there  happened,  says  Villehardouin,  "  a  great 
wonder,  an  unhoped-for  curcumstance,  the  strangest  that  ever 
was  heard  of  "t 

Isaac,  emperor  of  Constantinople,  had  been  dethroned  by 
his  brother  Alexius.  Abandonea  by  all  his  friends,  deprived 
of  sight,  and  loaded  with  irons,  this  unhappy  prince  lan- 
guished in  a  dungeon.  The  son  of  Isaac,  namea  also  Alexius, 
who  shared  the  captivity  of  his  father,  having  deceived  the 
vigilance  of  his  guards  and  broken  his  chains,  had  fled  into 
the  West,  in  the  hope  that  the  princes  and  kings  would  one 
day  undertake  his  defence,  and  declare  war  against  i^ 
usurper  of  the  imperial  throne.  Philip  of  Swabia,  who  had 
married  Irene,  the  daughter  of  Isaac,:|:  received  the  young 
prince  kindly ;  but  he  was  not  then  in  a  position  to  under- 
take anything  in  his  favour,  being  fully  engaged  in  defending 
himself  against  the  arms  of  Otho  and  the  menaces  of  the 
Holy  See.  Young  Alexius  next  in  vain  threw  himself  at  the 
feet  o^  the  pope,  to  implore  his  assistance.  Whether  the 
pontiff  saw  m  the  son  of  Isaac  only  the  brother-in-law  of 

*  The  monk  Guntfaer  does  not  at  all  spare  the  YenetiaDS,  and  re- 
proaches them  bitterly  with  having  diverted  the  Crusaders  from  their  holy 
enterprise.  The  pioas  resolution  of  the  leaders  of  the  cmsade,  says  he, 
was  subverted  by  the  perfidy  and  wicked  artifices  of  these  masters  of  the 
Adriatic, — fraude  et  nequitiiVenetorum. 

t  With  the  true  spirit  of  an  antiquary,  M.  Michaud  delights  in  throwing 
a  character  of  the  "olden  time''  into  the  language  of  Villehardouin, 
which  is  in  a  degree  effective  in  the  French,  but  is  with  much  difficulty 
conveyed  into  English. — Tbans. 

X  Irene,  the  daughter  of  Isaac,  had  been  affianced  to  William,  son  of 
Tancred,  king  of  Sicily  ;  being  taken  into  Germany,  with  the  rest  of  the 
&mily  of  Tancred,  she  had  married  Philip  of  Swabia. 


Philip  of  Swabia,  then  considered  an  enemj  to  the  court  of 
Borne,  or  whether  all  his  attention  was  directed  towards  the 
East,  he  gave  no  ear  to  the  complaints  of  Alexius,  and  seemed 
to  dread  countenancing  a  war  against  Greece.  The  fugitive 
prince  had  in  vain  solicited  most  of  the  Christian  monarchs, 
when  he  was  advised  to  address  himself  to  the  Crusaders,  the 
noblest  warriors  of  the  West.  The  arrival  of  his  ambassadors 
created  a  lively  sensation  at  Venice ;  the  knights  and  barons 
were  impressed  with  generous  pity  by  the  account  of  his 
misfortunes ;  they  had  never  defended  a*  more  glorious  cause. 
To  avenge  injured  innocence,  to  remedy  a  great  calamity, 
stirred  the  spirit  of  Dandolo;  and  the  proud  republicans, 
whose  head  he  was,  feelingly  deplored  the  fate,  of  a  fugitive 
emperor.  They  had  not  forgotten  that  the  usurper  preferred 
to  an  alliance  with  them  one  with  the  Genoese  and  Pisans  ; 
it  appeared  to  them  that  the  cause  of  Alexius  was  their  own, 
and  that  their  vessels  ought  to  bear  him  back  to  the  ports  of 
Greece  and  Byzantium. 

Nevertheless,  as  everything  was  prepared  for  the  conquest 
of  Zara,  the  decision  of  this  business  was  deferred  to  a  more 
favourable  opportunity  ;  and  the  fleet,  with  the  Crusaders  on 
tef  d,  set  sail  amidst  the  sounds  of  martial  music  and  the 
aSlamation  of  the  whole  population  of  Venice.  Never  had 
a  fleet  so  numerous  or  so  magnificently  equipped  been  seen 
in  the  Adriatic  Gulf.  The  sea  was  covered  with  four 
hundred  and  eighty  ships ;  the  number  of  the  combatants, 
horse  and  foot,  amounted  to  forty  thousand  men.  After 
having  subdued  Trieste  and  some  other  maritime  cities  of 
Istria  that  had  shaken  ofl*  the  yoke  of  Venice,  the  Crusaders 
arrived  before  Zara  on  the  10th  day  of  November,  1202,  the 
eve  of  St.  Martin;  Zara,*  situated  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Adriatic  Gulf,  sixty  leagues  from  Venice,  and  five  leagues 
north  of  Jadera,  an  ancient  Soman  colony,  was  a  rich  and 
populous  city,  fortified  by  high  walls,  and  surrounded  by  a 

*  ViUehardouin  and  Gantlier  give  very  circamstantial  details  of  the 
siege  of  Zara,  and  of  the  debates  that  followed  it.  (See  also,  on  the 
subject  of  these  debates,  the  letters  of  Innocent.)  The  Abb^  Flenrf ,  in 
the  sixteenth  volnme  of  his  EccletiasHcal  HUioryt  displays  sufficiently  the 
spirit  that  then  actuated  the  Crusaders.  M.  Lebeau,  in  the  twentieth 
volume  of  the  HUtory  f^f  the  Lower  Empire^  and  the  Abb^  Laugier,  in 
the  second  volnme  of  his  History  qf  Venice,  say  a  great  deal  concerning 
the  siege  of  Zara. 


sea  studded  with  rocks.  The  kin^  of  Hungaiy  had  sent 
troops  to  defend  it,  and  the  inhabitants  had  sworn  to  bury 
themselves  beneath  the  ruins  of  the  place  rather  than 
surrender  to  the  Venetians.  At  the  sight  of  the  ramparts  of 
the  city,  the  Crusaders  perceived  all  the  difficulty  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  party  opposed  to  this  war  again  ventured 
to  mxirmur.  The  leaders,  however,  gave  the  signal  for  the 
assault.  As  soon  as  the  chains  of  the  port  were  broken,  and 
the  machines  began  to  make  the  walls  shake,  the  inhabitants 
forgot  the  resolution  they  had  formed  of  dying  in  defence  of 
their  ramparts,  and,  filled  with  dread,  sent  deputies  to  the 
doge,  who  promised  to  pardon  them  on  account  of  their 
repentance.  But  the  deputies  charged  with  the  petition  for 
peace,  met  with  several  Crusaders  among  the  besiegers,  who 
said  to  them,  "  Why  did  you  surrender  P  you  have  nothing 
to  fear  fix)m  the  French  ?**  These  imprudent  words  rekindled 
the  war ;  the  deputies,  on  their  return,  announced  to  the 
inhabitants  that  all  the  Crusaders  were  not  their  enemies, 
and  that  Zara  would  preserve  its  liberty  if  the  people  and 
soldiers  were  willing  to  defend  it.  The  party  of  the  mal- 
contents, whose  object  was  to  divide  the-  army,  seized  this 
opj^ortunity  for  reviving  their  complaints ;  the  most  ard^^ 
amongst  them,  insinuating  themselves  into  the  tents  of  the 
soldiers,  and  endeavouring  to  disgust  them  with  a  war  which 
they  termed  impious. 

6uy,  abbot  of  Vaux  do  Ceniai,  of  the  order  of  Citeaui, 
made  himself  conspicuous  by  his  endeavours  to  secure  the 
failure  of  the  enterprise  against  Zaro ;  everj'-thing  that  coiild 
divert  the  march  of  the  Crusaders  from  the  route  to  the  holy 
places,*  was,  in  his  eyes,  an  attack  upon  religion.  The  most 
brilliant  exploits,  if  not  performed  m  the  cause  of  Christ, 
could  command  neither  his  esteem  nor  his  approbation.  The 
abbot  of  Cemai  was  deficient  in  neither  subtlety  nor  elo- 
quence, and  knew  how  to  employ  both  prayers  and  menaces 
efiectively  ;  he  had  that  influence  over  the  pilgrims  that  an 

*  Katona,  in  his  HUtoire  Criitque  de^Rois  deHongrie,  expresses  him- 
self with  bitterness  against  the  Crusaders,  and  relates  facts  very  little 
fevonrable  to  the  Venetians  and  French  who  laid  siege  to  Zara.  Arch- 
deacon Thomas,  one  of  the  historians  of  Hungary,  does  not  spare  the 
Venetians,  whom  he  accuses  of  tyranny,  and  who  made,  he  says,  their 
maritime  power  detested  by  all  the  excesses  of  violence  and  injustioe. 


inflexible  mind  and  an  ardent,  obstinate  character  always 
obtains  oyer  the  multitude.  In  a  council,  he  arose,  and 
forbade  the  Crusaders  to  draw  their  swords  against  Chris- 
tians, and  was  about  to  read  a  letter  from  the  pope,  when  he 
was  interrupted  hj  threats  and  cries. 

Amidst  tne  tumult  which  followed  in  the  council  and  the 
army,  the  abbot  of  Cemai  would  hare  been  in  danger  of  his 
life,  if  the  count  de  Montfort,  who  partook  his  sentiments, 
had  not  drawn  his  sword  in  his  de&nce.  The  barons  and 
knights  could  not,  however,  forget  the  promise  they  had 
made  to  fight  for  the  republic  of  Venice ;  nor  cotdd  they 
think  of  laying  down  their  arms  in  presence  of  an  enemy 
that  had  promised  to  surrender,  aud  who  now  defied  their 
attacks.  The  greater  the  efibrts  of  the  coimt  de  Montfort 
and  the  abbot  of  Cemai  to  interrupt  the  war,  the  more  they 
conceived  their  honour  and  gloir  to  be  engaged  to  continue 
the  siege  they  had  begun.  Whilst  the  malcontents  were 
giving  vent  to  their  scruples  and  complaints,  the  bravest  of 
the  army  proceeded  to  the  assault.  The  besieged,  whose 
hopes  were  built  upon  the  divisions  amone  their  enemies, 
placed  crosses  upon  the  wfdls,  persuaded  that  this  revered 
j^gn  would  protect  them  more  effectually  than  their  machines 
of  war ;  but  they  were  not  lon^  in  finding  that  there  was  no 
safety  for  them  except  in  submission.  On  the  5th  day  of  the 
sie^,  without  having  offered  their  enemies  any  serious 
resistance,  they  opened  their  gates,  and  only  obtained  from 
the  conqueror  liberty  and  life.  The  city  was  given  up  to 
pillage,  and  the  booty  divided  between  the  Venetians  and 
the  French. 

One  of  the  results  of  this  conquest  was  a  fresh  quarrel  in 
the  victorious  army,  in  which  more  blood  flowed  than  had 
been  shed  during  the  siege.  The  season  being  too  far 
advanced  to  allow  the  fleet  to  put  to  sea,  the  doge  proposed 
to  the  Crusaders  to  winter  at  i^ra.  The  two  nations  occu« 
pied  different  quarters  of  the  city ;  but  as  the  Venetians 
had  chosen  the  handsomest  and  moat  commodious  houses, 
the  French  loudly  proclaimed  their  dissatisfaction.  After  a 
few  complaints  and  many  threats,  they  had  recourse  to 
arms,  and  every  street  became  the  theatre  of  a  conflict ;  the 
inhabitants  of  Zara  beheld  with  delight  the  sanguinary  dis- 
putes of  flKnr  conquerors.  The  partisans  of  the  abbot  of 
Vol.  11.-4 


Cemai  applauded  in  secret  tbe  deplorable  conseguenoes  of 
a  war  they  had  condemned ;  whilst  the  doge  of  Venice  and 
the  barons  employed  every  effort  to  separate  the  com- 
batants. Their  praters  and  threats  at  first  had  no  effect  in 
appeasing  this  homble  tumult,  which  was  prolonged  to  the 
middle  of  the  night.  On  the  morrow,  all  the  passions  that 
divided  the  army  were  near  breaking  out  with  increased 
fury.  Whilst  iaterring  their  dead,  the  Prench  and  Vene- 
tians renewed  their  disputes  and  menaces.  The  leaders 
were,  for  more  than  a  week,  in  despair  of  being  able  to 
calm  the  irritated  spirits  of  their  followers,  and  reunite  the 
soldiers  of  the  two  nations.  Scarcely  was  order  re-esta- 
blished when  a  letter  was  received  from  the  pope,  who 
disapproved  of  the  capture  of  Zara,  ordered  the  Crusaders 
to  renounce  the  booty  they  had  made  in  a  Christian  city, 
and  to  engage  themselves,  by  a  solemn  vow,  to  repair  the 
injuries  they  had  inflicted.  Innocent  reproached  the  Vene- 
tians bitterly  with  having  seduced  the  soldiers  of  Christ 
into  this  impious  and  sacrilegious  war.  This  letter  from 
the  pope  was  received  with  respect  by  the  French,  with 
disdun  by  the  Crusaders  of  Venice.  The  latter  openly 
refused  to  bow  to  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See ;  and  td^ 
secure  the  fruits  of  their  victory,  began  to  demolish  the 
ramparts  of  Zara.  The  French  barons  could  not  endure  the 
idea  of  having  incurred  the  anger  of  the  pope,  and  sent 
deputies  to  Bome  to  endeavour  to  mitigate  the  displeasure 
of  his  holiness,  and  solicit  their  pardon,  alleging  that  they 
had  only  obeyed  the  law  of  necessit3^  The  greater  part  of 
them,  though  fully  determined  to  retain  all  they  had  ob- 
tained, promised  the  pope  to  restore  their  spoils :  they 
undertook,  by  a  solemn  act,  addressed  to  all  Christians,  to 
repair  the  wrongs  they  had  done,  and  to  merit  by  their 
conduct  pardon  for  past  errors.*  Their  submission,  far 
more  than  their  promises,  disarmed  the  anger  of  the  pope, 

*  We  feel  bound  to  present  the  text  of  this  oath : — B.  Fland.  et  Hain., 
L.  Blesen  ct  Clar.  et  H.  S.  P.  comites,  Oddo  de  Chanliet,  ct  W.  frater 
eJQ8,  omnibas  ad  quos  littene  istte  pervenerint,  salatem  in  Domino. 
Notum  fieri  volamus,  quod  super  eo  quod  apud  Jaderam  incunrimus  ex- 
communicationem  apostolicam,  Tel  incurrisse  nos  timemus,  tarn  nos  quam 
auccessores  nostros  sedi  apostolioe  obligamtis,  quod  ad  mandatum  ejus 
satisfactionem  curabimus  exfaibere.  Dat.  apud  Jaderam,  anno  Domini 
1203,  mense  ApriUs. 

HI8T0BY   07  TUB  GBUSAPXS.  67 

who  replied  to  them  with  mildneBS,  and  commanded  the 
leaders  to  salute  the  knights  and  pilgrims,  giving  them 
ahsolution  and  his  henediction,  as  to  his  children.  He 
exhorted  them,  in  his  letter,  to  set  out  for  Syria,  without 
turning  to  the  right  or  the  Ifft ;  and  permittbg  them  to 
cross  the  sea  with  the  Venetians,  whom  he  had  just  excom- 
municated,* hv;t  only  from  necesnty,  and  with  oiiterness  of 
heart.  If  the  Venetians  persisted  in  their  disobedience,  the 
sovereign  pontiff  advised  the  barons,  when  they  arrived  in 
Palestine,  to  separate  themselves  from  a  people  reproved  of 
God,  iot  fear  of  bringing  a  malediction  upon  the  Christian 
army,  as  formerly  Achan  had  brought  down  the  divine 
wrath  upon  the  Israelites.  Innocent  promised  the  Cru- 
saders to  protect  them  in  their  expedition,  and  to  watch 
over  their  wants  during  the  perils  of  the  holy  war.  "  In 
order  that  you  may  not  want  provisions,'*  said  he  to  them, 
"  we  will  write  to  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  to  furnish 
you  with  them,  as  he  has  promised ;  if  that  be  refused  to 
you  which  is  refused  to  none,  it  will  not  be  unjust,  if, 
after  the  example  of  many  holy  persons,  you  take  provisions 
wherever  you  may  find  them ;  for  it  will  be  known  that  you 

B  devoted  to  the  cause  of  Christ,  to  whom  all  the  world 
ongs."t  These  counsels  and  these  promises,  which  so 
completely  reveal  to  us  the  spirit  of  the  thirteenth  century 
and  the  policy  of  the  Holy  See,  were  received  by  the  knights 
and  barons  as  evidence  of  the  paternal  goodness  of  the 
sovereign  pontiff:  but  the  face  of  things  was  about  again  to 
change ;  and  fortune,  which  sported  with  the  decisions  of 
the  pope  as  well  as  those  of  the  pilgrims,  was  not  long  in 

*  The  pope  adds,  whilst  speaking  of  the  Venetians :  "  Excommaoicated 
as  they  are,  they  still  remained  tied  by  their  promises  ;  and  you  are  not 
the  leas  auliiorized  to  require  the  performance  of  them  ;  it  is  further  a 
maxim  of  right,  that  in  passing  over  the  land  of  a  heretic  or  an  excom- 
manicated  person,  you  may  buy  or  receive  necessary  things  from  him. 
MoreoTer,  excommunication  denounced  against  the  father  of  a  family, 
does  not  prevent  his  household  from  communicating  with  him." 

t  This  permission  to  Hve  by  pillage,  even  in  a  friendly  country,  ii 
remarkable,  particularly  as  the  pope  pretends  to  authorize  it  by  examples 
from  Scripture. — Fleury,  Hist.  Eecl.  book  Ixxv. 

Innocent,  in  giving  the  Crusaders  permission  to  take  provisions  wherever 
they  may  find  them,  adds,  ^*  Provided  it  be  with  the  fear  of  God,  without 
doing  injury  to  any  person,  and  with  a  resolation  to  make  reatitntiOD." 


giving  an  entirely  new  direction  to  the  events  of  the 

Ambassadors  from  Philip  of  Swabia,  brother-in-law  of 
^roirng  Alexius,  arrived  at  Zara,  and  addressed  the  council 
of  the  lords  and  barons,  assembled  in  the  palace  of  the  doge 
of  Venice.  "  Seigneurs,"  said  they,  "  the  puissant  king  of 
the  Eomans  sends  us  to  recommend  to  you  the  young 
prince  Alexius,  and  to  place  him  in  your  hands,  under  the 
safeguard  of  God.  We  do  not  come  for  the  purpose  of 
turning  you  aside  from  your  holy  enterprise,  but  to  offer 
you  an  easy  and  a  certain  means  of  accompHshiiig  your 
noble  designs.  We  know  that  you  have  only  taken  up 
arms  for  the  love  of  Christ  and  of  justice ;  we  come,  there- 
fore, to  propose  to  you  to  assist  those  who  are  oppressed  by 
unjust  tyranny,  and  to  secure  at  once  the  triumph  of  the 
laws  of  religion  and  humanity :  we  propose  to  you  to  turn 
your  victorious  arms  towards  the  capital  of  Greece,  which 
groans  under  the  rod  of  an  usurper,  and  to  assure  yourselves 
for  ever  of  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem  br  that  of  Constanti- 
nople. You  know,  as  well  as  we  do,  tow  many  evils,  our 
fathers,  the  companions  of  Gx)dfrey,  Conrad,  and  Louis  the 
Young,  suffered  from  having  left  behind  them  a  powerfii^ 
empire,  the  conquest  and  submission  of  which  would  have 
become  a  ^urce  of  victories  to  their  arms.  What  have  you 
not  now  to  dread  fi^m  this  Alexius,  n^ore  cruel  and  more 
perfidious  than  his  predecessors,  who  has  gained  a  throne  by 
parricide,  who  has,  at  once,  betrayed  the  laws  of  religion  and 
nature,  and  whose  only  means  of  escaping  from  the  punish- 
ment due  to  his  crime  is  by  allying  hunself  with  the  Sara- 
cens ?  We  will  not  tell  you  how  easy  a  matter  it  woiild  be 
to  wrest  the  empire  from  the  hands  of  a  tyrant  hated  by  his 
subjects,  for  your  valour  loves  obstacles  and  delights  in 
dangers  ;  nor  will  we  spread  before  your  eyes  the  riches  of 
Byzantium  and  Greece,  for  your  generous  souls  aim  at 
nothing  in  this  conquest,  but  the  glory,  of  your  arms  and 
the  cause  of  Jesus  Const. 

"  If  you  overturn  the  power  of  the  usurper  in  order  that 
the  legitimate  sovereign  may  reign,  the  son  of  Isaac  pro- 
mises, under  the  faith  of  oaths  the  most  inviolable,  to  main- 
tain, during  a  year,  both  your  fleet  and  your  army,,  and  to 
pay  you  two  hundred  thousand  silver  marks  towaanls  the 


expenses  of  the  war.  He  will  accompany  you  in  person  in 
the  eonquest  of  Syria  qr  Egypt ;  and  if  you  think  proper, 
will  furnish  ten  thousand  men,  as  his  portion  of  the  arma- 
ment ;  and,  moreover,  will  maintain,  during  the  whole  of  his 
life,  five  hundred  knights  in  the  Holy  Land.  But  that 
which  must  weigh  above  all  other  considerations,  with 
warriors  and  Christian  heroes,  is  that  Alexius  is  willing  to 
swear,  on  the  holy  Gospel,  to  put  an  end  to  the  heresy 
which  now  defiles  the  empire  of  the  East,  and  to  subject  the 
Gkreek  Church  to  the  Church  of  Eome.  So  many  advantages 
bemg  attached  to  the  enterprise  proposed  to  you,  we  feel 
confident  you  wiU  listen  to  our  prayers.  We  see  in  Holy 
Writ  that  God  sometimes  employed  men  the  most  simple 
and  the  most  obscure  to  make  known  his  will  to  his  chosen 
people ;  on  this  occasion,  it  is  a  young  prince  he  has  ap- 
pointed the  instrument  of  his  designs ;  it  is  Alexius  that 
Frovidence  has  commissioned  to  lead  you  in  the  way  of  the 
Lord,  and  to  point  out  to  you  the  road  you  must  follow 
to  render  certain  the  triiunph  of  the  armies  of  Jesus 

This  discoiu'se  made  a  strong  impression  upon  a  great 
'taiunber  of  the  knights  and  barons,  but  it  did  not  command 
the  suffrages  of  the  whole  assembly.  The  doge  and  the 
lords  dismissed  the  ambassadors,  telling  them  they  would 
deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of  Alexius.  Warm  debates 
then  ensued  in  the  council ;  those  that  had  been  averse  to 
the  siege  of  Zara,  among  whom  the  abbot  of  Vaux  de  Cemai 
was  sttfl  conspicuous,  opposed  the  expedition  to  Constanti- 
nople with  great  vehemence ;  they  were  indignant  that  the 
interests  of  Gtod  should  be  placed  in  the  balance  against 
those  of  Alexius ;  they  addea  thaf  this  Isaac,  whose  cause 
they  were  called  upon  to  defend,  was  hjmself  an  usurper, 
elevated  by  a  revolution  to  the  throne  of  the  Comnenas ; 
that  he  had  been,  during  the  third  crusade,  the  most  cruel 
enemy  of  the  Christians,  the  most  faithful  ally  of  the  Turks ; 
as  for  the  rest,  the  nations  of  Greece,  accustomed  to  the 
change  of  masters,  supported  the  usurpation  of  Alexius 
without  murmuring,  and  the  Latins  had  not  quitted  their 
homes  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  a  people  that  really  did  not 
call  upon  them  for  aid. 

The  same  orators  further  said,  that  Philip  of  Swabis 


exhorted  the  Crusaders  to  assist  Alexius,  but  was  content 
liimself  with  making  speeches  and  sending  ambassadors; 
thej  warned  the  Christians  not  to  trust  to  the  promises  of  a 
young  prince,  who  engaged  to  furnish  armies,  and  had  not  a 
SLUgle  soldier ;  who  offered  treasures,  and  possessed  nothing ; 
who,  besides,  had  been  brought  up  amongst  the  Greeks,  and 
would,  most  likely,  some  day  turn  his  arms  against  his 
benefactors.  "  If  you  are  so  sensible  to  misfortune,"  added 
they,  "  and  impatient  to  defend  the  cause  of  justice  and 
humanity,  listen  to  the  groans  of  our  brethren  in  Palestine, 
who  are  menaced  by  the  Saracens,  and  who  have  no  earthly 
hope  but  in  your  courage."  They  moreover  told  the  Cru- 
saaers,  that  if  they  wished  for  easy  victories  and  brilliant 
conquests,  they  had  but  to  turn  their  eyes  towards  Egypt, 
the  population  of  which  was  at  that  moment  devoured  by  a 
hombie  famine,  and  which  the  seven  plagues  of  Scripture 
yielded  up  to  the  arms  of  the  Christians  almost  without 

The  Venetians,  who  had  cause  of  complaint  against  the 
emperor  of  Constantinople,  were  not  at  all  affected  by  these 
arguments,  and  appeared  much  more  inclined  to  make  war 
upon  the  Greeks  than  the  infidels;  they  were  anxious  to 
destroy  the  warchouses  of  their  rivals  the  Fisans,  now  estab- 
lished in  Greece,  and  to  see  their  ships  crossing  the  straits 
of  the  Bosphorus  in  triumph.  Their  doge  nourished  a  keen 
resentment  on  account  of  some  personal  offence;  and  to 
inflame  the  minds  of  his  compatriots,  he  magnified  all  the 
wrongs  inflicted  by  the  Greeks  on  his  own  country  and  tho 
Christians  of  the  West. 

K  ancient  chronicles  may  be  believed,  Dandolo  was  im- 
pelled by  another  motive,  which  he  did  not  avow  before 
the  Crusaders.  The  sultan  of  Damascus,  made  aware  of  a 
Christian  army  being^  assembled  at  Venice,  and  terrified  at 
the  crusade  that  was  preparing,  had  sent  a  considerable 
treasure  to  the  republic,  to  engage  it  to  divert  the  Crusaders 
from  an  expedition  inta  the  Last.  Whether  we  yield  faith 
to  this  account,  or  whetlier  we  consider  it  as  a  fable  invented 
by  hatred  and  party  spirit,  such  assertions,  collected  by 
contemporaries,  at  least  prove  that  violent  suspicions  were 
then  entertained  against  the  Venetians  by  the  dissatisfied 
Crusaders,  and  particularly  by  the  Christians  of  Syria,  justly 

HI8T0BT  07  THE  CBU8ADES.  "  71 

irritated  at  not  being  assisted  by  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  * 
Nerertheless,  we  feel  bound  to  add  that  the  majority  of  the 
Erench  Crusaders  stood  in  no  need  of  being  stimulated  by 
the  example  or  speeches  of  the  doge,  to  undertake  a  war 
against  the  Gk-eet  empire.  Even  those  who  opposed  the 
new  expedition  the  most  strongly,  as  well  as  all  the  other 
Crusaders,  entertained  an  inveterate  hatred  and  a  sovereign 
contempt  for  the  Greeks ;  and  the  discussions  had  only  the 
more  inflamed  the  general  mind  against  a  nation  considered 
inimical  to  the  Christians. 

Several  ecclesiastics,  having  at  their  head  the  abbot  of 
Looz,  a  personage  remarkable  for  his  piety  and  the  purity 
of  his  manners,  did  not  accord  in  opinion  with  the  abbot  of 
Yaux  de  Cemai,  and  maintained  that  there  was  much  dan- 
ger in  leading  an  army  into  a  country  devastated  by  famine; 
that  Greece  presented  much  greater  advantages  to  the  Cru- 
saders than  Egypt,  and  that  there  could  be  no  doubt  that 
the  conquest  ot  Constantinople  was  the  most  certain  means 
of  securmg  to  the  Christians  the  possession  of  Jerusalem. 

*  We  find  in  the  coatinuator  of  William  of  Tyre  the  following  circum- 
stance :~Malek-Adel  being  informed  that  the  Crusaders  were  assembling 
at  Venice,  conceived  great  uneasiness  regarding  their  ulterior  designs. 
He  called  together  the  heads  of  the  Christian  clergy  at  Cairo,  and  an- 
nounced to  them  that  a  new  expedition  was  preparing  in  Europe,  and  that 
they  must  provide  themselves  with  horses,  arms,  and  provisions,  llie 
bishops,  to  whom  he  addressed  himself  to  obtain  the  succour  of  which  he 
stood  in  need,  replied  that  their  sacred  ministry  did  not  allow  them  to 
fight.  **  Well,"  answered  Malek-Adel,  **  since  you  cannot  fight  your- 
selves, you  must  provide  me  with  men  to  fight  in  your  place."  He  then 
demanded  of  them  an  account  of  the  lands  they  possessed,  and  ordered 
that  these  lands  should  be  sold  ;  and  the  money  produced  by  this  confis- 
cation was  sent  to  Venice,  to  corrupt  the  leaders  of  that  republic,  and  to 
engage  them  to  divert  the  Crusaders  from  an  expedition  into  Egypt  or 
Syria.  Malek-Adel  at  the  same  time  promised  the  Venetians  all  sorts  of 
privileges  for  their  trade  in  the  port  of  Alexandria.  This  singular  cir- 
cumstance, related  at  first,  as  we  have  said,  by  the  continuator  of  William 
of  Tyre,  is  to  be  found  also  in  Bernard  T^etaurariuM,  and  in  the  Chronicle 
of  St.  Victor.  Marin.  Sanut,  it  lb  true,  parses  it  by  in  silence,  and  con- 
tents himself  with  saying  that  Malek-Adel  went  into  Egypt  and  there 
collected  a  treasure.  But  it  may  be  observed  that  Marin.  Sanut  was  a 
Venetian,  and  had  a  good  reason  not  to  report  all  the  details  of  a  fact 
which  was  noi  to  the  glory  of  his  country.  Bernard  when  relating  it,  adds : 
-^-Qualiter  autem  hujus  rei  efTectus  fuerit  in  opinione  paten ti  multorum 
est,  si  legantnr  quse  Veneti  cum  baronibns  ipsis  peregerunt,  detruhendo 
eos  ad  obsidionem  Jadrsi  et  deinde  Constantinopolim. 


These  ecclesiastics  were  particularlj  fascinated  by  the  hope 
of  one  day  seeing  the  Greek  Church  united  to  that  of  Some, 
and  they  constantly  announced  in  their  discourses  the  ap- 
proaching period  of  concord  and  peace  among  all  Christiaa 

Many  knights  contemplated  with  satisfaction  the  prospect 
of  the  union  of  the  two  churches,  likely  to  be  brought  about 
by  their  arms ;  but  they  yielded  further  to  motives  not  less 
powerful  over  their  minds ;  they  had  sworn  to  defend  inno- 
cence and  the  rights  of  the  oppressed,  and  tKey  believed 
they  performed  their  duty  in  embracing  the  cause  of  Alexius. 
Some  of  them,  without  doubt,  who  had  heard  of  the  vast 
wealth  of  Byzantium,  might  believe  that  they  should  not 
return  from  such  a  brUliant  undertaking  emptj  handed  ^  but 
such  was  the  spirit  of  the  lords  and  knights,  that  by  far  the 
greater  number  were  attracted  by  the  mere  prospect  of  the 
perils,  and  still  more  by  the  wonders  of  the  enterprise. 
After  a  long  deliberation,  it  was  decided  in  the  council 
of  the  Crusaders  that  the  proposals  of  Alexius  should  be 
accepted,  and  that  the  Christian  army  should  embark  for 
Constantinople  at  the  commencement  of  spring. 

Before  the  siege  of  Zara,  the  report  of  the  armament  of 
the  Crusaders,  and  of  an  expedition  against  Greece  had 
reached  the  court  of  Byzantium.  The  usurper  of  the 
throne  of  Isaac  immediately  sought  for  means  to  avert  the 
storm  about  to  fall  upon  his  states,  and  hastened  to  send 
ambassadors  to  the  pope,  whom  he  considered  the  arbiter  of 
peace  and  war  in  the  "West.  These  ambassadors  were 
ordered  to  declare  to  the  sovereign  pontiff  that  the  prince 
who  reigned  at  Constantinople  was  the  only  legitimate 
emperor ;  that  the  son  of  Isaac  had  no  right  to  the  empire ; 
that  an  expedition  against  Greece  would  be  an  unjust  enter- 
prise, dangerous,  and  adverse  to  the  great  designs  of  the 
crusade.  The  pope,  in  his  reply,  did  not  at  all  seek  to  calm 
the  fears  of  the  usurper,  but  told  his  envoys  that  young 
Alexius  had  numerous  partisans  among  the  Crusaders, 
because  he  had  made-  a  promise  to  succour  the  Holy  Land 
•  in  person,  and  to  put  an  end  to  the  rebellion  of  the  Greek 
Church.  The  pope  did  not  approve  of  the  expedition 
against  Constantmople ;  but,  by  speaking  in  the  way  he  did, 
he  thought  that  the  sovereign  who  then  reigned  over  Greece 

HI8T0BT  07  THS  CBUSADEB.  73 

mijght  be  induced  to  make  the  same  promiBeB  as  the  fugiiiye 
prince,  and  would  be  more  able  to  fulfil  them ;  he  conceived 
a  hope  that  thej  might  treat  adrantageoufilj,  without  having 
recourse  to  the  sword,  and  that  the  debates  concerning  the 
empire  of  the  East  would  be  referred  to  his  supreme  tribu- 
nal. But  the  elder  Alexius,  whether  hb  was  persuaded  that 
he  had  suffidentlj  interested  the  pope  in  his  cause,  or  whe- 
ther he  deemed  it  most  prudent  not  to  appear  alarmed,  or, 
in  short,  whether  the  prospect  of  a  distant  danger  could  not 
remove  his  habitual  mdolence,  sent  no  more  ambassadors, 
and  made  not  the  least  exertion  to  prepare  against  the  inva- 
sion of  the  waniors  of  the  West. 

In  another  direction,  the  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the 
Christians  of  Palestine  never  ceased  to  give  vent  to  their 
complaints,  and  to  implore  the  assistance  that  the  head  of 
the  Church  had  promised  them.  The  pope,  much  affected 
bj  theiir  prayers,  and  always  zealous  for  the  crusade  he  had 
preached,  renewed  his  efforts  to  direct  the  arms  of  the  Cru- 
saders against  the  Saracens.  He  sent  the  cardinals,  Peter 
of  Capua,  and  Siffired,  into  Palestine,  as  legates  of  the  Holy 
See,  to  revive  the  courage  of  the  Christians,  and  announce 
to  them  the  approaching  departure  of  the  army  of  Crusa- 
ders ;  but  when  he  learnt  that  the  leaders  had  determined 
upon  attacking  the  empire  of  Constantinople,  he  poured 
upon  them  the  most  bitter  reprimands,  and  reproached  them 
with  looking  behind  them,  as  Lot's  wife  had  done.  "  Let 
none  among  you,"  said  he,  "  flatter  himself  that  he  may  be 
allowed  to  invade  or  plunder  the  lands  of  the  Greeks,  under 
the  pretence  that  the  empire  is  not  sufficiently  submissive, 
or  that  the  emperor  has  usurped  the  throne  of  his  brother ; 
whatever  crime  he  may  have  committed,  it  is  not  for  you  to 
constitute  yoiurself  the  judge  of  it :  you  did  not  assume  the 
cross  to  avenge  the  injuries  of  princes,  but  that  of  Grod.*' 

Innocent  finished  his  letter  without  bestowing  his  bene- 
diction upon  the  Crusaders ;  and,  to  frighten  them  from 
their  new  enterprise,  threatened  them  with  the  maledictions 
of  Heaven.  The  barons  and  knights  received  the  rem  on* 
strances  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  with  respect ;  but  did  not 
at  all  waver  in  the  resolution  they  had  formed. 

Then  the  opponents  of  the  expedition  to  Constantinople 
renewed  their  complaints,  and  employed  no  sort  of  modera- 



tion  in  their  discourses.  The  abbot  of  Yaux  de  Cemai,  the 
abbot  Martin  Litz,  one  of  the  preachers  of  the  crusade,  the 
count  de  Montfort,  and  a  great  number  of  knights  employed 
every  effort  to  shake  the  determination  of  the  army ;  and 
when  they  found  they  could  not  succeed,  retolved  to  leave 
them,  some  to  return  to  their  homes,  and  others  to  take  the 
route  to  Palestine.  Those  who  abandoned  their  colours,  and 
those  who  remained  in  the  camp,  mutually  accused  each 
other  with  betraying  the  cause  of  Christ.*  Five  hundred 
soldiers  having  thrown  themselves  on  board  a  vessel,  were 
shipwrecked  and  all  swallowed  up  by  the  waves;  many 
others,  in  crossing  Illyria,  were  massacred  by  the  savage  in- 
habitants of  that  country.  These  perished  cursing  the  am- 
bition and  errors  which  had  turned  the  Christian  army  aside 
from  the  true  object  of  the  crusade;  whilst  those  who 
remaiued  faithful  to  their  standards,  deplored  the  tragical 
death  of  their  companions,  saying  among  themselves :  *'  The 
mercy  of  the  Lord  has  remained  with  us  ;  evU  he  to  them  who 
stray  from  the  way  of  the  ZordJ** 

The  knights  and  barons  regretted  in  secret  that  they  had 
not  been  able  to  obtain  the  approbation  of  the  pope,  but 
were  persuaded  that,  by  means  of  victories,  they  should  jus- 
tify their  conduct  in  the  eyes  of  the  Holy  See ;  and  that  the 
father  of  the  faithful  would  recognise  in  their  conquests 
the  expression  of  the  will  of  Heaven. 

The  Crusaders  were  upon  the  point  of  embarking,  when 
young  Alexius  himself  arrived  at  Zara.  His  presence 
created  a  fresh  enthusiasm  for  his  cause ;  he  was  received 
amidst  the  sounds  of  trumpets  and  clarions,  and  presented 
to  the  army  by  the  marquia  of  Montferrat,t  whose  elder 
brothers  had  been  connected  by  marriage  and  the  dignity  of 
Ca)sar,  with  the  imperial  family  of  Constantinople.  The 
barons  hailed  young  Alexius  as  emperor,  with  the  greater 
joy,  that  they  hoped  his  future  grandeur  would  be  the  work 

*  The  marshal  of  Champagne  lets  no  opportunity  escape  for  blaming 
^ith  bitterness  those  who  abandoned  the  army  of  the  Crusaders. 

t  A  double  alliance  and  the  dignity  of  Caesar  had  connected  the  two 
elder  brothers  of  Boniface  with  the  imperial  family.  Reinier  of  Mont- 
ferrat  had  married  Mary,  daughter  of  the  emperor  Manuel  Comnenus ; 
Conrad,  who  haj^efended  Tyre  before  the  third  crusade,  was  married  to 
Theodora  Angela,  sister  of  the  emperors  Isaac  and  Alexins. 


of  their  hands.  Alexius  took  arms  to  break  the  chains  of 
his  father,  and  they  admired  in  him  a  most  touching  model 
of  Christian  piety :  he  was  about  to  combat  usurpation,  to 
punish  injustice,  and  stifle  heresy,  and  thej  looked  upon  him 
as  an  envoy  of  Providence.  The  misfortimes  of  princes 
destined  to  reign  affect  us  more  sensibly  than  those  of  other 
men ;  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders,  the  soldiers  talked  over 
the  story  of  Alexius  among  themselves,  and  they  pitied  his 
youth,  and  deplored  his  exile  and  the  captivity  of  Isaac. 
Alexius,  accompanied  by  the  princes  and  barons,  went  con- 
stantly among  the  soldiery,  and  replied  by  demonstrations 
of  the  warmest  gratitude  to  the  generous  interest  the  Cru- 
saders evinced  in  his  favour. 

Animated  by  sentiments  which  misfortune  inspires,  and 
which  not  unfrequently  terminate  with  it,  the  young  prince 
was .  lavish  of  vows  and  protestations,  and  promisea  even 
more  thim  he  had  done  bynis  envoys,  without  thinking  that 
he  placed  himself  under  the  necessity  of  failing  in  his  word, 
and  drawing  upon  himself,  one  day,  the  reproaches  of  his 

The  Crusaders,  however,  renewed  every  day  their  vow  to 
place  youne  Alexius  on  the  throne  of  Constiuitinople ;  and 
Italy  and  the  whole  West  rung  with  the  fame  of  their  pre- 
parations. The  emperor  of  Byzantium  appeared  to  be  the 
only  person  ignorant  of  the  war  declared  agamst  his  usurped 
power,  and  slept  upon  a  throne  ready  to  crumble  from  under 

The  emperor  Alexius,  like  the  greater  part  of  his  prede- 
cessors, was  a  prince  without  virtues  or  character ;  when  he 
deposed  his  brother,  he  allowed  the  crime  to  be  committed 
by  his  courtiers,  and  when  he  was  upon  the  throne  he  aban- 
doned to  them  the  charge  of  his  authority.  He  was  lavish 
of  the  treasures  of  the  state,  to  secure  pardon  and  oblivion 
for  his  usurpation ;  and,  to  repair  his  finances,  he  sold  jus- 
tice, ruined  his  subjects,  and  plundered  the  merchant  snips 
that  traded  between  Eamisa  and  Constantinople.  The 
usurper  scattered  dienities  and  honours  with  such  profusion, 
that  no  one  thought  himself  honoured  by  them,  and  there  r^ 
mained  in  his  hands  no  true  reward  for  merit.  Alexius  had 
associated  his  wife  Euphrosyne  with  himself  in  the  sovereign 
authority,  and  she  filled  the  empire  with  her  intrigues,  and 


scandalized  the  court  by  tbe  laxity  of  her  morals.  Under 
his  reign  the  empire  had  been  several  times  menaced  by  the 
Bulgarians  and  the  Turks  ;  Alexius  occasionallj  visited  the 
army,  but  he  never  faced  the  enemy.  Whilst  the  Bulga- 
rians were  ravaging  his  frontiers,  he  employed  himself  in 
levelling  hills,  and  tracing  gardens  on  the  shores  of  the 
Propontis.  Abandoned  to  a  shameful  effeminacy,  he  dis- 
banded a  part  of  his  army ;  and  fearing  to  be  disturbed  in 
his  pleasures  by  the  din  of  arms,  he  sold  the  sacred  vases, 
and  plundered  the  tombs  of  the  Greek  emperors,  to  purchase 
peace  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  who  had  become  master 
of  Sicily.  The  empire  had  no  navy  left ;  the  ministers  had 
sold  the  rigging  and  equipments  of  the  vessels,  and  the 
woods  that  might  have  furnished  timber  for  new  ships,  were 
reserved  for  ihe  pleasures  of  the  prince,  and  guarded  as 
strictly,  says  Nicetas,  as  those  formerly  consecrated  to  the 

Such  numbers  of  conspiracies  never  were  heard  of;  under 
a  prince  who  was  rarely  visible,  the  government  appeared  to 
be  in  a  state  of  interregnum  ;  the  imperial  throne  was  as  an 
empty  seat,  which  every  ambitious  man  aspired  to  occupy. 
Devotedness,  probity,  bravery,  were  no  longer  held  in  esteem 
by  courtiers  or  citizens.  Jfothing  was  deemed  worthy  of 
public  approbation  or  reward  but  the  invention  of  a  new 
pleasure  or  the  fabrication  of  a  fresh  impost.  Amidst  this 
general  depravity,  the  provinces  knew  nothing  of  the  em- 
peror but  by  the  exaction  of  taxes  ;t  and  the  army,  without 

*  The  army  w&s  no  longer  to  be  dreaded  by  the  emperors  as  it  had 
been  in  the  early  days  of  the  empire  ;  but  it  was  no  more  an  object  of  fear 
to  its  enemies  than  to  its  master.  A  modem  historian,  M.  Sismondi, 
finds  in  the  government  of  the  Greek  empire  a  complete  and  incon- 
testable evidence  of  the  natural  and  necessary  effects  of  the  worst  of 
governments.  The  ancients  were  acquainted  with  scarcely  any  medium 
between  liberty  and  despotism.  The  government  of  Constantinople  had 
retained,  up  to  the  middle  of  the  middle  ages,  all  which  characterized  the 
despotism  of  the  ancients,  although  we  must  allow  that  this  despotism  was 
sometimes  tempered  by  religion  and  the  influence  of  the  patriarchs  of 

t  Lebeau,  in  his  History t  describes  at  length  the  decline  of  the  Greek 
empire  and  the  vices  of  the  emperors.  Gibbon,  a  much  more  enlightened 
obwerver,  sometimes  neglects  important  details  connected  with  this  period, 
and  in  his  latter  volumes,  too  often  forgets  the  Greeks  to  speak  of  the 


diBciDline  snd  without  pay,  bad  no  leaden  capable  of  com- 
manaing  it.  Everytbing  announced  an  approaching  revolu- 
tion in  the  empire ;  and  the  peril  was  the  greater  from  no 
one  haying  the  courage  to  foresee  it.  The  subjects  of  Alexius 
never  dr^unt  of  obtruding  truth  upon  the  imperial  ear ; 
birds,  taught  to  repeat  satires^  alone  interrupted  the  silence 
of  the  people,  and  published  from  the  roofs  of  houses,  and 
in  the  high  streets,  the  scandals  of  the  court  and  the  dis- 
grace of  wie  empire. 

The  Ghreeks,  at  the  same  time  superstitious  and  corrupt, 
still  preserved  some  remembrances  of  ancient  Greece  and 
old  Eome ;  but  these  remembrances,  instead  of  creating  a 
noble,  emulative  pride,  only  nourished  in  their  hearts  a  puerile 
vanity,  and  their  history,  of  which  they  were  so  vain,  only 
served  to  render  more  striking  their  own  degradation  and 
their  empire's  too  evident  decay.  The  voice  of  patriotism 
was  never  heard,  and  no  influence  was  obeyed  but  that  of 
the  monks  placed  at  the  head  of  affairs  of  all  kinds,  who 
attracted  and  preserved  the  confidence  of  both  people  and 
prince  by  frivolous  predictions  and  senseless  visions.  The 
Greeks  wasted  their  time  in  vain  disputes,  which  enervated 
their  character,  increased  their  ignorance,  and  stifled  their 
patriotism.  At  the  moment  the  fleet  of  the  Crusaders  was 
about  to  set  sail,  Constantinople  was  in  a  state  of  ferment 
with  discussing  the  question  whether  the  body  of  Jesus 
Christ,  in  the  Eucharist,  is  corruptible  or  incorruptible; 
each  opinion  had  its  partisans,  whose  defeats  or  triumphs 
were,  by  turns,  loudly  proclaimed — and  the  threatened  em- 
pire remained  without  defenders. 

The  Yenetians  and  Erench  lefl  Zara,  and  the  isle  of  Corfu 
was  appointed  as  the  place  of  meeting  for  the  whole  fleet.* 
When  they  landed  on  the  shores  of  Macedon,  the  inhabitants 
of  Duras  brought  young  Alexius  the  keys  of  the  city,  and 
acknowledged  him  as  their  master.     The  people  of  Corfu 

barbarous  nations  of  the  East  and  West  tbat  had  shared  the  wrecks  of  the 
Roman  empire. 

*  We  may  consult,  for  an  account  of  this  expedition,  the  marshal  of 
Champagne,  Gunther,  and  some  passages  of  Nicetas.  Rhamnosius  has 
only  made  a  pompous  paraphrase  of  Villehardouin.  Lebeau  and  the 
Abbe  Laugier  say  a  great  deal  of  the  events  we  are  relating.  This  expe- 
dition of  the  Crusaders  has  been  splendidly  desoribed  by  the  historian 

78  HIBTOBT  OF  THJS  CBU8ia)£8. 

vere  not  tardj  in  following  this  example,  and  received  the 
CruBadera  as  liberators:  the  acclamations  of  the  Greek 
people,  in  the  passage  of  tlic  Latins,  was  a  happy  auguiy 
for  the  success  of  their  expedition. 

The  island  of  Corfu,  the  country  of  the  Phoenicians,  so 
celebrated  by  the  shipwreck  of  Ulysses  and  by  the  gardens 
of  Alcinoiis,  afforded  the  Crusaders  pasturage  and  abundance 
of  provisions.  The  fertility  of  the  island  induced  the  leaders 
to  remain  there  several  weeks ;  but  so  long  a  repose  did  not 
fail  to  produce  evil  consequences  in  an  army  supported  by 
enthusuism,  to  which  no  time  for  reflection  should  nave  been 
allowed,  and,  amidst  indulgence  and  idleness,  the  complaints 
and  murmurs  of  the  siege  of  Zara  broke  out  again. 

They  learnt  that  Gauthier  de  Brienne  had  conquered 
Apulia  and  the  kingdom  of  Naples.  This  conquest, 
effected  in  a  few  months,  by  sixty  knights,  inflamed  the 
imagination  of  the  Crusaders,  and  furnished  the  malcon- 
tents with  a  fresh  opportunity  for  blaming  the  expedition  to 
Constantinople,  the  preparations  for  which  were  immense, 
the  perils  evident,  and  tne  success  uncertain.  "  Whilst  we 
are  going,"  said  they,  "to  exhaust  the  resources  of  the  "West 
in  a  useless  enterprise,  in  a  distant  war,  Gauthier  de  Brienne 
has  made  himself  master  of  a  rich  kingdom,  and  is  preparing 
to  fiilfil  the  promises  he  has  entered  into  with  us  to  aeliver 
the  Holy  Land ;  why  should  we  not  demand  vessels  of  him  ? 
why  should  we  not  set  out  for  Palestine  with  him  ?"  These 
speeches  prevailed  over  a  great  number  of  the  knights,  who 
were  ready  to  separate  themselves  from  the  army. 

The  chief  malcontents  had  already  assembled  in  a  secluded 
valley  to  deliberate  upon  the  means  of  executing  their  pro- 
ject, when  the  leaders  of  the  army  were  warned  of  tlieir 
plot,  and  immediately  united  all  their  efforts  to  prevent  the 
latal  consequences  of  it.  The  doge  of  Venice,  the  count  of 
Planders,  the  counts  of  Blois  and  St.  Paul,  the  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  and  several  bishops  clothed  in  mourning  habits, 
with  crosses  borne  before  them,  repaired  to  the  valley  in 
which  the  malcontents  were  met.  As  soon  as  they,  from  a 
distance,  perceived  their  unfaithfiil  companions,  who  were 
deliberating  on  horseback,  they  alighted,  and  advanced  to- 
waards  the  place  of  assembly  in  a  suppliant  manner.  Tlio 
instigators  of  the  desertion,  seeing  the  leaders  and  prelates 

HI8T0AT  OF  THE  CBU8ADE8*  79 

of  the  army  coming  thus  towards  them,  suspended  their 
deliberations,  and  themselves  dismounted  from  their  horses. 
The  parties  approached  each  other ;  the  princes,  counts,  and 
bishops  threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  malcontents, 
and,  bursting  into  tears,  swore  to  remain  thus  prostrated  till 
the  warriors  who  wished  to  abandon  them,  haa  renewed  the 
oath  to  follow  the  armj  of  the  Christians,  and  to  remain 
faithful  to  the  standard  of  the  holy  war.  "  When  the  others 
saw,"  says  Villehardouin,  an  ocular  witness,  "  when  they  saw 
their  liege  lords,  their  dearest  relations  and  friends  thus 
cast  themselves  at  their  feet,  and,  so  to  say,  cry  to  them  for 
mercy,  they  were  moved  with  great  pity,  and  their  hearts 
were  so  softened,  they  could  not  refrain  frx)m  weeping,  and 
they  told  them  that  they  would  consider  of  it  together, 
{QuHU  9^ en  aviseraient  par  ensemble) ."  After  having  retired 
for  a  moment  to  deliberate,  thev  came  back  to  their  leaders, 
and  promised  to  remain  with  the  army  until  the  beginning 
of  autumn,  on  condition  that  the  barons  and  lords  would 
swear  upon  the  Gospel  to  furnish  them  at  that  period  with 
vessels  to  convey  them  to  Syria.  The  two  parties  engaged 
themselves  by  oath  to  perform  the  conditions  of  the  treaty, 
and  returned  together  to  the  camp,  where  nothing  now  was 
spoken  of  but  the  expedition  to  Constantinople. 

The  fleet  of  the  Crusaders  quitted  the  island  of  Corfu 
under  the  most  happy  auspices;  the  historians  who  have 
described  its  progress  through  that  archipelago,  so  full  of 
remembrances  of  antiquity,  have  not  been  able  to  refrain 
from  employing  the  language  of  poetry.  The  wind  was 
favourable,  and  the  sky  pure  and  serene ;  a  profound  calm 
reigned  over  the  waves ;  three  hundred  vessels  of  all  sizes, 
with  their  colours  floating  from  their  stems,  covered  an  im- 
mense space ;  the  helmets  and  cuirasses  of  thirty  thousand 
warriors  reflected  the  rays  of  the  sun ;  now  were  heard 
Bounding  over  the  waters  the  hymns  of  the  priests,  invoking 
the  blessings  of  Heaven ;  and  then  the  voices  of  the  soldiers, 
soothing  the  leisure  of  the  voyage  wdth  warlike  songs ;  and 
the  braying  of  trumpets  and  neighing  of  horses,  mingled 
with  the  dashing  of  oars,  resounded  from  the  coasts  of  the 
Peloponnesus,  which  presented  themselves  to  the  eyes  of  the 
pilgrims.  The  Crusaders  doubled  Cape  Matapan,  known 
formerly  as  Tenara,  and  passed  before  the  heights  of  Malea, 


without  dread  of  the  rocks  so  much  feared  by  ancient  navi- 
eators.  Near  Gape  Malea  thej  met  two  vessels  returning 
&om  Palestine,  in  which  were  many  Flemish  pilgrims.  At 
sight  of  the  Venetian  fleet,  a  soldier  on  board  one  of  the 
two  ships,  slipped  down  a  rope,  and  bade  adieu  to  his  com- 
panions, saying :  **  I  leave  you  all  I  lume  on  hoard,  for  I  am 
^na  with  people  who  intend  to  conquer  kin^doms,*^* 

The  Crusackrs  landed  at  several  islands  they  fell  in  with 
on  their  passage ;  the  inhabitants  of  Andros  and  Negro- 
pont  came  out  to  meet  Alexius,  and  acknowledged  him  as 
their  emperor.  It  was  the  period  of  harvest,  and  the  land 
presented,  everywhere,  a  spectacle  of  the  richest  abundance. 
The  enjoyment  of  a  beautiful  climate,  the  satisfaction  at  the 
submission  of  the  Greeks,  so  many  riches,  so  many  wonders, 
80  many  unknown  regions,  all  daily  increased  the  enthusiasm 
of  the  Crusaders.  At  length  the  fleet  arrived  at  the  entrance 
of  the  Bosphorus,  and  cast  anchor  in  the  port  of  St.  Stephen, 
three  leagues  from  the  capital  of  the  Q-reek  empire. 

Then  the  city  of  Constantinople,  of  which  they  were 
about  to  effect  the  conquest,  broke  full  upon  the  view  of 
the  Crusaders  ;t  bathed  on  the  south  by  the  waves  of  the 
Fropontis,  on  the  east  by  the  Bosphorus,  and  on  the  north 
by  the  gulf  that  serves  as  its  port,  it  presented  a  spectacle 
at  once  magnificent  and  formidable.  A  double  enclosure  of 
walls  surroimded  it  in  a  circumference  of  more  than  seven 
leagues ;  a  vast  number  of  splendid  buildings,  whose  roofs 
towered  above  the  ramparts,  appeared  to  proclaim  the  queen 
of  cities.     The  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  to  the  Euxine  and 

*  ViUebardouin. 

t  It  would  be  diflBcult  to  giye  a  very  exact  idea  of  the  city  of  Constan- 
tinople as  it  was  at  the  period  of  this  crusade.  Among  the  trayellers  who 
have  described  this  capital  at  a  time  nearer  than  onr  own  to  the  middle 
ages,  we  onght  to  remark  Peter  Gilles  and  Grelot,  who  saw  Constanti- 
nople, the  one  in  the  reign  of  Francis  I.,  and  the  other  in  the  reign  of 
Louis  XIV.  Their  description  has  furnished  those  who  came  after  ihcm 
with  many  documents.  Revolutions,  wars,  the  Turks,  and  fires  change 
every  day  the  aspect  of  this  city,  which  was  already  much  altered  in  the 
times  of  the  travellers  we  have  named.  Ducange,  in  his  Christiana  Con' 
BtanitnopoUat  and  Banduri,  in  his  Trnperium  Orieniale,  have  collected  all 
the  information  of  the  old  travellers  and  the  Greek  historians.  Among 
modem  travellers  Constantinople,  Ancient  and  Modern^  by  the  English- 
man Dallaway,  and  Le  Voyage  de  la  ProponOde,  by  M.  Lechavalier,  may 
bo  ooDsolted  with  advantage. 


to  the  HeUespont,  resembled  an  immense  faubourg,  or  one 
continued  line  of  gardens.  The  cities  of  Chalcedon  and 
Scutari,  built  on  the  Asiatic  shore,  and  Galata,  placed  at 
the  extremity  of  the  gulf,  appeared  in  the  distance,  and 
crowned  the  immense  and  magnificent  picture  which  lay 
before  the  warlike  hosts  of  the  Crusaders. 

Constantinople,  situated  between  Europe  and  Asia,  be- 
tween the  Archipelago  and  the  Black  Sea,  joins  together  the 
two  seas  and  the  two  continents.  In  the  times  of  its  splendour, 
it  held  at  its  pleasure  the  gates  of  commerce  open  or  shut ; 
its  port,  which  received  the  vessels  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
world,  deserved  to  be  termed  by  the  Greeks,  the  golden  ham, 
or  the  ham  of  abundance.  Like  ancient  Eome,  Constantinople 
extended  over  seven  ascents,  and,  like  the  citv  of  Eomulus, 
it  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  the  city  of  the  seven  hills  ; 
in  the  times  of  the  crusades,  its  walls  and  its  towers  were 
compared  to  those  of  Babylon ;  its  deep  ditches  were  con- 
verted at  will  into  a  large  and  rapid  lake,  and  the  city  could, 
at  the  least  signal,  be  surrounded  by  waters,  and  separated 
from  the  continent. 

The  monarch  who  founded  it  reigned  over  all  the  known 
nations  of  the  world,  and  in  the  execution  of  his  designs  he 
had  the  advantage  of  making  the  arts  and  sciences  of  Greece 
concur  with  the  genius  and  power  of  the  Bomans.  Not 
content  with  employing  the  beautiful  marbles  of  the  isles  of 
the  Archipelago,  he  caused  materials  to  be  transported  from 
the  extremities  of  Europe  and  Asia;  all  the  cities  of  the 
Boman  empire,  Athens,  and  Borne  itself,  were  spoiled  of 
their  ornaments  to  embellish  the  new  citv  of  the  Caesars. 
Several  of  the  successors  of  Constantine  had  repaired  the 
edifices  that  were  crumbling  into  ruins,  and  had  erected 
iresh  monuments  in  Constfmtinople,  which  in  its  temples, 
upon  its  public  places,  and  around  the  walls,  everywhere  re- 
called the  memory  of  twenty  glorious  reigns.  The  city  was 
divided  into  fourteen  quarters ;  it  had  thirty-two  gates ;  it 
contained  within  its  bosom  circuses  of  immense  extent,  five 
hundred  churches,  among  which  St.  Sophia  claimed  atten- 
tion as  one  of  the  wonders  of  the  world ;  and  five  palaces, 
which  themselves  looked  like  cities  in  the  midst  of  the  great 
city.  More  fortunate  than  its  rival  Bome,  the  city  of  Con- 
stantinu  had  never  beheld  tho  barbarians  within  its  walls ;  it 


preserved  with  its  language'  the  depository  of  the  master- 
pieces of  antiquity,  and  the  accumulated  nches  of  the  East 
and  the  West. 

It  would  be  difficult  to  paint  the  enthusiasm,  the  fear,  the 
surprise  that  took  possession  of  the  minds  of  the  Crusaders 
at  the  aspect  of  Constantinople.*  The  leaders  landed,  and 
passed  one  night  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Stephen.  This  night 
was  employed  in  anxious  deliberation  upon  what  they  had  to 
do ;  at  one  time  they  resolved  to  land  upon  the  isles ;  then 
they  determined  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  continent.  In 
the  very  same  instant  thev  drew  back  in  terror  and  gave 
themselves  up  to  a  wild  joy;  they  could  not  come  to  any 
fixed  determmation,  but  changed  their  plans  and  their  pro- 
jects a  thousand  times.  At  daybreak  Dandolo,  Bonitace, 
JBaldwin,  and  the  count  de  Blois  ordered  all  the  standards 
of  the  army  to  be  unfurled ;  the  escutcheons  and  coats  of 
arms  of  the  counts  and  knights  were  ranged  along  the  ves- 
sels,t  to  display  the  military  pomp  of  the  West  and  recall  to 
the  warriors  the  valour  of  their  ancestors.  The  sifi;nal  was 
given  to  the  fleet,  which  entered  into  the  canal,  and,  driven 
on  by  a  favourable  wind,  passed  close  to  the  walls  of  Con- 
stantinople. An  immense  population,J  who  only  the  day 
before  were  ignorant  of  the  arrival  of  the  Latins,  crowded 
the  ramparts  and  covered  the  shore.  The  warriors  of  the 
West,  clad  in  complete  armour,§  stood  erect  upon  the  decks 

*  Haling  cast  anchor,  sncli  as  had  never  been  there  before  began  to 
contemplate  this  beantiful  and  magnificent  city,  the  equal  to  which  they 
thought  could  not  be  found  in  the  whole  world.  When  they  perceived 
those  high  walls  and  large  towers  so  near  to  each  other,  with  which  it  was 
furnished  all  round,  and  those  rich  and  superb  palaces  and  churches  rising 
above  all,  and  in  such  great  number,  that  they  could  not  easily  believe 
they  saw  them  with  their  eyes ;  together  with  the  fine  situation  of  the 
city,  in  its  length  and  breadth,  which  of  all  other  cities  was  the  sove* 
reign,  &c. —  Villehardouin. 

t  Ducange,  in  his  observations  upon  Villehardouin,  gives  a  very 
learned  note  upon  the  arms  and  escutcheons  which  the  warriors  of  the 
middle  ages  caused  to  be  ranged  on  board  their  vessels,  and  which  served 
them  as  battlements  to  shelter  them  from  all  the  arrows  of  the  enemy. 

X  The  Greek  historian  Nicetas  says,  that  the  navigation  of  the  Cru- 
saders had  been  so  favourable  and  so  rapid,  **  that  they  arrived  in  the 
port  of  St.  Stephen  without  being  perceived  by  anybody." 

%  Nioetas,  speaking  of  the  Crusaders,  says  they  were  almost  all  as  tall 
as  their  spears. 


of  their  Teasels  ;*  some  stones  and  arrows  were  launched  from 
the  towers  and  fell  upon  the  ships :  *'  there  was  no  heart/' 
says  Yillehardouin,  "  so  bold  as  not  to  be  moved ;  for  never 
was  so  great  an  affair  undertaken/'  Every  warrior  turned  his 
eye  towards  his  sword,  thinking  the  time  was  come  in  which 
to  make  use  of  it.  The  Crusaders  fimcied  that  in  the  crowd  of 
spectators  they  beheld  the  defenders  of  Constantinople ;  but 
the  capital  of  the  empire  was  only  defended  by  the  memory 
of  its  past  glory,  and  oy  the  respect  of  the  nations  ignorant 
of  its  wealmess.  Of  true  soldiers  the  imperial  arzny  only 
mustered  two  thousand  Fisans,  who  despised  the  Greeks, 
and  the  troop  of  Varangians,  mercenary  soldiers  from  the 
northern  parts  of  Europe,  with  whose  origin  and  country  the 
Greeks  themselves  were  scarcely  acquainted.t 

The  Crusaders  made  a  descent  upon  the  Asiatic  shore  of 
tlie  Bosphorus,  pillaged  the  city  of  Chalcedon,  and  esta- 
blished themselves  in  the  palace  and  gardens  in  which  the 
emperor  Alexius  had  so  long  forgotten  his  own  dangers  and 
those  of  his  empire.  At  the  approach  of  the  Venetian  fleet, 
this  prince  had  retreated  to  Constantinople,  where,  like  the 

*  Nioetas  says,  among  the  Venetian  yeaaela  there  was  one  so  Urge  that 
it  was  caUed  the  World. 

t  The  Varangians,  who  were  in  the  serTioe  of  the  Greek  emperors, 
have  given  rise  to  many  discussions  among  the  learned.  Villehardouin 
says  that  the  Varangians  were  English  and  Danes.  The  count  de  St. 
Pol,  in  a  letter  written  from  Constantinople,  calls  them  English,  Livo- 
nians,  Dacians.  Other  historians  call  them  Celts,  Germans.  The  word 
Varaogians  appears  to  be  taken  from  an  English  word  warinfft*  which 
means  wsrrior ;  this  word  is  met  with  in  the  Danish,  and  several  other 
tongues  of  the  north  of  Eorope.  Ducange  thinks  the  Varangians  came 
from  Danish  England,  a  small  province  of  Denmark,  between  Jutland 
and  Holstein.  M.  Malte  Bnin,  in  the  notes  that  accompany  the  History 
qfRutna,  by  L^vesqne,  thinks  the  Varangians  drew  their  recruits  from 
Scandinavia ;  that  some  came  from  Sweden  by  Norvogorod  and  Kiow, 
others  from  Norway  and  Denmark  by  the  Atlantic  and  the  Mediterranean. 
We  still  possess  a  dissertation  upon  the  Varangians  by  M.  de  Villoison, 
in  which  we  find  more  learning  than  criticism .  The  most  probable  opinion 
is  that  of  Ducange  and  M.  Malte  Brun.  We  have  but  one  observation 
to  make,  which  is,  that  it  is  probable  the  Varangians  were  not  members  of 
the  Roman  church ;  if  they  followed  the  Greek  religion,  may  we  not 
believe  that  they  belonged  to  the  nations  of  the  North,  among  whom  it 
had  been  introduced  ? 

■  An  Englishman  is  rather  at  a  loss  to  tell  where  our  author  finds  this 
word.    Jolmson  derives  war  from  irerre— old  Dutch. — ^T&ans. 

84  niStCOST  OT  the  CSViJlDES. 

last  king  of  Babylon,  he  continued  to  live  amidst  pleasures 
and  festiyities,  without  reflecting  that  he  had  been  judged, 
and  that  his  hour  was  nearly  come.  His  courtiers,  in  the 
intoxication  of  the  banquet,  celebrated  his  power  and  pro- 
claimed him  invincible ;  amidst  the  pomp  that  surrounded 
him,  and  which  appeared  to  him  a  rampart  against  the 
attacks  of  his  enemies,  he,  in  his  speeches,  insulted  the  sim- 
plicity of  the  Latins,  and  believed  he  had  conquered  them 
because  he  had  called  them  barbarians. 

AVhen  he  saw  the  Crusaders  masters  of  his  palace  and  gar- 
dens, he  began  to  entertain  some  degree  of  fear,  and  sent  an 
Italian  named  Eossi,  with  orders  to  salute  the  lords  and 
barons.  "The  emperor  my  master,"  said  the  envoy  of 
Alexius,  "  knows  that  you  are  the  most  puissant  and  most 
noble  princes  among  those  who  do  not  wear  crowns ;  but  he 
is  astonished  that  you  should  have  come  to  bring  war  into  a 
Christian  empire.  Rumour  proclaims  that  your  design  is  to 
deliver  the  Holy  Land  from  the  yoke  of  the  Saracens ;  the 
emperor  applauds  your  zeal,  and  solicits  the  honour  of  being 
associated  with  your  enterprise ;  he  is  ready  to  assist  you 
with  all  his  power.  But  it*  you  do  not  quit  his  states,  he 
shall  feel  obliged  to  direct  against  you  the  forces  he  would 
willingly  have  employed  in  your  cause  and  in  that  of  Christ. 
Accept,  then,  the  generous  offers  that  he  makes  to  you  by 
me ;  out  do  not  believe  that  this  pacific  language  is  dictated 
by  fear.  The  emperor  Alexius  reigns  over  Greece  by  the 
love  of  his  people  as  well  as  by  the  will  of  God ;  with  one 
single  word  he  could  gather  around  him  innumerable  armies, 
disperse  your  fleet  and  your  battalions,  and  close  against 
you  for  ever  the  routes  to.  the  East." 

The  envoy  of  the  emperor  thus  terminated  his  speech 
without  naming  either  Isaac  or  young  Alexius.  Conon  de 
B6thune,*  who  answered  for  the  leaders  of  the  army,  was 
astonished  that  the  brother  of  Isaac  should  dare  to  speak  as 
master  of  the  empire,  and  that  he  had  not  thought  fit  to 
attempt  to  justify  a  parricide  which  had  roused  the  in- 
dignation of  all  Christian  nations.     "  Go  and  tell  your 

*  Le  Pere  d*Outreman  ipeaks  thiu  of  Conon  de  B^thnne:  Vir  domi 
militiseque  nobilis  et  foecandus  inpaucts.— Onv/an/m.  Belg,  lib.  iii.  Yille- 
hardooin  says  that  Conon  de  Jwchnna  **  was  a  wiae  knigiit  nad  well- 

HUTOBT  or  THE  CBUtADXa.  85 

master,*'  said  the  orator  of  the  CruBaden,  addreflsing  the 
emperor's  eiiTOj,  *'  go  and  tell  him,  that  the  earth  we  tread 
upon  does  not  belong  to  him,  but  that  it  is  the  heritage  of 
the  prinoe  you  see  seated  amongst  us.  If  he  be  desirous  of 
knowing  the  motire  that  brings  us  hither,  let  him  ask  his 
own  conscience,  and  remember  the  crimes  he  has  committed. 
A  usurper  is  the  enemy  of  all  princes ;  a  tyrant  is  the  enemy 
of  the  whole  human  race.  He  who  sent  you  has  but  one 
means  of  escaping  the  justice  of  HeaTen  and  of  men ;  that 
is,  to  restore  to  his  brother  and  his  nephew  the  throne  ho 
has  wrested  from  them,  and  implead  the  pity  of  those  same 
princes  towards  whom  he  has  been  so  merciless.  In  that 
case  we  promise  to  add  our  prayers  to  his  supplications,  and 
to  procuro  for  him,  with  his  pardon,  the  means  of  passing 
his  life  in  a  repose  far  preferable  to  the  splendour  of  an 
usurped  soyereignty ;  but  if  he  is  not  willing  to  act  justly,  if 
he  is  inaccessible  to  repentance,  tell  him  we  disdain  his 
threats  as  we  do  his  promises,  and  that  we  hare  no  time  to 
waste  in  listening  to  ambasoEidors."  This  yehement  reply 
was  an  actual  declaration  of  war,  and  left  the  emperor  no 
hope  of  either  seducing  or  intimidating  the  Crusaders.  The 
lonis  and  barons  were,  however,  astonished  that  the  Greeks 
took  no  notice  of  young  Alexius,  and  that  the  cause  they 
came  to  promote  found  no  partisans  in  .the  city  of  Constan- 
tinople. They  resolved  to  ascertain  the  inclinations  of  the 
people.  A  galley,  on  board  of  which  was  the  son  of  Isaac, 
was  brought  close  to  the  walls  of  the  capital  ;*  Boniface  and 
Pandolo  lield  up  the  young  prince,  whilst  a  herald-at-arms 
repeated  in  a  loud  voice  these  words : — "  Behold  the  heir  of 
the  throne;  acknowledge  your  sovereign  ;  have  pity  on  him  and 
on  yourgelves.'^  The  Qreeks  assembled  on  the  ramparts 
remained  motionless ;  some  answered  by  insulting  language, 
others  maintained  a  sullen  silence.  Whilst  the  Crusaders 
wero  thus  making  a  last  attempt  to  preserve  peace,  the 
most  horrible  tumult  roigned  in  the  mterior  or  the  city. 
The  proaence  of  the  Latins  irritated  the  multitude ;  they 
assembled  in  the  public  places ;  they  excited  each  other  to 

*  Thus  went  they  Bailing  along  by  the  side  of  the  walls,  where  they 
showed  Alexins  to  the  Greeks,  who  from  all  parts  flocked  to  the  mole : 
Sieurs  Greeks,  behold  your  natural  lord,  of  that  there  is  no  doubt,  &c  &c. 
-^VUlekmrdeyim,  book  iii 


vengeance;  the  people  ran  to  the  quarter  of  the  Franks, 
demoliBhed  several  houses,  and  gave  the  rest  up  to  pillage. 
A  great  number  of  ^Latins,  threatened  with  loss  of  iSe, 
immediately  sought  an  asylum  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders. 
Their  presence,  tbeir  accounts,  their  complaints,  fired  the 
easily  kindled  indignation  of  the  knights  and  barons.  Prom 
that  moment  the  leaders  saw  no  hopes  but  in  the  chance  of 
war  and  in  the  protection  of  the  Heaven  that  had  confided 
to  their  hands  the  cause  of  innocence  and  misfortune. 

Eighty  knights  succeeded  in  putting  to  flight  a  numerous 
body  of  troops  that  the  emperor  had  sent  across  the  Bos- 
phorus.  "  The  Greek  commanders,"  says  Nicetas,  "  were 
more  timid  than  deer,  and  did  not  dare  to  resist  men  whom 
they  called  exterminating  angels,  statties  of  bronze,  which 
spread  around  terror  and  death."  The  Crusaders,  however, 
had  great  cause  to  fear  that  the  Greeks,  recovered  from  their 
first  panic,  might  become  aware  of  the  small  number  of 
their  enemies,  and  succeed  in  overwhelming  them  by  their 
multitudes ;  they  resolved,  therefore,  to  take  advantage  of 
the  fear  they  had  inspired,  and  gave  their  whole  attention  to 
forward  the  preparations  for  attacking  enemies  that  had 
provided  nothmg  for  their  defence. 

The  Christian  army  assembled  at  Chrisopolis  (Scutari*), 
and  beheld  full  in  front  of  them  the  capitol  of  the  Greek 
empire.  After  having  put  to  flight  some  troops  sent  out  to 
follow  their  march  or  skirmish  with  them,  .the  leaders 
mounted  on  horseback  and  deliberated  in  full  assembly,  on 
the  plan  of  action  best  to  be  piu^sued.  They  decided  that  the 
army  should  cross  the  canal  of  the  Bo^horus,  and  encamp 
under  the  walls  of  Constantinople.  "  Then,"  says  Villehar- 
douin,  "  the  bishops  and  the  clergy  addressed  their  remon- 
strances to  all  those  of  the  camp,  exhorting  them  to  confess 
themselves,  and  make  their  testaments,  for  they  did  not 
know  the  hour  at  which  it  might  please  God  to  call  them, 
and  do  his  will  by  them ;  which  they  did  very  willingly,  and 
with  great  zeal  and  devotion."  When  all  was  ready,  and  the 
Crusaders  had  invoked  the  protection  of  Heaven  by  their 
prayers,  the  signal  for  departure  was  given ;  the  war-horses, 
saddled  and  covered  witn  their  long  caparisons,  were  em- 

*  It  was  nearly  at  this  period  that  the  city  of  Chrisopolis  began  to  be 
called  Scutari.    The  name  of  Scutari  is  employed  by  VillehardoaiB. 

HI8T0BT  OF  THX  CBU8ADE8.  87 

"barked  in  the  flat-bottomed  boats ;  the  knights  stood  erect 
near  their  horses,  helm  on  head  and  lance  in  hand;  the 
remamder  of  the  troops  went  on  board  the  large  ships,  each 
of  which  was  towed  by  a  galley.  The  army  of  the  Greeks, 
commanded  by  the  emperor  in  person,  was  drawn  up  in 
battle  array  on  the  opposite  shore,  and  appeared  disposed  to 
dispute  th  epassage  of  the  Crusaders.  AU  at  once  the  vessels 
heaved  their  anchors  to  the  sounds  of  trumpets  and  clarions. 
Every  Soldier,  with  his  eyes  fixed  on  Constantinople,  swore 
to  conquer  or  die.  On  approaching  the  shore,  the  barons 
and  knights  cast  themselves  into  the  sea,  fully  armed,  and 
contended  for  the  honour  of  first  gaining  the  strand  occupied 
by  the  Greeks.  The  archers  and  foot-soldiers  followed  the 
example  of  the  knights ;  in  less  than  an  hour  the  whole  army 
was  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  looked  about 
in  vain  for  an  enemy  over  a  plain  they  had  so  recently  seen 
covered  with  arms  and  warriors.  The  army  of  Alexius  took 
to  flight ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  a  letter  of  the  count  de 
St.  Pol,  the  swifbest  arrows  of  the  Latins  could  scarcely 
overtake  a  few  of  the  fugitives.  The  Crusaders,  following  up 
their  advantage,  found  the  camp  of  the  Greeks  abandji.ea, 
and  plundered  the  tents  of  the  emperor,  without  meeting 
with  one  of  his  soldiers. 

Night  surprised  them  in  the  midst  of  their  bloodless 
victory ;  and  on  the  morrow  they  resolved  to  attack  the 
fortress  of  Galata,  which,  erected  upon  a  hill,  commanded 
the  port  of  Constantinople.  From  break  of  day  the  Greeks 
rushed  in  crowds  to  anticipate  and  surprise  the  Latins.  At 
the  first  shock,  Jacques  d  Avesnes  was  wounded  grievouslv, 
and  placed  hors  de  combat ;  the  sight  of  his  wound  highly 
incensed  the  Flemish  warriors,  who  precipitated  themselves 
with  fury  into  the  melSe,  The  Greeks  were  not  able  to 
withstand  the  impetuous  attack  of  their  enemies,  and  took 
t^o  flight  in  ^eat  disorder ;  some,  hoping  to  find  an  asylum 
in  the  ships  m  the  port,  perished  in  the  waves,  whilst  others 
fled  bewildered  to  the  citadel,  into  which  the  conquerors 
entered  with  the  conquered.  Whilst  the  French  thus  got 
possession  of  Ghdata,  the  Venetian  fleet,  which  was  drawn  up 
in  line  of  battle  before  Scutari,  turned  its  prows  towards  the 

Sort   of  Constantinople.     The  entrance  of  the  gulf  was 
efended  by  an  enormous  chain  of  iron,  and  by  twenty 

88  HI8T0BT  OF  THS  CBUfliJDES. 

galleys,  which  constituted  the  whole  navy  of  the  empire. 
The  resistance  of  the  Grreeks  was  obstinate ;  but  a  vessel  of 
extraordinary  size,  assisted  by  a  favourable  wind,  struck  the 
extended  chain  violently  in  its  passage,  and  divided  it  with 
enormous  shears  of  steel,  whicn  opened  and  shut  by  the 
operation  of  a  machine.*  The  galleys  of  the  Greeks  were 
soon  taken,  or  dispersed  in  fragments  on  the  face  of  the 
waters,  and  the  whole  of  the  Venetian  fleet  rode  in  triumph 
4nto  the  port :  it  was  then  the  Greeks  were  able  to  per- 
ceive what  they  had  to  dread  from  the  invincible  courage  of 
these  barbarians,  who  had  till  that  period  been  the  object  of 
their  contempt. 

The  French,  masters  of  Galata,  divided  their  army  into 
six  great  battles  or  divisions.  Baldwin,  who  had  under  his 
orders  a  great  number  of  archers  and  crossbow-men,  led  the 
van.  The  rear  was  composed  of  Lombards,  Germans,  and 
Franks,  from  countries  near  the  Alps,  commanded  by  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat.  The  other  rour  divisions,  in  which 
were  ranged  the  crusaders  from  Champagne,  Burgundy,  and 
the  banks  of  the  Seine  and  the  Loire,  had  at  their  head 
Henry,  brother  of  Baldwin,  the  counts  of  St.  Pol  and  Blois, 
and  Matthew  de  Montmorend. 

This  army  advancedf  towards  the  west  of  the  city,  without 
meeting  with  a  single  foe  in  its  passage,  and  encamped 
between  the  gate  of  Blachemss  and  the  tower  of  Bohe* 

The  Greeks,  in  a  single  battle,  had  lost  the  empire  of  the 
sea,  and  had  no  longer  the  power  to  defend  the  approach  to 
their  capital.  The  Venetian  fleet  cast  anchor  near  the 
mouth  of  the  river  Barbysses.^     The  Venetians,  masters  of 

*  The  breaking  of  the  chain  of  the  port,  according  to  the  acooant  of 
Nicetas,  spread  the  greatest  consternation  among  the  Greeks  ;  and  mis- 
fortone,  says  the  historian  of  Byzantioxn,  assumed  so  many  different 
forms,  and  prodaced  so  surprising  a  number  of  afflicting  images,  that  no 
mind  is  able  to  conoeif  e  them. 

t  For  the  first  siege  we  may  profitably  consult  the  Letter  qfiKe  Ob- 
taderM  to  the  Popes  the  Hittory  of  Villehardouin ;  Nicetas,  Reign  of 
Alexius s  the  Chronicle  of  Daudolo;  the  War  qf  Conetaniinoplet  by 
D*Outreman ;  Rhamnusius  de  Bell,  Conttantinop.  &c.  &c. 

%  The  name  of  Barbysses  is  at  present  unknown  to  the  Turks,  who 
call  this  river  Kiathana ;  the  Greeks  call  it  Kartnricos,  names  which,  in 
both  languages,  remind  us  of  the  paper-mills  that  are  al  ita  mouth. 


the  port,  were  secure  from  all  surprise,  and  had  no  cause  to 
fear  being  overpowered  by  numbers.  If  the  whole  army  had 
been  united  on  board  the  fleet,  there  is  very  little  doubt  it 
would  have  more  easily  triumphed  over  the  efforts  and 
multitudes  of  the  Greeks,  and  it  was  the  advice  of  the  doge 
that  such  should  be  the  plan ;  but  the  knights  and  barons 
could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  fight  on  an  element  with 
which  they  were  unacquainted ;  and  they  answered  (we  quote 
Villehardouin),  that  they  could  not  act  so  well  upon  the  sea 
as  they  could  upon  the  land,  where  they  could  have  their 
horses  and  their  arms.  Their  army,  which  did  not  muster 
twenty  thousand  men  under  its  banners,  attacked  without 
fear  a  city,  which,  according  to  the  account  of  some  his- 
torians, contained  a  million  of  inhabitants,  and  more  than 
two  himdred  thousand  men  able  to  bear  arms. 

Before  they  began  the  assault,  the  Crusaders  deemed  it 
proper  once  more  to  invite  the  Greeks  to  make  peace,  by 
receiving  the  son  of  Isaac  as  emperor ;  and  several  barons 
drew  near  to  the  walls,  crying  with  a  loud  voice  that  there 
was  still  time  to  listen  to  justice.  Young  Alexius  was 
surrounded  by  the  Latin  leaaers,  and  his  presence  among 
them  explained  sufficiently  clearly  the  meanmg  of  the  words 
addressed  to  the  inhabitants  of  Constantinople.  Their  only 
reply  was  hurling  stones  and  javelins  at  the  Crusaders ;  the 
people  of  Byzantium  had  been  persuaded  that  young  Alexius 
came  for  the  purpose  of  changing  the  manners,  religion,  and 
laws  of  Greece. 

History  ought  to  add  here,  that  sinco  the  intrigues  of 
ambition  and  the  caprices  of  fortune  had  enjoyed  the  privi- 
lege of  bestowing  masters  upon  them,  the  Greeks  beheld 
with  indifference  the  successions  of  power  or  the  changes  of 
their  princes ;  the  Greek  nations  had  not  forgotten  that  it 
was  a  revolution  that  lifted  the  family  of  Isaac  to  the  impe- 
rial throne.  With  the  impressions  this  family  had  left  in 
their  minds,  the  misfortunes  and  prayers  of  Alexius  did  not 
move  them  sufficiently  to  declare  in  his  favour,  or  take 
arms  to  support  his  cause;  since  they  were  obliged  to 
choose  between  two  new  princes,  he  who  was  reigning 
amongst  them  appeared  preferable  to  him  who  implored  their 

From  that  time  the  attention  and  efforts  of  the  Crusaders 

Vol.  II.— 5 

90  HISTOBX  or   TH£   CB17SAJ)£S. 

were  solely  directed  to  tbe  prosecution  of  their  perilous 
enterprise.  Their  camp,  placed  between  the  gate  of  Bla- 
chemao,  and  the  castle  of  Bohemond,  occupied  but  a  very 
small  space  before  walls  many  leagues  in  extent.  Every  day 
the  Greeks  made  sorties ;  the  country  round  was  covered 
with  the  soldiers  of  the  enemy  ;  the  army  of  the  besiegers 
appeared  to  be  themselves  besieged  by  troops  that  were 
imceasingly  renewed.  Day  and  night  the  Crusaders  were 
imder  arms,  and  had  neither  time  to  take  their  food  nor 
refresh  themselves  by  sleep.  They  liad  only  provisions  for 
three  weeks,  and  could  look  for  safety  to  nothing  but  a 
speedy  victory ;  nevertheless,  they  continued  to  fill  up  the 
ditches,  and  make  their  approaches  to  the  ramparts.  Ba- 
listas,  catapultas,  rams,  everything  that  could  carry  destruc- 
tion and  death  into  the  city,  were  employed  to  second  the 
bravery  and  indefatigable  ardour  of  the  besiegers ;  without 
cessation,  enormous  masses  fell  with  fearful  crash,  from  the 
tops  of  the  walls ;  and  such  was  the  surprising  power  of  the 
machines  of  war  then  in  use,  that  the  houses  and  palaces  of 
Constantinople  were  often  shaken  to  their  foundations  by 
stones  launched  from  the  camp  of  the  Latins.* 

After  ten  days  of  labour  and  fighting,  the  Crusaders  deter- 
mined to  storm  the  city.  Ou  the  morning  of  the  17th  of 
July,  1203,  the  trumpets  and  clarions  sounded  the  signal ; 
the  coimt  of  Tlanders,  who  commanded  the  attack,  passed 
through  the  ranks,  and  directed  the  attention  of  his  knights 
to  the  ramparts  of  Constantinople,  as  the  road  which  would 
conduct  them  to  an  eternal  glory.  The  army  was  immedi- 
ately in  motion,  and  every  machme  was  directed  against  the 
walls.  One  tower,  which  had  fallen  in  with  a  great  crash, 
appeared  to  offer  a  passage  to  the  troops  of  Baldwin. 
Ladders  were  planted,  and  the  most  intrepid  contended  for 
the  honour  of  entering  first  into  the  city ;  but,  this  time, 
numbers  prevailed  over  valour.  A  host  of  Greeks,  encou- 
raged by  the  presence  of  the  Varangians  and  Pisans,  hastened 
to  the  rampart,  and  overturned  the  ladders.     Fifteen  Frank 

*  Nevertheless  the  superh  palaces  were  ruined  by  the  stones  of  an 
extraordinary  size  that  the  besiegers  Iaun(;hf>d  with  their  machines,  and 
they  were  themselves  terrified  by  the  heavy  masses  that  the  Romans 
rolled  upon  them  from  the  walls. — Nicetatf  Hist,  qf  Alexitu  Comnema, 
book  iii. 

HtSTOBY  Of   Xni:   CHUSiLDES.  91 

warriors,  braving  stones,  beams,  and  torrents  of  Greek  fire, 
alone  were  able  to  maintain  themselves  on  the  walls,  and 
yielded  only  after  fighting  with  desperate  valour.  Two  of 
these  intrepid  warriors  were  led  to  the  emperor,  who 
watched  the  fight  from  the  windows  of  the  palace  of  Bla- 
chemffi.  Alexius  had  ceased  to  despise  the  Latms  ;  and,  in  hia 
fright,  he  had  such  an  idea  of  their  courage,  that  the  sight  of 
the  two  prisoners  appeared  to  him  a  vieto^5^ 

At  the  same  time  the  Venetians  attacked  the  city  by  sea. 
Dandolo  ranged  his  fleet  in  two  lines ;  the  galleys  were  in 
the  first  rank,  manned  by  archers,  and  laden  with  machines 
of  war ;  behind  the  galleys  advanced  the  large  vessels,  upon 
which  were  constructed  towers  exceeding  the  loftiest  of  the 
walls  of  Constantinople  in  height.  At  daybreak  the  con- 
test began  between  the  city  and  the  fleet ;  the  Greeks, 
armed  with  the  Greek  fire,  the  "Venetians,  covered  with  their 
armour,  the  ramparts  and  the  vessels  charged  with  a  thou- 
sand destructive  instruments,  cast  from  one  to  the  other,  by 
turns,  terror,  fire,  and  death.  The  incessant  dashing  of  the 
oars,  the  shocks  of  the  vessels  against  each  other,  the  cries 
of  the  sailors  and  combatants,  the  hissing  of  the  stones, 
javelins,  and  arrows,  the  Greek  fire  darting  along  the  sea, 
seizing  on  the  ships  and  boiling  upon  the  waves,  presented' 
altogether  a  spectacle  a  thousand  times  more  fearful  than 
that  of  a  tempest.  Amidst  this  horrible  tumult,  Henry 
Dandolo  was  heard :  standing  erect  in  his  galley,  he  excited 
his  troops,  and,  with  a  terrible  voice,  threatened  to  hang 
every  man  that  did  not  land.  The  orders  of  the  intrepid 
doge  were  soon  executed.  The  men  of  his  galley  took  him 
in  their  anns  and  bore  him  swiftly  to  the  shore,  the  standard 
of  St.  Mark  floating  over  him.  At  sight  of  this,  the  efibrts 
of  the  crew^s  of  the  other  galleys  were  redoubled,  dl  struck 
the  shore,  and  the  soldiers  rushed  forward  to  follow  their 
venerable  leader.  The  vessels,  which  had  hitherto  remained 
motionless,  now  advanced  and  placed  themselves  between 
the  galleys,  so  that  the  whole  fleet  was  extended  in  a  single 
line  before  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  and  presented  to  the 
terrified  Greeks  a  formidable  rampart  raised  upon  the 
waters.  The  floating  towers  lowered  their  draw-bridges 
upon  the  ramparts  of  the  city,  and  whilst,  at  the  foot  of  the 
walls,  ten  thousand  arms  planted  ladders  and  battered  with 

92  maxoBT  or  the  cbucudxs. 

rams,  on  the  Bummit  a  fearful  conflict  was  maintained  with 
Bword  and  lance. 

All  at  once  the  standard  of  St.  Mark  appeared  upon  one 
of  the  towers,  planted  hj  an  invisible  hand ;  upon  seeing 
this  the  Venetians  uttered  a  loud  shout  of  joy,  persuaded 
that  their  patron  saint  fought  at  their  head ;  then*  courage 
proportionately  increased  with  the .  terror  and  despair  of 
their  enemies ;  the  most  intrepid  cast  themselves  on  to  the 
walls,  and  soon  twenty-five  towers  were  in  their  possession. 
They  pursued  the  Greeks  into  the  city ;  hut  fearing  to  faU 
into  some  ambush  or  be  overwhelmed  by  the  people,  crowds 
of  whom  filled  the  streets  and  covered  the  public  places, 
they  set  fire  to  the  houses  as  they  came  to  them  on  their 
passage.  The  conflagration  extended  rapidly,*  and  drove 
Defore  it  the  terrified  and  trembling  multitude.  Whilst  the 
flames,  preceding  the  conquerors,  spread  devastation  on 
their  path,  and  nie  greatest  disorder  prevailed  in  Constan- 
tinople, Alexius,  pressed  by  the  cries  of  the  people,  mounted 
on  horseback,  and  ordered  a  sortie  of  the  troops,  by  three 
different  gates,  to  attack  the  French,  who  were  less  fortunate 
in  this  day's  fight  than  the  Venetians. 

The  army  conducted  by  the  emperor  was  composed  of 
sixty  battalions ;  clothed  in  all  the  marks  of  imperial  dignity, 
Alexius  rode  along  the  ranks,  animated  his  soldiers,  and 
promised  them  victory.  At  his  approach,  the  Crusaders 
abandoned  the  rampiui^s,  and  drew  up  in  line  of  battle 
before  their  camp.f  Villehardouin  admits  that  the  bravest 
knights  were,  for  a  moment,  seized  with  fear.  Dandolo, 
who  saw  the  danger  in  which  the  French  were  placed,  aban- 
doned his  victory,  and  flew  to  their  aid.  But  all  the  Cru- 
saders united,  could  not  have  resisted  the  imperial  army,  if 
the  Greeks,  but  more  particularly  their  leaders,  had  shown 
a  spark  of  courage.     The  troops  of  Alexius  would  not  ad- 

*  The  historian  of  Byzantium  says,  with  regard  to  this  fire,  that  so 
lamentable  a  spectacle  was  capable  of  producing  floods  of  tears  sufficiently 
abundant  to  have  extinguished  the  conflagration. 

t  The  marshal  of  Champagne  describes  to  us  the  order  of  battle  of  the 
liatins,  as  it  was  drawn  up  according  to  the  tactics  of  the  middle  ages. 
The  Crusaders  issued  from  their  camp  divided  into  six  bodies ;  they  ranged 
themselves  before  their  palisades.  The  knights  were  on  horseback,  their 
sergeants  and  esquires  were  behind  them  close  to  the  quarters  of  their 
hones ;  the  crossbow-men  and  archers  were  in  finmt. 

HI8T0BY   or  THE  CBU8ADE8.  93 

vance  nearer  than  within  bow-shot,  and  contented  themselves 
with  showering  a  multitude  of  arrows  from  a  safe  distance. 
The  son-in-law  of  the  emperor,  Loscaris,  of  whose  courage 
the  Greeks  and  even  the  Latins  boast,  demanded  with  loud 
cries  that  the  Crusaders  should  be  attacked  in  their  intrench* 
menta ;  but  he  could  not  prevail  upon  Alexius,  surrounded 
by  base  coiurtiers  who  endeavoured  to  communicate  their 
own  alarms  to  him,  and  assured  him  that  he  had  done  enough 
for  his  glory  in  showing  himself  to  his  enemies.  The  em- 
peror, without  having  fought,  ordered  a  retreat  to  be  sounded, 
and  his  numerous  troops,  who  still  bore  the  name  of  Bomans, 
and  before  whom  the  eagles  of  Eome  were  carried,  returned 
i^ith  him  into  Constantinople. 

Every  quarter  of  the  capital  resounded  with  lamentations 
and  groans ;  the  Greeks  were  more  terrified  at  the  cowardice 
of  their  defenders,  than  by  the  bravery  of  their  enemies ; 
the  people  accused  the  army,  and  the  army  accused  Alexius. 
The  emperor  mistrusting  the  Greeks  and  dreading  the  Latins, 
now  only  thought  of  saving  his  own  life  :  he  abandoned  his 
funily,  his  friends,  his  capital ;  he  embarked  secretly  in  the 
darkness  of  night,  and  fled  to  seek  a  retreat  in  some  obscure 
comer  of  his  empire. 

When  daylight  informed  the  Greeks  that  they  had  no 
longer  an  emperor,  the  disorder  and  excitement  of  the  city 
became  excessive ;  the  people  assembled  in  the  streets,  and 
fi*eely  discussed  the  errors  and  deficiencies  of  their  leaders, 
the  infamy  of  the  favourites,  and  their  own  misfortunes. 
JN'ow  Alexius  had  abandoned  his  power,  they  remembered 
the  crime  of  his  usurpation,  and  a  thousand  voices  were 
raised  to  invoke  the  anger  of  Heaven  upon  his  head. 
Amidst  the  confusion  and  tumult,  the  wisest  were  at  a  loss 
what  part  to  take,  when  the  courtiers  rushed  to  the  prisbn 
in  which  Isaac  languished,  broke  his  chains,  and  led  him  in 
triumph  to  the  palace  of  Blachemse.  Althoujgh  blind,  he 
was  placed  upon  the  throne,  and,  whilst  he  believed  himself 
to  be  still  in  the  hands  of  his  executioners,  his  ears  were 
saluted  ^ith  the  unexpected  accents  of  flattery ;  on  seeing 
him  again  clothed  in  the  imperial  purple,  the  courtiers  for 
the  first  time  became  affected  by  misfortunes  he  no  longer 
endiu^d.  All  denied  having  been  partisans  of  Alexius,  and 
rcliited  what  vows  they  had  put  up  for  his  cause.     They  next 

d'i  UlSTOBT   07  THE   CRUSADES. 

sought  out  the  wife  of  Isaac,  whom  they  had  forgotten,  and 
who  had  lived  in  a  retreat  to  which  no  one  knew  or  had 
inquired  the  road  during  the  preceding  reign. 

Eu|>hrosyne,  the  wife  of  the  fugitive  emperor,  was  accused 
of  having  endeavoured  to  take  advantage  of  the  troubles  of 
Constantinople,  to  clothe  one  of  her  favourites  "vsdth  the 
puiple.  She  was  cast  into  a  dungeon,  and  reproached  with 
all  the  evils  that  had  fallen  on  her  country,  but  most  par- 
ticularly with  the  lengthened  miseries  of  Isaac.  Such  as 
had  been  loaded  with  favours  by  this  princess,  were  con- 
spicuous among  her  accusers,  and  pretended  to  make  a  merit 
of  their  ingratitude. 

In  political  troubles,  evenr  change  is,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
people,  a  means  of  safety ;  they  felicitated  themselves  upon 
this  new  revolution  in  Constantinople ;  hope  revived  in  all 
hearts,  and  Isaac  was  saluted  by  the  multitude  with  cries  of 
joy  and  congratidation.  Eumour  soon  carried  to  the  camp 
all  that  had  taken  place  in  the  city.  At  this  news  the 
coimcil  of  the  barons  and  knights  was  assembled  in  the  tent 
of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  and  they  returned  thanks  to 
Providence,  which  in  delivering  Constantinople,  had,  at  the 
sahie  time,  delivered  them  from  the  greatest  dangers.  But 
when  they  recollected  having  seen  only  on  the  preceding 
day  the  emperor  Alexius  surrounded  by  an  innumerable 
army,  they  could  scarcely  give  faith  to  the  miracle  of  his 

ITie  camp  was,  however,  soon  crowded  with  a  multitude 
of  Greeks,  wlio  came  to  relate  the  wonders  of  which  they 
had  been  witnesses.  Many  of  the  courtiers  who  had  not 
been  able  to  attract  the  attention  of  Isaac,  flocked  to  young 
Alexius,  in  the  hope  of  securing  his  first  favours ;  they 
returned  warm  thanks  to  Heaven  for  having  listened  to  the 
ardent  vows  they  had  put  up  for  his  return,  and  conjured 
him,  in  the  name  of  his  country  and  the  empire,  to  come 
and  share  the  honours  and  the  power  of  his  father.  But  all 
thfse  testimonies  could  not  persuade  the  Latins,  so  accus- 
tomed were  they  to  mistrust  the  Grreeks.  The  barons  kept 
their  army  in  the  strictest  order,  and  always  prepared  lor 
battle,  and  then  sent  Matthew  of  Montmorenci,  Geofirey 
de  A^illehardouin,  and  two  Venetian  nobles  to  Constantinople 
to  ascertain  the  truth. 


The  deputies  vere  directed  to  congratulate  Isaac,  if  he 
had  recovered  his  throne,  and  to  require  of  him  the  ratifica- 
tion of  the  treaty  made  with  his  son.  On  arriving  in  Con- 
stantinople, they  were  conducted  to  the  palace  of  BlachemsB 
hetween  two  ranks  of  soldiers,  who,  tne  day  before,  had 
formed  the  body-guard  of  Alexius,  and  who  had  just  taken 
the  oath  to  defend  Isaac.  The  emperor  received  the  depu- 
ties on  a  throne  sparkling  with  gold  and  precious  stones, 
and,  surrounded  by  all  the  splendour  of  Eastern  courts. 
"  This  is  the  manner,"  said  Villehardouin,  addressing  Isaac, 
"  in  which  the  Crusaders  have  fulfilled  their  promises ;  it 
now  remains  withyou  to  perform  those  that  have  been  made 
in  your  name.  Tour  son,  who  is  with  the  lords  and  barons, 
implores  you  to  ratify  the  treaty  he  haa  concluded,  and  com- 
mands us  to  say  that  he  will  not  return  to  your  palace  until 
you  have  sworn  to  perform  aU  he  has  promised  us."  Alexius 
had  engaged  to  pay  the  Crusaders  two  hundred  thousand 
silver  marks,  to  furnish  their  army  with  provisions  for  a 
year,  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  perils  and  labours  of  tlie 
holy  war,  and  to  reduce  the  Greek  Church  to  submission  to 
that  of  Home.  "When  Isaac  heard  the  conditions  of  the 
treaty,  he  could  not  forbear  from  expressing  his  surprise, 
and  pointing  out  to  the  deputies  how  difficult  it  must  do  to 
perform  such  promises ;  but  he  could  deny  nothing  to  his 
liberators,  and  thanked  the  Crusaders  for  not  requiring 
more  :*  "  You  have  served  us  so  welly'*  added  he,  "  that  if  we 
were  even  to  give  you  the  whole  empire,  you  would  have 
merited  it.'*  The  deputies  praised  the  frankness  and  good 
faith  of  Isaac,  and  carried  back  to  the  camp  the  imperial 
patents,  to  which  was  affixed  the  seal  of  gold  that  conhrmed 
the  treaty  made  with  Alexius. 

The  lords  and  barons  immediatelv  mounted  on  horseback, 
and  conducted  young  Alexius  into  Constantinople.  The  son 
of  Isaac  rode  between  the  count  of  Flanders  and  the  dogo 
of  Venice,  followed  by  all  the  knights,  clad  in  complete 
armour.     The  people,  who  so  lately  had  preserved  a  sullen 

*  Certes,  voUa  une  capitalation  bien  Strange,  repondit  I'empereur,  et 
ne  Toy  pas  comme  elle  se  puisse  accomplir,  tant  die  est  grande  et  execs- 
rive.  Nompourtant  vous  avez  tout  fait  pour  lui  et  pour  rooy,  que  si  Ton 
Tous  donnerait  tout  cet  empire  entierement,  si  I'avez  vous  bien  desuivi. — 
Vili€hardoum,  book  iv. 


silence  on  beholding  him,  now  crowded  around  him  on  his 
passage,  and  saluted  him  with  loud  acclamations ;  the  Latin 
clergy  accompanied  the  son  of  Isaac,  and  those  of  the  Greek 
Chiirch  sent  out  their  magnificent  cortege  to  meet  him.  The 
entrance  of  the  young  prince  into  the  capital  was  a  day  of 
festivity  for  both  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins;  in  all  the 
churches  thanks  were  offered  up  to  Heaven ;  hymns  of 
public  rejoicing  resounded  everywhere;  but  it  was  par- 
ticularly in  the  palace  of  Blachemce,  so  long  the  abode  of 
mourning  and  fear,  that  the  greatest  transports  of  joy  were 
manifested.  A  father,  blind,  and  immured  during  eight 
years  in  a  dungeon,  claspinfi;  in  his  arms  a  son  to  whom  he 
owed  the  restoration  of  his  liberty  and  crown,  presented  a 
new  spectacle  that  must  have  penetrated  every  heart  with 
lively  emotions.  The  crowd  of  spectators  recalled  to  their 
minds  the  long  calamities  of  these  two  princes ;  and  the 
remembrance  of  so  many  evils  past,  appeared  to  them  a 
pledge  for  the  blessings  that  Heaven  had  m  store  for  the 

The  emneror,  reunited  to  his  son,  again  thanked  the 
Crusaders  for  the  services  they  had  rendered  him,  and  con- 
jured the  leaders  to  establish  themselves  with  their  army  on 
the  other  side  of  the  Gulf  of  Chrysoceras.  He  feared  that 
their  abode  in  the  city  might  give  birth  to  some  quarrel 
between  the  Greeks  and  the  Latins,  too  long  divided.  The 
barons  vielded  to  the  prayer  of  Isaac  and  Alexius,  and  the 
army  of  the  Crusaders  took  up  their  quarters  in  the  faubourg 
of  Galata ;  where,  in  abundance  and  repose,  they  forgot  the 
labours,  perils,  and  fatigues  of  the  war.  The  Pisans,  who  had 
defended  Constantinople  against  the  Crusaders,  made  peace 
with  the  Venetians;  all  discords  were  appeased,  and  no 
spirit  of  jealousy  or  rivalry  divided  the  Franks.  The  Greeks 
came  constantly  to  the  camp  of  the  Latins,  bringing  provi- 
sions and  merchandise  of  all  kinds.  The  warriors  of  the 
West  often  visited  the  capital,  and  were  never  tired  ot 
contemplating  the  palaces  of  the  emperors,  the  numerous 
edifices,  the  master-pieces  of  art,  the  monuments  consecrated 
to  religion,  and,  above  all,  the  relics  of  saints,  which,  accord- 
ing to  the  marshal  of  Champagne,  were  in  greater  abundance 
in  Constantinople  than  in  any  other  place  in  the  world. 


A  few  days  after  his  entrance  into  Constantinople,  Alexius 
was  crowned  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  admitted  to  a 
partition  of  the  sovereign  power  with  his  father.  The  harons 
assisted  at  his  coronation,  and  offered  up  sincere  wishes  for 
the  happiness  of  his  reign.  Alexius  hastened  to  discharge  a 
part  01  the  sum  promised  to  the  Crusaders.  The  greatest  har- 
mony prevailed  between  the  people  of  Byzantium  and  the 
warriors  of  the  West ;  the  Greeks  appeared  to  have  forgotten 
their  defeats,  the  Latins  their  victories.  The  subjects  of  Isaac 
and  Alexius  mingled  with  the  Latins  without  mistrust,  and 
the  simplicity  of  the  Franks  was  no  longer  the  subject  of  their 
raillery.  The  Crusaders,  on  their  side,  confided  in  the  good 
faith  of  the  Greeks.  Peace  reigned  in  the  capital,  and 
seemed  to  be  the  work  of  their  himds.  They  respected  the 
two  princes  they  had  placed  upon  the  throne,  and  the  em- 
perors retained  an  affectionate  gratitude  for  tlieir  liberators. 

The  Crusaders,  having  become  the  allies  of  the  Greeks, 
an4  the  protectors  of  a  great  empire,  had  now  no  other 
enemies  to  contend  with  but  the  Saracens ;  and  they  turned 
their  minds  to  the  fulfilment  of  the  oath  they  had  made  on 
taking  the  cross ;  but,  ever  faithful  to  the  hiws  of  chivalry, 
the  barons  and  knights  deemed  it  right  to  declare  war 
before  beginning  it.  Heralds-at-arms  were  sent  to  the 
sultan  of  Cairo  and  Damascus,  to  announce  to  him,  in  the 
name  of  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople, and  in  the  names  of  the  princes  and  nobles  of 
the  West,  that  he  would  soon  experience  the  valour  of  the 
Christian  nations,  if  he  persisted  in  holding  under  his  laws 
the  Holy  Land  and  the  places  consecrated  by  the  presence 
of  the  Saviour. 

The  leaders  of  the  crusade  announced  the  wonderful  suc- 
cess of  their  enterprise  to  all  the  princes  and  nations  of 
Christendom.  Whilst  addressing  the  emperor  of  Germany,* 
they  conjured  him  to  take  part  in  the  crusade,  and  come 
and  place  himself  at  the  head  of  the  Christian  knights.  The 
account  of  their  exploits  excited  the  enthusiasm  of  the 

*  The  Crasaders  addressed  Otho,  and  not  Philip  of  Swahia,  which  is 
▼cry  strange,  as  Philip  was  the  brother-in-law  of  Alexius ;  but  it  is  to  be 
observed  that  at  this  period  the  pope  had  declared  in  favonr  of  Otho,  and 
threatened  Philip  with  the  thunders  of  the  Church. 



fiuthful ;  the  news,  when  carried  into  Syria^  spread  terror 
among  the  Saracens,  and  revived  the  hopes  or  the  king  of 
Jerusalem  and  the  defenders  of  the  Holy  Land :  so  much 
glorious  success  ought  to  have  satisfied  the  pride  and  valour 
of  the  Crusaders;  but,  whilst  the  world  resounded  with 
their  glory,  and  trembled  at  the  fame  of  their  arms,  the 
knights  and  barons  believed  they  had  achieved  nothing  for 
their  own  renown,  or  for  the  cause  of  God,  until  they  had 
obtained  the  approbation  of  the  Holy  See.  The  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  the  count  of  Flanders,  the  count  of  St.  Pol, 
and  the  principal  leaders  of  the  army,  when  writing  to  the 
pope,  represented  to  him  that  the  success  of  their  enterprise 
was  not  the  work  of  men,  but  the  work  of  God.  These 
warriors,  filled  with  haughty  pride,  who  had  just  conquered 
an  empire;  who,  according  to  Nicetas,  boasted  oi fearing 
nothing  hut  the  falling  of  the  heavens,  thus  bent  their  vie* 
torious  brows  before  the  tribunal  of  the  sovereign  pontifi^, 
and  protested  at  the  feet  of  Innocent,  that  no  mundane 
view  nad  directed  their  arms,  and  that  he  must  only  contem- 
plate in  them  the  instruments  FroWdence  had  employed  in 
accomplishing  its  designs. 

Young  Alexius,  in  concert  with  the  leaders  of  the  crusaaes, 
wrote  at  the  same  time  to  the  pope,  to  justify  his  conduct 
and  that  of  his  liberators.  "  We  avow,"  said  he,  "  that  the 
principal  cause  that  induced  the  pilgrims  to  assist  us,  was 
that  we  had  promised,  with  an  oath,  to  recognise  the  Eoman 
pontiff  as  our  ecclesiastical  head,  and  the  successor  of  St. 
Feter."  Innocent  III.  in  replying  to  the  new  emperor  of 
Constantinople,  praised  his  mtentions  and  his  zeal,  and 
pressed  him  to  accomplish  his  promises ;  but  the  excuses  of 
the  Crusaders  were  not  able  to  appease  the  resentment 
which  the  pope  retained  on  account  of  their  disobedience  to 
the  counsels  and  commands  of  the  Holy  See.  In  his  answer, 
he  did  not  salute  them  with  his  usual  benediction,  fearing 
that  they  were  again  fallen  under  excommunication,  bv 
attacking  the  Greek  emperor  in  spite  of  his  prohibition,  ff 
the  emperor  of  Constantinople,  said  he  to  them,  does  not 
make  haste  to  do  that  which  he  has  promised,  it  will  appear 
that  neither  his  intentions  nor  yours  have  been  sincere,  and 
that  you  have  added  this  second  sin  to  that  you  have  already 


committed.  The  pope  gave  the  CrusaderB  fresh  advice ;  but 
neither  his  counsels  nor  his  threats  produced  any  better 
effect  than  they  had  done  at  the  siege  of  Zara :  Providence 
was  preparing  in  secret,  events  that  exceeded  the  foresight 
of  the  Crosaders,  or  even  that  of  the  Holy  See,  and  which 
would  once  again  change  the  aim  and  object  of  the  holy 

BOOK    XI. 

A.D.  1198—1204. 

Whek  war  and  revolutions  have  shaken  an  empire  to  its 
foundation,  evils  arise  against  which  no  human  wisdom  can 
provide.  It  is  then  that  princes,  called  to  the  throne,  are 
more  to  be  pitied  than  their  subjects,  and  that  their  power 
is  more  likely  to  excite  commiseration  than  to  awaken  the 
ambition  or  hatred  of  other  men.  The  people,  in  the 
extreme  of  misery,  know  not  what  bounds  to  put  to  their 
hopes,  and  alwavs  demand  of  the  future  more  than  the 
future  can  possibly  bring.  When  they  continue  to  suffer 
irreparable  misfortunes,  they  blame  their  leaders,  by  whose 
influence  they  expected  all  sorts  of  prosperity  ;  the  murmurs 
of  unjust  hatred  soon  succeed  to  the  acclamations  of  an  irre- 
flcctive  enthusiasm,  and,  not  unfrequently,  virtue  itself  is 
accused  of  having  caused  evils  which  are  the  effects  of  revolt, 
war,  or  bad  fortune. 

Nations  themselves,  when  they  have  succumbed,  and  have 
for  ever  lost  their  political  existence,  are  not  judged  with 
less  severity  or  injustice  than  princes  or  monarchs:  after 
the  fall  of  an  empire,  the  terrible  axiom  va  victis,  receives 
its  application  even  in  the  judgment  of  posterity.  Gene- 
rations, quite  equally  with  contemporaries,  allow  them- 
selves to  be  dazzled  by  victory,  and  entertain  nothing  but 
contempt  for  conquered  nations.  We  shall  endeavour, 
whilst  speaking  of  the  Greeks  and  their  princes,  to  guard 
against  the  prejudices  that  history  has  transmitted  to  us, 
and  when  we  shall  pronoimce  a  severe  judgment  upon  the 
character  and  people  of  Greece,  our  opinion  will  be  always 
founded  upon  authentic  traditions  and  the  testimony  of  the 
historians  of  Byzantium. 

Whilst  young  Alexius  had  nothing  to  do  but  make  pro- 
mises and  give  hopes,  he  was  gratified  by  the  flattering 

HI8T0BT  or   THE    CBTTSAVES.  101 

benedictions  of  both  Greeks  and  Crusaders ;  but  when  the 
time  arrived  for  him  to  perfoiin  all  he  had  promised,  he  met 
with  nothing  but  enemies  and  obstacles.  In  the  position  in 
which  his  return  had  placed  him,  it  was  extremely  difficult 
for  him  to  preserve  at  the  same  time  the  confidence  of  his 
liberatore  and  the  love  of  his  subjects.  If,  in  order  to 
fulfil  his  engagements,  the  young  emperor  undertook  to 
unite  the  Greek  Church  with  the  Church  of  Eome ;  if,  to 
pay  that  which  he  owed  to  the  Crusaders,  he  oppressed  his 
people  with  taxes,  he  must  expect  to  hear  violent  murmurs 
arise  throughout  his  empire.  If,  on  the  contrary,  he  re- 
spected the  religion  of  Greece,  if  he  lightened  the  excessive 
weight  of  the  imposts,  the  treaties  would  remain  unexecuted, 
and  the  throne  he  had  so  recently  ascended,  might  be  over- 
turned bv  the  arms  of  the  Latins. 

Dreadmg  every  day  to  see  the  fires  of  either  revolt  or 
war  kindled,  obliged  to  choose  between  two  perils,  after 
having  long  and  earnestly  deliberated,  he  did  not  dare  to 
confide  his  destiny  to  the  equivocal  valour  of  the  Greeks, 
and  conjured  the  barons  to  become  a  second  time  his  libe- 
rators. He  repaired  to  the  tent  of  the  count  of  Manders, 
and  spoke  as  follows  to  the  assembled  leaders  of  the 
crusade.*  "  You  have  restored  to  me  life,  honour,  and 
empire,  and  I  have  only  one  thing  to  desire :  that  is,  to  be 
able  to  perform  all  the  promises  1  have  made  you.  But  if 
you  abandon  me  now,  in  order  to  go  into  Syria,  it  will  be 
impossible  for  me  to  find  the  money,  the  troops,  or  the 
vessels  I  have  undertaken  to  furnish.  The  people  of  Con- 
stantinople have  received  me  with  joy ;  but  the  frequency  of 
revolutions  has  caused  them  to  lose  the  habits  of  submission 
and  obedience.  The  laws  of  their  country,  the  majesty  of 
the  throne,  no  longer  inspire  them  with  respect ;  a  spirit  of 
faction  reigns  in  the  capital,  and  throughout  the  too-long 
agitated  provinces.  I  conjure  you  then,  in  the  name  of 
your  own  glory,  in  the  name  of  your  own  interests,  to  finish 
vour  work,  and  render  firm  the  power  you  have  reestablished, 
winter  is  approaching,  the  navigation  is  perilous,  and  the 
rains  wDl  not  permit  you  to  commence  the  war  in  Syria ; 
wait  then  till  the  spring,  when  the  sea  will  present  fewer 

*  This  ipeecb  is  given  in  its  entirety  by  Villebardouin. 


dangers,  and  war  greater  success  and  glory ;  70a  will  then 
have  all  Greece  as  auxiliaries  in  your  enterprises ;  I  shall 
myself  be  able  to  keep  the  oaths  that  chain  me  to  your 
cause,  and  accompany  you  with  an  army  worthy  of  an 
emperor.*'  At  the  conclusion  of  his  speech,  Alexius  pro- 
mised to  furnish  all  that  the  army  would  require,  and  to 
make  such  suitable  arrangements  with  the  doge,  that  the 
Venetian  fleet  might  remain  at  the  disposal  of  the  Crusaders 
during  their  abode  at  Constantinople,  and  to  the  end  of  their 

A  coimcil  was  called  to  deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of 
the  young  emperor :  those  who  had  been  desirous  of  sepa- 
rating themselves  &om  the  army  at  Zara  and  Corfu,  repre- 
sented to  the  assembly  that  they  had,  until  that  time,  fought 
for  the  glory  and  profane  interests  of  princes  of  the  earth, 
but  that  the  time  was  now  come  for  them  to  fight  for 
religion  and  for  Jesus  Christ.  They  were  indignant  at  new 
obstacles  being  raised  to  retard  the  holy  enterprise.  This 
opinion  was  warmly  combated  by  the  doge  of  Venice  and 
the  barons  who  had  embarked  their  glory  in  the  expedition 
against  Constantinople,  and  could  not  make  up  their  minds 
to  lose  the  fruit  of  all  their  labours.  ^'  Shall  we,"  said  they, 
"  allow  a  yoimg  prince,  whose  cause  we  have  brought  to  a 
triumphant  issue,  to  be  delivered  over  to  his  enemies,  who 
are  as  ours,  and  an  enterprise  so  gloriously  begun,  become 
for  us  a  source  of  shame  and  repentance  P  Shall  we  allow 
the  heresy  that  our  arms  have  stifled  in  humbled  Greece, 
to  reconstruct  its  impure  altars,  and  be  again  a  subject  of 
scandal  for  the  Christian  church?  Sh^  we  leave  the 
Greeks  the  dangerous  faculty  of  declaring  against  us,  and 
allying  themselves  with  the  Saracens,  to  war  with  the  soldiers 
of  Christ?"  To  these  weighty  motives  the  princes  and 
lords  did  not  disdain  to  add  supplication  and  prayers;  at 
length  their  opinion  triumphed  over  an  obstinate  opposition^ 
and  the  council  decided  that  the  departure  of  the  army 
should  be  deferred  until  the  festival  of  the  Piaster  of  the 
following  year. 

Alexius,  in  concert  with  Isaac,  thanked  the  Crusaders  for 
their  favourable  determination,  and  ne^ected  nothing  that 
could  prove  his  gratitude  to  them.  For  the  purpose  of 
paying  the  sums  h&  had  promised,  ha  exhausted  hiatnsasury, 


increased  the  imposts,  and  even  melted  the  images  of  the 
saints  and  the  sacred  vases.  Upon  seeing  the  churches 
despoiled  of  the  sacred  images,  the  people  of  Constantinople 
were  struck  with  surprise  and  terror,  and  yet  had  not  the 
courage  to  utter  their  complaints  aloud.  Nicetas  reproaches 
his  compatriots  hitterly  with  having  remained  quiet  specta- 
tors of  such  sacrilege,  and  accuses  them  of  havmg,  bj  their 
cowardly  indifference,  drawn  upon  the  empire  the  anger  of 
Heaven.  The  most  fervent  of  the  Greeks  deplored,  as 
Nicetas  did,  the  violation  of  their  holy  places ;  but  scenes 
much  more  grievous  were  soon  to  be  brought  before  their 

The  leaders  of  the  army,  influenced  by  the  coimsels  of 
the  Latin  clei^  and  by  the  fear  of  the  pontiff  of  Eome, 
required  that  the  patriarch,  the  priests,  and  the  monks  of 
Constantinople  should  abjure  the  errors  that  separated  them 
from  the  Eomish  church ;  and  neither  the  dergy,  nor  the 
people,  nor  the  emperor,  attempted  to  resist  this  demand, 
although  it  alarmed  every  conscience  and  alienated  all  hearts. 
The  patriarch,  from  the  pulpit  of  St.  Sophia,  declared,  in  his 
own  name,  and  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  and  the  Chris- 
tian people  of  the  East,  that  he  acknowledged  Innocent,  third 
of  that  name,  as  the  successor  of  St.  Feter,  first  vicar  of 
Jesus  Christ  upon  earth,  pastor  of  the  faithful  flock.  The 
Greeks  who  were  present  at  this  ceremony  believed  they 
beheld  the  abomination  of  desolation  in  the  holy  place,  and 
if  they  afterwards  pardoned  the  patriarch  the  commission  of 
such  a  scandal,  it  was  from  the  strange  persuasion  in  which 
they  were,  that  the  head  of  their  church  was  deceiving  the 
Latins,  and  that  the  imposture  of  his  words  redeemed  in 
some  sort  the  crime  of  blasphemy  and  the  shame  of  perjury. 

GThe  Greeks  persisted  in  believing  that  the  Holy  Ghost 
does  not  proceed  from  the  Son,  and  quoted  in  support  of  their 
belief,  the  Creed  of  Nice ;  the  discipline  of  their  church 
differed  in  some  points  from  that  of  the  Church  of  Borne ; 
in  the  early,  days  of  the  schism  it  might  have  been  easy  to 
effect  a  reunion,  but  now  the  disputes  of  theologians  had 
too  much  exasperated  men's  minds.*     The  hatred  of  the 

*  The  Greeks  and  Latina  were  diyided  on  three  principal  points ;  first, 
the  addition  made  by  the  Latin  Church  to  the  creed  of  Constantinople,  to 
declare  that  the  Holy  Ghoat  proceeds  from  tfao  Father  {  2nd  the  refetsl 


Greeks  and  the  Latins  appeared  but  too  likely  to  separate 
the  two  creeds  for  ever.  The  law  that  was  imposed  upon 
the  Greeks  only  served  to  promote  the  growth  of  their  in- 
vincible resistance.  Such  among  them  as  scarcely  knew 
what  the  subject  was  of  the  long  debates  that  had  sprung 
up  between  Byzantium  and  Borne,  showed  no  less  fanaticism 
and  opposition  than  all  the  others ;  whilst  such  as  had  no 
religion  at  all  adopted  with  warmth  the  opinions  of  the 
theologians,  and  appeared  all  at  once  disposed  to  die  for  a 
cause  which  tiU  that  time  had  inspired  them  with  nothing 
but  indifference.  The  Greek  people,  in  a  word,  who  believed 
themselves  to  be  superior  to  all  either  nations  of  the  earth, 
repulsed  with  contempt  all  knowledge  that  came  from  the 
west,  and  could  not  consent  to  recognise  the  superiority  of 
the  Latins.  The  Crusaders,  who  had  changed  the  emperors 
and  conquered  the  empire,  were  astonished  at  not  being  able 
to  change  men's  hearts  likewise ;  but,  persuaded  that  every- 
thing must  in  the  end  yield  to  their  arms,  they  employed,  m 
subduing  minds  and  opmions,  a  rigour  which  only  augmented 
the  hatred  of  the  vanquished,  and  prepared  the  fall  of  the 
emperors  whom  victory  had  replaced  upon  the  throne. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  usurper  Alexius,  on  flying  from 
Constantinople,  had  found  a  retreat  in  the  province  of 
Thrace ;  several  cities  opened  their  gates  to  him,  and  a  few 
partisans  assembled  unaer  his  banner.  The  son  of  Isaac 
resolved  to  seek  the  rebels  and  give  them  battle.  Henry  of 
Hainault,  the  count  of  St.  Pol,  and  many  knights,  accom- 
panied him  in  this  expedition.  At  their  approach,  the 
usurper,  shut  up  in  Adnanople,  quickly  abandoned  the  city, 
and  fled  away  towards  Mount  Hemus.  All  the  rebels  who 
had  the  courage  to  await  them,  were  cither  conquered  or 
dispersed.  But  young  Alexius  and  the  Crusaders  had  a 
much  more  formidable  enemy  to  contend  with :  this  was  the 
nation  of  the  Bulgarians.     These  wild  and  ferocious  people, 

on  the  part  of  the  Greeks  to  acknowledge  the  primacy  of  the  pope ;  Srdly, 
the  pretension  of  the  Greeks  that  it  is  not  possible  to  consecrate  in  the 
Eucharist  with  unleavened  bread.  Photius  began  the  schism  ;  the  patriarch 
Cerularius  established  it ;  this  latter  wished  to  be  acknowledged  as  the 
head  of  the  universal  Church  instead  of  the  pope.  L'Abb^  Pleury,  in  his 
Huioire  Eceietiattique,  thinks  that  the  schism  of  the  Greeks  only  really 
began  at  the  period  the  Latins  were  masten  of  Constantinople. 


obedient  to  the  laws  of  Constantinople  at  the  time  of  the 
first  crusade,  had  taken  advantage  of  the  troubles  of  the 
empire  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of  its  rulers.*  The  leader  of  the 
Bulgarians,  Joaunices,  an  implacable  enemy  of  the  Greeks, 
had  embraced  the  faith  of  the  Church  of  Borne,  and  declared 
himself  a  vassal  of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  to  obtain  £rom  him 
the  title  of  king.  He  concealed  under  the  veil  of  a  new 
religion  the  most  vindictive  hatred  and  aspiring  ambition, 
and  employed  the  support  and  credit  of  the  court  of  Bome 
to  make  war  against  the  masters  of  Byzantium.  Joannicea 
made  frequent  incursions  into  the  countries  adjoining  his 
own  territories,  and  threatened  the  richest  provinces  of  the 
empire  with  invasion.  K  young  Alexius  had  been  guided 
by  prudent  counsels,  he  would  have  taken  advantage  of  the 
presence  of  the  Crusaders  to  intimidate  the  Bulgarians,  and 
compel  them  to  remain  on  the  other  side  of  Mount  Hemus : 
this  expedition  might  have  deservedly  obtained  him  the  con- 
fidence and  esteem  of  the  Greeks,  and  assured  the  repose  of 
several  provinces ;  but  whether  he  was  not  seconded  by  the 
Crusaders,  or  that  he  did  not  perceive  the  advantages  of  such 
on  enterprise,  he  contented  himself  with  threatening  Joan- 
nices ;  and,  without  having  made  either  peace  or  war,  after 
recei\dng  the  oaths  of  the  cities  of  Thrace,  his  sole  wish  was 
to  return  to  Constantinople. 

The  capital  of  the  empire,  which  had  already  undergone 
so  many  evils,  had  just  experienced  a  fresh  calamity.  Some 
Plemish  soldiers,  encouraged  by  the  Latins  established  in 
Constantinople,  had  provoked  and  insulted  the  Jews  in  their 
synagogue,  and  the  people  had  taken  up  the  defence  of  the 
latter  against  the  aggressors.  Both  sides  had  recourse  to 
arms,  and  in  the  tumult  of  fight,  chance,  or  malevolence, 
set  fire  to  some  neighbouring  houses.  The  conflagration 
extended  on  all  sides,  during  the  night  and  the  following 
day,  with  a  rapidity  and  violence  that  nothing  could  stop  or 
confine ;  the  names  meeting  from  several  points,  rolled  on 
with  the  swiftness  of  a  torrent,  consuming,  as  if  of  straw, 
galleries,  columns,  temples,  and  palaces.  From  the  bosom 
of  this  frightful  mass  of  fire  issued  fragments  of  burning 

*  The  Bulgarians  had  shaken  off  the  yoke  under  the  first  reign  of  Isaac. 
They  had  for  leaders  two  brothers,  Peter  and  Asan,  who  had  for  sucoossoi 
a  third  brother,  Joannices. 

106  niSXOBT  OF  THE   CBU8ADES. 

matter,  wkicb,  falling  upon  distant  houses,  reduced  them  to 
ashes.  The  flames,  at  first  impelled  by  a  north  wind,  were 
afterwards  driven  back,  by  a  strong  change,  from  the  south, 
and  poured  upon  places  that  had  appeared  secure  from 
danger.  The  conflagration  began  at  the  synagogue,  near 
the  sea,  on  the  ef^tem  side  of  the  city,  and  extended  its 
ravages  as  far  as  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  on  the  western 
side,  traversing  a  space  of  two  leagues,  and  in  its  course 
including  the  port,  where  many  ships  were  consumed  upon 
the  waters.* 

During  eight  days  the  fearful  element  continued  the  de- 
struction; the  crash  of  houses  and  towers  falling  on  all 
sides,  and  the  roaring  of  the  winds  and  flames  mingling  with 
the  cries  of  a  ruined  and  distracted  multitude.  The  crowds 
of  inhabitants  rushed  over  and  against  each  other  in  the 
streets,  flying  before  the  closely-pursuing  fire,  some  bearing 
their  goods  and  most  valuable  effects,  others  dragging  along 
the  sick  and  the  aged.  Such  as  perished  in  the  conflagration 
were  the  least  unfortunate,  for  multitudes  of  others,  weeping 
the  death  of  their  relations  and  friends,  and  the  loss  of  their 
whole  worldly  property,  many  of  them  wounded,  some  half- 
burnt,  wandered  about  bewildered  among  the  ruins,  or  were 
huddled  together  in  the  pubUc  places,  without  any  means  ot 
subsistence,  or  the  hope  of  finding  an  asylum. 

The  Crusader  sviewed  the  progress  of  this  horrible  dis- 
aster from  the  heights  of  Galata,  and  deplored  the  calamities 
of  Constantinople.  A  great  number  of  knights  lent  their 
most  earnest  endeavour  to  subdue  the  raging  element,  and 
lamented  that  they  had  to  contend  with  an  enemy  against 
which  valour  was  powerless.  The  princes  and  barons  sent  a 
deputation  to  the  emperor  Isaac,  to  assure  him  how  sincerely 
they  participated  in  his  sorrow,  and  to  declare  that  they 
would  punish  the  authors  of  the  conflagration  with  the 
utmost  severity,  if  they  should  prove  to  be  among  their  sol- 
diers. The  protestations  and  assistance  which  they  promptly 
and  earnestly  offered  to  the  victims,  could  neither  console 
nor  appease  the  Greeks,  who,  whilst  contemplating  the  ruins 

*  Nicctas  devotes  an  entire  chapter  to  the  description  of  this  fire. 
Villehardooin,  in  the  fourth  volume  of  his  Hutoryf  speaks  thus  of  it : 
De  quoi  les  p^lerins  Fran^ais  furent  mult  dolent,  ec  mult  en  eurent 
grand  piti6. 


aad  misfortunes  of  their  capital,  accused  the  two  emperors, 
and  threw  out  horrible  imprecations  against  the  Latins. 

The  families  of  the  Franks  established  at  Constantinople, 
who,  in  spite  of  persecutions,  had  remained  in  the  city, 
became  again  subject  to  the  ill-treatment  of  the  people ;  and, 
forced  to  seek  an  asylum  without  the  walls,  they  took  refuge 
in  the  faubourg  of  Gklata.  Their  groans  and  complaints 
revived  all  the  animosity  of  the  Crusaders  against  the 
Greeks.  Thus  everything  contributed  to  inflame  the  hatred 
of  two  nations,  whom  such  great  misfortunes  ought  to  have 
more  closely  imited,  and  to  rekindle  discords  that  were 
doomed  to  bring  in  their  train  new  and  incurable  calamities. 

When  Alexius  re-entered  Constantinople  in  triumph,  the 
people  received  him  with  moody  silence ;  the  Crusaders  alone 
applauded  victories  he  had  gained  over  Greeks;  and  his 
triumph,  whioli  contrasted  so  keenly  with  the  public  cala- 
mities, and  his  laurels,  gathered  in  a  civil  war,  only  served 
to  render  him  more  odious  to  the  inhabitants  of  his  capital. 
He  was  obliged,  more  than  ever,  to  throw  himself  into  the 
arms  of  the  Latins ;  he  passed  his  days  and  nights  in  their 
camp ;  he  took  part  in  their  warlike  games,  and  associated 
himself  with  their  gross  orgies.  Amidst  the  intoxication  of 
banquets,  the  Frank  warriors  treated  Alexius  with  insolent 
familiarit}',  and  more  than  once  they  pulled  off  his  jewelled 
diadem  to  place  on  his  head  the  woollen  cap  worn  by  Venetian 
sailors.  *  The  Greeks,  who  took  great  pride  in  the  magni- 
ficence of  their  sovereigns,  only  conceived  the  stronger 
contempt  for  a  prince,  who,  after  abjuring  his  religion,  de- 
graded the  imperial  dignity,  and  did  not  blush  to  adopt  the 
manners  of  nations  tliat  were  only  known  at  Constantinople 
under  the  name  of  barbarians. 

Nicetas,  whose  opinions  are  not  wanting  in  moderation, 
never  speaks  of  this  prince  but  with  a  sort  of  anger  and  vio- 
lence. According  to  the  historian  of  Byzantium,  "Alexius 
had  a  countenance  resembling  that  of  the  exterminating 
angel ;  he  was  a  true  incendiarj' ;  and  far  from  being  aflBicted 
by  the  burning  of  his  capital,  he  would  have  wished  to  see 
the  whole  city  reduced  to  ashes.*'  Isaac  himself  accused 
his  son  of  having  pernicious  inclinations,  and  of  corrupting 
himself  daily  by  an  intercourse  with  the  wicked ;  he  was  in- 
dignant that  the  name  of  Alexius  should  be  proclaimed  at 


court  and  in  public  ceremonies,  whilst  that  of  Isaac  was 
rarely  mentioned.  In  his  blind  anger,  he  loaded  the  young 
emperor  with  imprecations  ;  but,  governed  by  a  vain  jedousy, 
much  more  than  by  any  proper  sentiment  of  dignity,  whilst 
he  applauded  the  hatred  of  the  people  for  Alexius,  he  evaded 
the  duties  of  a  sovereign,  and  did  nothing  to  merit  the 
esteem  of  men  of  worth.  Isaac  lived  retired  in  his  palace, 
surrounded  by  monks  and  astrologers,  who,  whilst  kissing  his 
hands  still  scarred  with  the  irons  of  his  captivity,  celebrated 
his  power,  made  him  believe  that  he  would  deliver  Jerusalem, 
that  he  would  plant  his  throne  upon  Mount  Libanus,  and 
would  reign  over  the  whole  universe.  Pull  of  confidence  in 
an  image  of  the  Virgin  which  he  always  carried  with  him, 
and  boasting  of  being  ac(}uainted,  by  means  of  astrology, 
with  all  the  secrets  of  policy,  he  could  yet  imagine,  to  pre- 
vent sedition,  nothing  more  effective  than  to  have  tiuns- 
ported  from  the  hippodrome  to  his  palace,  the  statue  of  the 
wild  boar  of  Calyaon,  which  was  considered  the  symbol  of 
revolt  and  the  image  of  an  infuriated  people. 

The  people  of  Constantinople,  no  less  superstitious  than 
Isaac,  whilst  deploring  the  evils  of  their  country,  laid  the 
blame  upon  both  mari)le  and  brass.  A  statue  of  IVIinerva 
which  decorated  the  Square  of  Constantine,  had  its  eyes  and 
arms  turned  towards  the  West ;  it  was  believed  that  she  had 
called  in  the  barbarians,  and  the  statue  was  torn  down  and 
dashed  to  pieces  by  an  exasperated  mob  :•  "cruel  blindness ^f 
the  Greeks,"  cries  an  historical  hel  etprit,f  "who  took  arms 
against  themselves,  and  could  not  endure  in  their  city 
the  image  of  a  goddess  who  presides  over  prudence  and 
valour !  *' 

Whilst  the  capital  of  the  empire  was  thus  agitated  by 
popular  commotions,  the  ministers  of  Alexius  and  Isaac 
were  busied  in  levying  taxes  for  the  payment  of  the  sums 
promised  to  the  litins.     Extravagance,  abuses  of  power, 

*  Nioetas  gives  a  sufficiently  long  description  of  this  statneof  Pallas.— 
See  the  Hieiwy  qflwae  Anpelut,  chap.  iii.  This  statue  was  thirty  feet 
high  ;  its  eyes,  says  the  Greek  historian,  were  turned  towards  the  south, 
so  that  those  who  were  ignorant  of  the  science  of  angles  considered  she 
was  looking  towards  the  West,  and  that  she  invited  the  nations  from  the 
north  of  Europe  to  come  to  the  shores  of  the  Bosphortis. 

t  NioetM. 

HISTOBT  07  rni  CBtTSABES.  109 

and  numerous  instances  of  injustice,  added  still  fiirtber  to 
the  public  calamities  ;  loud  complaints  were  proclaimed  by 
ererj  class  of  the  citizens.  It  was  at  first  intended  to  laj 
the  principal  burden  of  the  imposts  upon  the  people ;  but  the 
people,  says  Nicetas,  arose  like  a  sea  agitatea  by  the  winds. 
Extraordinary  taxes  were  then,  by  necessity,  laid  upon  the 
richer  citizens,  and  the  churches  continued  to  be  plundered 
of  their  gold  and  silver  ornaments.  All  the  treasures  they 
could  cofiect  were  not  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  insatiable 
desires  of  the  Latins,  who  began  to  ravage  the  country,  and 
pillage  the  houses  and  monasteries  of  the  Propontis. 

The  hostilities  and  violence  of  the  Crusaders  excited  the 
indignation  of  the  people  to  a  greater  degree  than  they 
moved  that  of  the  patricians  and  the  great.  In  the  course  of 
so  many  revolutions,  it  is  astonishing  to  find  that  the  spirit 
of  patriotism  so  frequently  revives  amongst  the  multitude, 
when  it  is  extinct  in  the  more  elevated  classes.  In  a  cor- 
rupt nation,  so  long  as  revolutions  have  not  broken  forth, 
and  the  day  of  peril  and  destruction  is  not  arrived,  the 
riches  of  the  citizens  is  a  sure  pledge  of  their  devotedness 
and  patriotism ;  but  this  pledge  is  no  longer  the  same  at  the 
height  of  danger,  when  society  finds  itself  in  antagonism 
with  all  the  enemies  of  its  existence  and  its  repose ;  a  for- 
tune, the  loss  of  which  is  dreaded,  is  often  tbe  cause  of 
shameful  transactions  with  the  party  of  the  conquerors ;  it 
enervates  more  than  it  fortifies  moral  courage.  Amidst  the 
greatest  penis,  the  multitude,  who  have  nothing  to  lose, 
sometimes  preserve  generous  passions  that  skilful  policy 
may  direct  with  advantage.  Unfortunately,  the  same  mul- 
titude scarcely  ever  obey  anything  but  a  blind  instinct ;  and 
in  moments  of  crisis,  oecome  a  dangerous  instrument  in 
the  hands  of  the  ambitious,  who  abuse  the  names  of  liberty 
and  patriotism.  It  is  then  that  a  nation  has  no  less  to  com- 
plain of  those  who  are  not  willing  to  save  her,  than  of  those 
who  do  not  dare  defend  her ;  and  that  she  perishes,  the  vic- 
tim at  once  of  culpable  indifference  and  senseless  ardour. 

The  people  of  Constantinople,  irritated  against  the  ene- 
mies of  the  empire,  and  urged  on  by  a  spirit  of  faction, 
complained  at  first  of  their  leaders ;  and,  soon  passing  from 
complaint  to  revolt,  they  rushed  in  a  crowd  to  the  paLice  of 
the  emperors,  reproaol^  them  with  having  alMmdoAed  tbe 

110  HI8T0BT   OF  TH£  CBU8ADI8* 

cause  of  God  and  the  cause  of  their  country,  and  demanded, 
with  loud  cries,  avengers  and  arms. 

Among  those  who  encouraged  the  multitude,  a  youag 
prince  of  the  illustrious  family  of  Ducas  was  conspicuous. 
He  bore  the  name  of  Alexius,  a  name  which  must  always  be 
associated  with  the  history  of  the  misfortunes  of  the  empire : 
in  addition,  he  had  obtained  the  surname  of  Mourzoi^e^  a 
Greek  word,  signifying  that  his  two  eyebrows  met  together. 
!Mourzoullo*  concealed  a  subtle  spirit  beneath  that  severe 
and  stem  air  that  the  vulgar  never  fail  to  take  for  an  indica- 
tion of  frankness.  The  words  patriotism  and  liberty,  which 
always  seduce  the  people;  the  words  glory  and  religion, 
which  recall  noble  sentiments,  were  for  ever  in  his  mouth, 
and  only  served  to  veil  the  machinations  of  his  ambition. 
Amidst  a  timid  and  pusillanimous  court,  surrounded  by 
princes,  who,  according  to  the  expression  of  Nicetas,  had 
greater  fear  of  making  war  against  the  Crusaders,  than  stags 
would  have  in  attacking  a  lion,  Mourzoufle  was  not  deficient 
in  bravery,  and  his  reputation  for  courage  was  quite  sufficient 
to  draw  upon  him  the  eyes  of  the  whole  capital.  As  he 
possessed  a  strong  voice,  a  haughty  look,  and  an  imperious 
tone,  he  was  pronounced  fit  to  command.  The  more  vehe- 
mently he  declaimed  against  tyranny,  the  more  ardent  were 
the  wishes  of  the  multitude  that  he  should  be  clothed  ^sith 
great  power.  The  hatred  that  he  affected  to  entertain  for 
foreigners,  gave  birth  to  the  hope  that  he  would  one  day 
defend  the  empire,  and  caused  him  to  be  considered  the 
future  liberator  of  Constantinople. 

Skilful  in  seizing  every  available  chance,  and  in  following 
all  parties,  after  having  rendered  criminal  services  to  the 
usurper,  Mourzoufle  gathered  the  reward  of  them  under  the 
reign  that  followed  the  usurpation ;  and  he  who  was  every- 
where accused  of  having  been  the  gaoler  and  executioner  of 
lsaac,t  became  the  favourite  of  young  Alexius.  He  neg- 
lected no  means  of  pleasing  the  multitude,  in  order  to  ren- 
der himself  necessary  to  the  prince;  and  knew  how  to 
brave,  on  fit  occasions,  the  hatred  of  the  courtiers,  to  aug- 

*  The  continuator  of  William  gives  the  Greek  prince  the  name  of 

t  Lebeaa,  Hittoire  du  Sas-Empire,  says  that  Mourzoufle  bad  been 
employed  to  pat  out  the  eyes  of  Isaac. — See  ffisi.  du  BM^Emp,  Uv.  zdv. 

HI8T0BY  OF  TH2   C&USADZS.  Ill 

ment  his  credit  among  the  people.  He  was  not  tardy  in 
taking  advantage  of  this  aouole  influence  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  new  troubles,  and  bring  about  the  triumph  of  his 

His  counsels  persuaded  young  Alexius,  that  it  was  neces- 
sary for  him  to  break  with  the  Latins,  and  prove  himself 
ungrateful  to  his  liberators,  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  the 
Greeks  ;  he  inflamed  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  to  make 
a  rupture'  certain,  he  himself  took  up  arms.  His  friends 
and  some  men  of  the  people  followed  his  example,  and,  led 
by  Mourzoufle,  a  numerous  troop  rushed  from  the  city,  in 
the  hope  of  surprising  the  Latins ;  but  the  multitude,  always 
ready  to  declaim  against  the  wai-riors  of  the  West,  did  not 
dare  to  face  them.  Mourzoufle,  abandoned  on  the  field  of 
battle,  had  nearly  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Crusaders. 
This  imprudent  action,  that  might  have  been  expected  to 
ruin  him,  only  tended  to  increase  his  power  and  influence ; 
he  might  be  accused  of  having  risked  the  safety  of  the  em- 
pire by  provoking  a  war  without  the  means  of  sustaining  it; 
but  the  people  boasted  of  the  heroism  of  a  young  prince, 
who  had  dared  to  brave  the  warlike  hosts  of  the  Franks ; 
and  even  they  who  had  deserted  him  in  the  fight,  celebrated 
his  valour,  and  swore,  as  he  did,  to  exterminate  the  enemies 
of  their  country. 

The  frenzy  of  the  Greeks  was  at  its  height ;  and,  on  their 
side,  the  Latins  loudly  expressed  their  dissatisfaction.  In 
the  faubourg  of  Galata,  inhabited  by  the  French  and  Vene- 
tians, as  well  as  within  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  nothing 
was  heard  but  cries  for  war,  and  nobody  durst  speak  of 
peace.  At  this  period  a  deputation  from  the  Christians  of 
Palestine  arrived  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders.  The  depu- 
ties, the  principal  of  whom  was  Martin  Litz,  were  clothed 
in  mourning  vestments,  which,  with  the  sadness  of  their 
aspect,  made  it  sufficiently  plain  that  they  came  to  announce 
fresh  misfortunes.  Their  accounts  drew  tears  from  all  the 

In  the  year  that  preceded  the  expedition  to  Constantinople 
the  Flemish  and  Champenois  Crusaders,  who  had  embarked 
at  the  ports  of  Bruges  and  Marseilles,  landed  at  Ptolemais. 
At  the  same  time  came  many  English  warriors,  commanded 
by  the  eai-ls  of  Northumberland,  Norwich,  and  Salisbury ; 

112  HI8T0BT  OF  THX   CBtTBABSfl. 

and  a  great  number  of  pilgrims  from  Lower  Brittany,  who 
had  chosen  for  leader  the  monk  H61ain,  one  of  the  preacheni 
of  the  crusade.  These  Crusaders,  when  united  with  those 
who  had  quitted  the  Christian  army  after  the  siege  of  Zara, 
became  impatient  to  attack  the  Saracens,  and  as  the  king  of 
Jerusalem  was  averse  to  breaking  the  truce  made  with  the 
infidels,  the  greater  part  of  them  left  Palestine,  to  fight 
under  the  banners  or  the  prince  of  Antioch,  who  was  at 
war  with  the  prince  of  Armenia.  Having  refused  to  take 
guides,  they  were  surprised  and  dispersed  by  a  body  of 
Saracens,  sent  against  them  by  the  sultan  of  Aleppo  ;•  the 
few  that  escaped  from  the  carnage,  among  whom  history 
names  two  seigneurs  de  Neuilly,  Bernard  de  Montmirail,  and 
Eenard  de  Dampierre,  remained  in  the  chains  of  the  infidels. 
H^lain,  the  monk,  had  the  grief  to  see  the  bravest  of  the 
Breton  Crusaders  perish  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  returned 
almost  alone  to  Ptolemais,  to  announce  the  bloody  defeat  of 
the  soldiers  of  the  cross.  A  horrible  famine  had,  during 
two  years,  desolated  Egypt,  and  extended  its  ravages  into 
Syria.  Contagious  diseases  followed  the  famine ;  the  plague 
swept  away  the  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land ;  more  than 
two  thousand  Christians  had  received  the  rights  of  sepulture 
in  the  city  of  Ptolemais,  in  one  single  day ! 

The  deputies  from  the  Holy  Land,  after  rendering  their 
melancholy  account,  invoked  by  tears  and  groans  the  prompt 
assistance  of  the  army  of  ihe  Crusaders ;  but  the  oarona 
and  knights  could  not  abandon  the  enterprise  they  had 
begun  ;  they  promised  the  envoys  from  Palestine  that  they 
would  turn  their  arms  towards  Syria,  as  soon  as  they  had 
subdued  the  Q-reeks ;  and,  pointing  towards  the  walls  of 
Constantinople,  said :  ^  This  is  the  road  to  salvation  ;  this  is 
the  way  to  Jerusalem^^ 

Alexius  was  bound  to  pay  the  Latins  the  sums  he  had 
promised ;  if  he  was  faithrul  to  his  word,  he  had  to  appre- 
hend a  revolt  of  the  G-reeks ;  if  he  did  not  fulfil  his  engage- 
ments, he  dreaded  the  arms  of  the  Crusaders.  Terrified  by 
the  general  agitation  that  prevailed,  and  restrained  by  a 

*  Jaoquet  de  Vitii,  Alberio,  and  the  oontinuator  of  William  of  Tyre 
speak  of  this  battle  fought  between  Antioch  and  Tripoli ;  Yillehardouin 
likewise  makes  mentioa  of  it,  and  names  manj  knights  that  were  Idlled  or 

HI8T0BT  OV  THI  OBrSASSfl.  118 

double  fear,  the  two  emperora  remained  mactlve  in  their 
palace,  without  daring  to  seek  for  peace,  or  prepare  for  war. 

The  Crusaders,  disaatisfied  with  the  conduct  of  Alexius,* 
deputed  aeveral  barons  and  kniffhts  to  demand  of  him 
peremptorily  whether  he  would  oe  their  &iend  or  their 
enemy.  Tne  deputies,  on  entering  Constantinople,  heard 
nothing  throughout  their  passage  but  the  insults  and  threats 
of  an  irritated  populace.  Eeceived  in  the  palace  of  Bl»> 
chemsB,  amidst  the  pomp  of  the  throne  and  the  court,t  thej 
addressed  the  emperor  Alexius,  and  expressed  the  complaints 
of  their  companions  in  arms  in  these  terms :  *'  We  are  sent 
by  the  French  barons  and  the  dofi;e  of  Venice  to  recall  to 
your  mind  the  treaty  that  you  and  your  father  have  sworn 
po  upon  the  6k>spel,  and  to  require  you  to  fulfil  your  pro- 
mises as  we  have  fulfilled  ours.  If  you  do  us  justice,  we 
shall  only  haye  to  forget  the  past,  and  giye  due  praise  to 
your  ffood  faith;  if  you  are  not  true  to  your  oaths,  the 
Crusaders  will  no  longer  remember  they  naye  been  your 
friends  and  allies,  they  will  haye  recourse  to  no  more  prayers, 
but  to  their  own  good  swords.  They  have  felt  it  their  dutjr 
to  lay  their  comphdnts  before  you,  and  to  warn  you  of  their 
intentions,  for  the  warriors  of'^the  West  hold  treachery  in 
horror,  and  neyer  make  war  without  having  declared  it ;  we 
ofier  you  our  fiiendship,  which  has  placed  you  upon  the 
throne,  or  our  hatred,  wnich  is  able  to  remoye  you  from  it ; 
we  brin^  you  war  with  all  its  calamities,  or  peace  with  all 
its  blessmgs :  it  is  for  you  to  choose,  and  to  deliberate  upon 
the  part  you  haye  to  take." 

These  complaints  of  the  Crusaders  were  expressed  with 
80  little  respect,  that  they  must  haye  been  highly  offensiyd 

*  Vigenere,  when  traiuUtmg  VUlehardouin,  renden  thiu  the  panan 
in  which  the  marshal  of  Champagne  ezpreaaes  the  diaaatufaction  of  iM 
Cniaaden,  and  the  ill-conduct  of  Alexiua  towards  them  : — ^Alezis  lea 
menatt  de  d^lai  en  d^lai,  de  reapit  en  reapit,  le  bee  daua  Teaa,  qoant  aa 
principal,  et  ponr  le  regard  de  oertainea  menctes  partiea,  qn'il  leur  fonr- 
niaaait  conune  i  leache  doigt,  formait  tant  de  petitea  dilBcnltA  et  chioa- 
neriea,  que  lea  buona  commenc^rent  i  s'ennayer. 

t  ViUehardouin,  after  having  deacribed  the  oonrt  of  Alezwa,  in  thia 
ceremony  neiTcly  adda :  Tout  oela  ae  aentait  bien  aa  conr  d'nn  ai  puiaaant 
et  riche  prince.  The  title  of  puuioni  acarceif  auited  a  prince  who  waa 
hearing  war  declared  agaioat  him  in  his  own  palace ;  and  the  epithet  riek 
waa  hardly  more  applicable  to  him,  since  he  could  not  pay  what  he  had 
promiaed,  ai^d  thereby  redeem  hia  empire  from  the  fivataat  danger. 

Vol.  11—6 

114  HISTOBT  Olf  TfiS  CBUSJLDS8. 

to  the  ears  of  tlie  emperors.  In  tliis  palace,  which  con- 
stantlj  resounded  with  the  acclamations  of  a  servile  courts 
the  sovereigns  of  Byzantium  had  never  listened  to  language 
so  insolent  and  haughty.  The  emperor  Alexius,  to  whom 
this  menacing  tone  appeared  to  reveal  his  own  helplessness 
and  the  unhappy  state  of  his  empire,  could  not  restrain  his 
indignation ;  the  courtiers  fully  partook  of  the  anger  of 
their  masters,  and  were  desirous  of  punishing  the  insolent 
orator  of  the  Latins  on  the  spot  ;*  hut  the  deputies  left  the 
palace  of  Blachemie,  and  hastened  to  regain  the  camp  of  the 

The  council  of  Isaac  and  Alexius  breathed  nothing  but 
vengeance ;  and,  on  the  return  of  the  deputies,  war  was  de- 
cided on  in  the  council  of  the  barons.  The  Latins  deter- 
mined to  attack  Constantinople ;  nothing  could  equal  the 
hatred  and  fury  of  the  Greeks;  but  fuiy  and  hatred 
cannot  supply  the  place  of  courage :  not  daring  to  meet 
their  ei^pmy  in  the  open  field,  they  resolved  to  bum  the  fleet 
of  the  Venetians.  The  Greeks,  on  this  occasion,  had  again 
recourse  to  that  Greek  fire,  which  had,  more  than  once, 
served  them  instead  of  courage,  and  saved  their  capital. 
This  terrible  fire,  skilfully  hurled  or  directed,  devoured 
vessels,  soldiers,  and  their  arms ;  like  the  bolt  of  Heaven, 
nothing  could  prevent  its  explosion,  or'  arrest  its  ravages ; 
the  waves  of  the  sea,  so  far  from  extinguishing  it,  redoubled 
its  activity.  Seventeen  ships,  charged  with  the  Greek  fire 
and  combustible  matter,  were  carried  by  a  favourable  wind 
towards  the  port  in  which  the  Venetian  vessels  lay  at  anchor. 
To  assure  the  success  of  this  attempt,  the  Greeks  took 
advantage  of  the  darkness  of  night;  and  the  port,  the 
gulf^  and  the  faubourg  of  Galata  were,  all  at  once,  illumined 
by  a  threatening  and  sinister  Hght.  At  the  aspect  of  the 
danger,  the  trumpets  soimded  the  alarm  in  the  camp  of  the 
Latins ;  the  Prench  flew  to  arms  and  prepared  for  the  fight, 
whilst  the  Venetians  cast  themselves  mto  their  barks,  and 

*  La-desseas  bruit  le  lera  fort  grand  an  palais ;  et  les  messagers  s'en 
retoamuerent  aox  portes,  oiii  ils  monterent  habilement  k  cheral ;  n'y  ayant 
celui,  qnand  ila  furent  hon,  qui  ne  se  sentit  tr^s  heareox  et  content  en 
•on  esprit,  voire  estonn^,  d'etre  reschapp^  ii  ri  bon  marche  d'nn  si  mani- 
feste  danger ;  car  il  ne  tint  presqne  4  rien  qa*ils  Tk*j  demenrassent  tons 
Boortf  ou  prifl. — VUlekardouinf  liv.  vL 

HI8T0BT  07  THS  CBTTSADSS.  115 

went  out  to  meet  yessels  bearing  within  their  sides  destruc- 
tion and  fire. 

The  crowd  of  Qreeka  assembled  on  the  shore,  applauded 
the  spectacle,  and  enjoyed  the  terror  of  the  Crusaders. 
Manj  of  them  embarked  in  small  boats,  and  rowed  out 
upon  the  sea,  darting  arrows  and  endeavouring  to  cany  dis- 
order among  the  Venetians.  The  Crusaders  encouraged 
each  other ;  they  rushed  in  crowds  to  encounter  the  danger, 
some  raising  plaintiye  and  piercing  cries  towards  Heaven, 
and  others  uttering  horrible  imprecations  against  the  Greeks: 
on  the  walls  of  Constantinople,  clapping  of  hands  and  cries 
of  joy  resounded,  and  were  redoubled  as  the  vessels  covered 
with  flames  drew  nearer.  Yillehardouin,  an  ocular  witness, 
says  that  amidst  this  firightful  tumult,  nature  appeared  to  be 
in  confusion,  and  the  sea  about  to  swallow  up  the  earth. 
Nevertheless,  the  Venetians,  by  the  means  of  strong  arms 
and  numberless  oars,  succeeded  in  turning  the  course  of  the 
fire-ships  wide  of  the  port,  and  they  were  carried  by  the 
current  beyond  the  canal.  The  Crusaders,  in  battle  array, 
standing  on  their  vessels  or  dispersed  among  the  barks,  ren- 
dered -thanks  to  God  for  having  preserved  them  from  so 
great  a  disaster ;  whilst  the  Greeks  beheld  with  terror  their 
fire-ships  consuming  away  upon  the  waters  of  the  Fropontis, 
without  having  effected  the  least  injury. 

The  irritated  Latins  could  not  pardon  the  perfidy  and  in- 
gratitude of  the  emperor  Alexius  :  "  It  was  not  enough  for 
him  to  have  failed  in  his  engagements  and  broken  his  oaths, 
he  endeavoured  to  bum  the  fleet  that  had  borne  him  trium- 
phantly to  the  heart  of  his  empire :  the  time  was  now  come 
to  repress  the  enterprises  of  traitors  by  the  sword,  and  to 
punish  base  enemies,  who  were  acquainted  with  no  other 
arms  but  treachery  and  deceit ;  and,  like  the  vilest  brigands, 
only  ventured  to  deal  their  blows  in  the  darkness  and  silence 
of  night.'*  Alexius,  terrified  at  these  threats,  could  think 
of  no  other  resource  than  that  of  imploring  the  clemency  of 
the  Crusaders.  He  offered  them  fresh  oaths  and  fresh  pro- 
mises, and  threw  the  blame  of  the  hostilities  upon  the  fury 
of  the  people,  which  he  had  not  the  power  to  restrain.  He 
conjured  his  friends,  his  allies,  his  liberators,  to  come  and 
defend  a  throne  ready  to  fall  to  pieces  beneath  hun,  and  pro- 
posed to  give  up  hia  own  palace  to  them. 

116  HI8T0BT  OF  THB  0BVS4J>S8. 

Monrzoufle  was  directed  to  convey  to  the  LatinB  tlie  cap- 
plicationB  and  offers  of  the  emperor,  and,  seizing  the  oppor- 
tunity to  augment  the  alarms  and  discontent  of  the  multitude, 
he  caused  the  report  to  be  spread  that  he  was  going  to  d^ 
liver  Constantinople  up  to  the  barbarians  of  the  W^.  On 
leuming  this,  the  p^ple  assembled  tumultuously  in  the 
streets  and  public  places ;  the  report  became  general  that 
the  enemies  were  already  in  the  citv,  and  all  joined  in  the 
cry  that  to  prevent  the  greatest  calamities,  not  a  moment 
was  to  be  lost ;  the  empire  required  a  master  who  was  able 
to  defend  and  protect  it. 

Whilst  the  young  prince,  seized  with  terror,  shut  himself 
up  in  his  palace,  the  crowd  of  insurgents  flocked  to  the 
dnurch  of  St.  Sophia  to  choose  a  new  emperor. 

Since  the  imperial  dynasties  had  become  the  playthings 
of  the  caprice  of  the  multitude,  and  of  the  ambition  of 
conspirators,  the  Greeks  made  the  changing  of  their  sove- 
reigns quite  a  sport,  without  reflecting  that  one  revolution 
produces  other  revolutions ;  and,  to  avoid  present  calamities, 
rushed  headlong  into  new  ones.  The  most  prudent  of  the 
clergy  and  the  patrieians  presented  themselves  at  the  church 
of  St.  Sophia,  and  earnestly  endeavoured  to  prevent  tha 
evils  with  which  the  country  was  threatened.  But  it  was  in 
vain  they  explained  to  their  excited  auditory  that  by  change 
ing  their  master  thev  were  sure  to  overthrow  both  the  throne 
aira  the  empire.  "  'When  they  asked  my  opinion,"  says  the 
historian  Nicetas, ''  I  was  careful  not  to  consent  to  the  de» 
position  of  Isaac  and  Alexius,  because  I  felt  assured  that 
the  man  they  would  elect  in  their  place  would  not  be  the 
most  able.  But  the  people,"  adds  the  same  historian, 
"  whose  only  motive  of  action  is  passion, — ^the  people,  who 
twenty  years  before  had  killed  Andronicus  and  crowned 
Isaac,  could  not  endure  their  own  work  and  live  under 
princes  whom  they  themselves  had  chosen."  The  multitude 
reproached  their  sovereign  with  their  misery,  which  was  the 
bitter  fruit  of  the  war ;  and  with  the  weakness  of  their 
government,  which  was  but  the  result  of  general  corruption. 
The  victories  of  the  Latins,  the  inefficiency  of  the  laws,  the 
caprices  of  fortune,  the  very  will  of  Heaven,  all  were 
gathered  into  one  great  accusation  to  be  brought  against 
those  who  governs  the  empire.     The  distoacted  oteowi 


looked  to  a  reyolutioii  for  eTerythixig ;  a  change  of  emperors 
ajppeared  to  them  the  only  remedj  for  the  ills  under  which 
they  groaned.  They  pressed,  they  solicited  the  patriciaoB 
and  senators, — they  scarcely  knew  the  names  or  the  men 
they  wished  to  choose  as  masters ;  but  any  other  than  Isaac, 
any  other  than  Alexius,  must  merit  the  esteem  and  love  of 
the  Greeks.  To  be  the  wearer  of  a  purple  robe,  was  quite 
enough  to  entitle  a  man  to  ascend  the  throne  of  Constantino. 
Some  excused  themselves  on  account  of  age,  others  from 
alleged  incapacity.  The  people,  sword  in  hand,  required 
them  to  accept  the  sovereign  authority.  At  length,  after 
three  days  of  stormy  debate,  an  imprudent  young  man, 
named  Canabus,  allowed  himself  to  be  prevailed  upon  by 
the  prayers  and  threats  of  the  people.  A  phantom  of  an 
emperor  was  crowned  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  pro- 
claimed in  Constantinople.  Mourzoufle  was  no  stranger  to 
this  popular  revolution.  Several  historians  have  thought 
that  he  promoted  the  election  of  an  obscure  man,  to  test 
the  peril  in  some  sort,  and  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
power  and  will  of  the  people,  in  order,  one  day,  to  profit  by 
it  himself. 

Alexius,  made  aware  of  this  revolution,  trembled  in  the 
recesses  of  his  deserted  palace ;  he  had  no  hope  but  in  the 
Latins ;  he  solicited,  by  messages,  the  support  of  the  barons ; 
he  implored  the  pity  of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat;  who, 
touched  by  his  prayers,  entered  Constantinople  bv  night, 
and  came,  at  the  head  of  a  chosen  troop,  to  deWd  the 
throne  and  the  lives  of  the  emperors.  Mourzoufle,  who 
dreaded  the  presence  of  the  Latins,  flew  to  Alexius,  to  con- 
vince him  that  they  were  the  most  dangerous  enemies  he 
had,  and  told  him  that  all  would  inevitably  be  lost  if  the 
Franks  once  appeared  in  arms  in  the  palace. 

When  Boniface  presented  himself  before  the  palace  of 
Blachemse,  he  found  all  the  doors  closed ;  Alexius  caused 
him  to  be  informed  that  he  was  no  longer  at  liberty  to 
receive  him,  and  conjured  him  to  leave  Constantinople  with 
his  soldiers.  The  sight  of  the  warriors  of  the  West  had 
spread  terror  throughout  the  city  ;  their  retreat  revived  both 
the  courage  and  fury  of  the  people.  A  thousand  different 
rumours  prevailed  at  once ;  the  public  places  resounded  with 
eomplaints  and  imprecations ;  &om  moment  to  moment  the 


crowd  became  more  numerous  and  the  tumult  increofied. 
Amidst  all  this  confusion  and  disorder,  Mourzoufle  never 
lost  sight  of  the  prosecution  of  his  designs ;  by  promises 
and  caresses  he  won  over  the  imperial  guard,  whilst  hia 
friends  pervaded  the  capital,  exciting  the  fury  and  rage  of 
the  multitude  by  their  speeches  and  insinuations.  An  im- 
mense crowd  soon  assembled  before  the  palace  of  Blachemse, 
uttering  seditious  cries.  Mourzoufle  then  presented  him- 
self before  Alexius :  he  employed  every  means  to  aggravate 
the  alarm  of  the  young  prince,  and,  under  the  pretext  of 
providing  for  his  safety,  orew  him  into  a  secluded  apart- 
ment, where  his  creatures,  under  his  direction,  loaded  him 
with  irons  and  cast  him  into  a  dungeon.  Coming  forth,  he 
boldly  informed  the  people  what  he  had  done  for  the  salvar 
tion  of  the  empire ;  and  the  throne,  from  which  he  had 
dragged  his  master,  benefactor,  and  friend,  appeared  but  a 
just  recompense  for  the  devotedness  of  his  services :  he  was 
carried  in  triumph  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and  crowned 
emperor  amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  people.  Scarcely 
was  Mourzoufle  clothed  with  the  imperial  piuple,  than  he 
resolved  to  possess  the  finiit  of  his  crime  in  security ;  dread- 
ing the  caprice  of  both  fortune  and  the  people,  he  repaired 
to  the  prison  of  Alexius,  forced  him  to  swallow  an  empoi* 
soned  draught,  and  because  death  did  not  keep  pace  with  his 
impatience,  strangled  him  with  his  own  hands. 

Thus  perished,  after  a  reign  of  six  months  and  a  few  days, 
the  emperor  Alexius,  whom  one  revolution  had  placed  upon 
a  throne,  and  who  disappeared  amidst  the  storms  of  another, 
without  having  tasted  any  of  the  sweets  of  supreme  rank, 
and  without  an  opportunity  of  proving  whether  he  was 
worthy  of  it.  This  young  prince,  placed  in  a  most  difficult 
situation,  had  not  the  power,  and  perhaps  not  the  will,  to 
rouse  the  Greeks  to  oppose  the  Crusadei'S.  On  the  other 
side,  he  had  not  the  tact  to  employ  the  support  of  the  Latins 
80  as  to  keep  the  Greeks  within  the  bounds  of  obedience ; 
directed  by  perfidious  counsels,  ever  vacillating  between 
patriotism  and  gratitude,  fearing  by  turns  to  s^enate  his 
unhappy  subjects,  or  to  irritate  his  formidable  allies,  he 
perished,  the  victim  of  his  own  weakness  and  irresolution. 
Isaac  Angelus,  on  learning  the  tragical  end  of  his  son,  died 
of  terror  and  despair;  thus  sparing  Mourzoufle  another  par- 

HISTOBT  07  THB  CBrBADXfl.  119 

ricide,  of  wUcli  he  was  not  the  less  suspected  to  be  guilty. 
History  makes  no  more  mention  of  Canabus ;  the  conj^ision. 
was  so  great  that  the  Greeks  were  ignorant  of  the  fate  of  a 
man  whom  but  a  few  days  before  they  had  elevated  to  the 
rank  of  their  sovereign ;  four  emperors  had  been  dragged 
violently  from  the  throne  since  the  arrival  of  the  Latins,  and 
fortune  reserved  the  same  fate  for  Mourzoufle. 

In  order  to  profit  by  the  crime  that  had  ministered  to  his 
ambitious  views,  the  murderer  of  Alexius  formed  the  project 
of  committing  another,  and  to  bring  about  by  treachery  the 
deajih  of  all  the  principal  leaders  of  the  army  of  the  Cru- 
saders. An  officer,  sent  to  the  camp  of  the  Latins,  was 
directed  to  say  that  he  came  on  the  part  of  the  emperor 
Alexius,  of  whose  death  they  were  ignorant,  to  engage  the 
doge  of  Venice  and  the  French  nobles  to  come  to  the  palace 
of  BlachemsB,  where  all  the  sums  promised  by  the  treaties, 
should  be  placed  in  their  hands.  The  barons  at  first  agreed 
to  accept  tne  invitation  of  the  emperor,  and  prepared  to  set 
out  witn  great  joy ;  but  Dandolo,  who,  accorcung  to  Nicetas, 
deservedly  obtained  the  name  of  the  Frudent  of  the  PrU' 
dent,  awakened  their  mistrust,  and  pointed  out  strong  rea- 
sons for  fearing  a  fresh  perfidy  of  the  Greeks.  It  was  not 
long  before  they  were  fuQy  informed  of  the  death  of  Isaac, 
the  murder  of  Alexius,  and  all  the  crimes  of  Mourzoufle. 
At  this  news  the  indignation  of  the  Crusaders  was  strong 
and  general ;  knights  had  difiiculty  in  crediting  such  base- 
ness ;  every  fresh  account  made  them  tremble  with  horror ; 
they  forgot  the  wrongs  of  Alexius  towards  themselves,  de- 
plored his  imfortunate  end,  and  swore  to  avenge  him.  In 
the  council,  the  leaders  loudly  exclaimed  that  an  implacable 
war  must  be  made  against  Mourzoufie,  and  that  the  nation 
that  had  crowned  treacheiy  and  parricide  should  be  punished. 
The  prelates  and  ecclesiastics,  more  animated  than  all  the 
others,  invoked  at  once  the  thunders  of  religion  and  earthly 
war  against  the  usurper  of  the  imperial  throne,  and  against 
the  Greeks,  untrue  to  their  sovereign,  untrue  to  God  him- 
self. Above  all,  they  could  not  pardon  the  subjects  of 
Mourzoufie,  for  willingly  remaining  plunged  in  the  (krkness 
of  heresy,  and  escaping,  by  an  impious  revolt,  from  the 
domination  of  the  Holy  See.  They  promised  all  the  indul- 
gences of  the  sovereign  pontiff  ana  all  the  riches  of  Greece 


to  the  warriors  called  upon  to  avenge  the  cause  of  God  and 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  thus  breathed  nothing  but  war 
agunst  the  emperor  and  people  of  Constantinople,  Mour- 
Koufle  was  preparing  to  repel  their  attacks ;  he  earnestly 
endeayoured  to  attach  the  inhabitants  of  the  capital  to  his 
cause ;  he  reproached  the  great  with  their  indifference  and 
effeminacy,  and  laid  before  them  the  example  of  the  multi- 
tude ;  to  mcrease  his  popularity  and  fill  his  treasury,  he  per- 
secuted the  courtiers  oi  Alexius  and  Isaac,  and  confiscated 
the  property  of  all  those  who  had  enriched  themselves  in 
pubhc  offices.*  The  usurper  at  the  same  time  set  about 
reestablishing  discipline  among  the  troops,  and  augmenting 
the  fortifications  of  the  city ;  he  no  longer  indulged  in  plea- 
sures or  allowed  himself  repose ;  as  he  was  accused  of  the 
^atest  crimes,  he  had  not  only  to  contend  for  empire,  but 
for  impunity ;  remorse  doubled  his  activity,  excited  his  bra- 
very, and  proved  to  him  that  he  could  have  no  safety  but  in 
victory.  He  was  constantly  seen  parading  the  streets,  vrith 
his  sword  by  his  side,  and  an  iron  club  in  his  hand,  animat- 
ingthe  courage  of  the  people  and  the  soldiers. 
^The  Greeks, however,  contented  themselves  with  declaim- 
ing against  the  Crusaders.  After  having  made  another 
attempt  to  bum  the  fleet  of  the  Venetians,  they  shut  them- 
selves up  within  their  walls,  and  supported  with  patience 
the  insults  and  menaces  of  the  Latina.f  The  Crusaders  ap- 
peared to  .have  nothing  to  fear  but  famine ;  as  they  beean  to 
feel  the  want  of  provisions,  Henry  of  Hainault,  brother  of 
the  count  of  Flanders,  undertook,  in  order  to  obtain  sup- 
plies for  the  army,  an  expedition  to  the  shores  of  the  Euxine 
Sea ;  and,  followed  by  several  knights,  laid  siege  to  Philea. 
The  city  of  Philea  was  the  ancient  Philopolis,  celebrated  in 
the  heroic  ages  of  antiquity  for  the  palace  in  which  were 

*  MonROQfle  depriTcd  Nioetas  of  the  place  of  Logothete,  to  give  it  to 
his  brother-iD-law  Philocales.  Nicetas  treats  Mounonfle  wiUi  mach 
fleverity,  and  among  the  reproaches  he  addresses  to  him,  we  may  remark 
one  which  suffices  to  paint  the  court  of  Byzantium.  The  greatest  crime 
of  the  usurper  was  not  that  of  having  obtained  soTereignty  by  parridde^ 
but  pot^ning  the  distribution  of  his  faroun. 

t  The  two  attempts  to  bum  the  Venetian  fleet  are  described  in  a  letter 
of  Baldwin  to  the  pope. — See  Getta  Imnoeent.  The  marshal  of  Cham^ 
pagne  only  mentioni  the  first  attempt  of  the  Greeks. 


received  Jason  and  the  Argonauts,  who,  like  tlie  French 
knights,  had  left  their  country,  to  seek  distant  adventures 
«nd  perils.  Henrj  of  Hainault,  after  a  short  resistance 
from  the  inhabitants,  made  himself  nAister  of  the  city,  in 
"which  he  met  with  a  considerable  booty,  and  found  provi- 
sions in  abundance ;  the  latter  he  transported  by  sea  to  the 

Mourzonfle,  being  iDformed  of  this  excursion,  marched 
out,  W  night,  with  a  numerous  body  of  troops,  and  placed 
himself  in  ambush  on  the  route  which  Henry  of  Hamault 
would  take  on  his  return  to  the  camp.  The  Greeks  attacked 
the  Crusaders  unexpectedly,  in  the  liill  persuasion  that  their 
victory  would  be  an  easy  one;  but  the  Frank  warriors, 
without  displaying  the  least  alarm,  closed  in  their  ranks,  and 
made  so  finn  and  good  a  resistance,  that  the  ambuscaders 
themselves  were  very  quickly  obliged  to  fly.  Mourzoufle 
was  upon  the  point  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies, 
and  only  owea  his  safety  to  the  swiftness  of  his  horse ;  ha 
left  behmd  on  the  field  of  battle,  his  buckler,  his  arms,  and 
the  standard  of  the  Yirfi;in,  which  the  emperors  were  accus- 
tomed to  have  borne  before  them  in  all  great  perils.  The 
loss  of  this  ancient  and  revered  banner  was  a  source  of 
great  regret  to  the  Greeks.  The  Latins,  on  their  part, 
when  they  saw  the  standard  and  image  of  the  patroness  of 
Byzantium  floating  amongst  their  victorious  ranks,  were 
persuaded  that  the  mother  of  God  had  abandoned  the 
Greeks,  and  declared  herself  favourable  to  their  cause. 

After  this  defeat,  the  Greeks  became  convinced  that 
there  existed  no  other  means  of  safety  for  them  but  the 
fortification  of  their  capital ;  it  was  much  more  ^asy  for 
them  to  find  workmen  than  soldiers,  and  a  hundred  thou- 
sand men  laboured  day  and  night  at  the  reparation  of  the 
wfdls.  The  subjects  oi  Mourzoufle  appeared  satisfied  that 
their  ramparts  would  defend  them,  and  handled  the  imple- 
ments of  masonry  without  repugnance,  in  the  hope  that 
they  would  prevent  the  necessity  for  their  wieldmg  the 
sword  or  lance. 

Mourzoufle  had  learnt  to  dread  the  courage  of  his  ene- 
mies, and  as  strongly  doubted  the  valour  of  his  subjects ; 
therefore,  before  risking  any  firesh  warlike  attempts,  he 
determined  to  sue  for  peace,  and  demanded  an  interview 



•mth  the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders.  The  lords  and  barons 
refused  with  horror  to  have  an  interview  with  the  usurper 
of  the  throne,  the  murderer,  the  executioner  of  Alexius ;  but 
the  love  of  peace,  and  the  cause  of  humanity,  induced  the 
doge  of  Venice  to  consent  to  listen  to  the  proposals  of 
Mourzoufle.  Henry  Dandolo  repaired  in  his  galley  to  the 
point  of  the  gulf,  and  the  usurper,  mounted  on  horseback, 
approached  Inm  as  near  as  possible.  The  conference  was 
long  and  animated.  The  doge  required  Mourzoufle  to  pay 
immediately  five  thousand  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  to  aid  the 
Crusaders  m  their  expedition  to  Syria,  and  again,  to  swear 
obedience  to  the  Eomish  church.  After  a  long  altercation, 
.Mourzoufle  promised  to  give  the  Latins  the  money  and 
assistance  they  demanded;  but  he  could  not  consent  to 
submit  to  the  yoke  of  the  Church  of  Eome.*  The  doge, 
astonished  that,  after  having  outraged^all  the  laws  of  Heaven 
and  nature,  he  should  attach  so  much  importance  to  reli- 
gious opinions,  casting  a  glance  of  contempt  at  Mourzoufle, 
asked  him,  if  the  Grreek  religion  excused  treachery  and 
parricide  ?t  The  usurper,  although  much  irritated,  dissem- 
bled his  anger,  and  was  endeavouring  to  justify  his  con- 
duct, when  the  conference  was  interrupted  by  some  Latin 

Mourzoufle,  on  his  return  to  Constantinople,  convinced 
that  he  must  prepare  for  war,  set  earnestly  aoout  his  task, 
and  determined  to  die  with  arms  in  his  hand.  By  his 
orders,  the  walls  and  towers  that  defended  the  city  on  the 
side  of  the  port,  were  elevated  many  feet.  He  constructed 
upon  the  waUs  galleries  of  several  stages,  from  which  the 
soldiers  might  launch  arrows  and  javelins,  and  employ 
balistas  and  other  machines  of  war ;  at  the  top  of  each 
tower  was  placed  a  drawbridge,  which,  when  lowered  upon 
the  vessels,  might  aflbrd  the  besieged  a  means  of  pursuing 
their  enemies,  even  to  their  own  fleet. 

*  Dandolo  demanded  of  Mourzoufle  fifty  centenaries  of  gold,  which 
have  been  valued  at  50,000  pounds'  weight  of  gold,  or  48,000,000  of 
francs  (about  ^^2,000,000  sterling.— TaANg.).  Nicetag  alone  speaks  of 
this  interview,  of  which  Villehardouin  and  other  historians  make  no 

t  The  whole  of  this  interview  militates  very  strongly,  as  indeed  do  all 
the  scenes  in  which  the  doge  is  an  actor,  against  the  story  of  his  blindness. 

HI8T0BY  07  THE  CBTJBADXS.  123 

The  Crosadera,  although  supported  hj  their  natural 
braveiy,  could  not  view  all  these  preparations  with  indifTer- 
ence.*  The  most  intrepid  could  not  help  feeling  some 
inquietude  on  comparing  the  small  number  of  the  Franks 
with  the  imperial  army  and  the  population  of  Constanti- 
nople ;  all  the  resources  thej  had  till  that  time  found  in 
their  alliance  with  the  emperors  were  about  to  fail  them, 
without  their  having  any  hope  of  supplying  their  place  but 
by  some  miraculous  victory:  for  they  hid  no  succour  to 
look  for  from  the  West.  Every  day  war  became  more 
dangerous,  and  peace  more  difficult ;  the  time  was  gone  by 
for  retreat.  In  this  situation,  such  were  the  spirit  and 
character  of  the  heroes  of  this  crusade,  that  they  drew  fresh 
strength  from  the  very  circumstances  that  would  appear 
likely  to  have  depressed  them,  and  filled  them  with  dread ; 
the  greater  the  danger,  the  more  courage  and  firmness  they 
displayed ;  menaced  on  all  sides,  expecting  to  meet  with  no 
asylum  on  either  sea  or  land,  there  remained  no  other  part 
to  take  but  that  of  besieging  a  city  from  which  they  could 
not  retire  with  saftty :  thus  nothing  could  overcome  their 
invincible  bravery .f 

On  viewing  the  towers  that  the  Greeks  considered  as  a 
certain  means  of  safety,  the  leaders  assembled  in  their 
camp,  and  shared  amon|;st  them  the  spoils  of  the  empire 
and  the  capital,  of  which  they  entertained  no  doubt  of 
achieving  the  conquest.  It  was  decided  in  the  council  of  the 
princes,  barons,  and  knights,  that  a  new  emperor  should  be 
nominated  instead  of  Mourzoufle,  and  that  this  emperor 
should  be  chosen  from  the  victorious  army  of  the  Latins. 
The  chief  of  the  new  empire  should  possess  by  right  a 
fourth  of  the  conquest,  with  the  two  palaces  of  J^lachemss 
and  Bucoleon.  The  cities  and  lands  of  the  empire,  as  well 
as  the  booty  they  should  obtain  in  the  capital,  were  to  be 
distributed  among  the  Franks  and  Venetians,  with  the 

*  The  monuments  we  have  consulted  for  the  second  siege  of  Constan- 
tinople are  the  Hitiory  of  Villebardooin,  the  reign  of  Monrzonfle  in 
Nicetas,  the  account  of  Gunther,  and  the  second  letter  of  Baldwin  to  the 
soTereign  pontifT,  which  is  found  in  the  Life  of  Innocent  {Oetta  Innocent,). 

t  Eidem  civitati  de  qail  fagere  non  audebant,  obsidionem  ponebant. — 
Gunlher,  The  same  Gunther  describes  the  Crusaders  as  trembling  and 
distracted :  De  Tictorii  tantee  multitudinis  obtinend&,  sive  expngnatione 
urbis  nulla  els  spet  poterat  arridere. 

124  HIBTOBT  OP  TH£  CB178iJ>X0. 

eondition  of  rendering  homage  to  the  emperor.  In  tho  same 
council  regulations  were  made  to  assign  the  proportions  of 
the  Latin  clergy,  and  of  the  lords  and  barons.  They  rega* 
lated,  according  to  the  feudal  laws,  the  rights  and  duties  of 
the  emperors  and  subjects,  of  the  great  and  small  yassals.* 
Thus  Constantinople,  under  the  dominion  of  the  Greeks, 
beheld  before  its  walls  a  small  band  of  warriors,  who,  helm 
on  head,  and  sword  in  hand,  abolished  in  her  walls  the 
legislation  of  Greece,  and  imposed  upon  her  beforehand  the 
laws  of  the  West.  By  this  act  of  legislation,  which  they 
derived  from  Europe,  the  knights  and  barons  appeared  to 
take  possession  of  the  empire;  and,  whilst  making  war 
against  the  inhabitants  of  Constantinople,  might  imagine 
that  they  were  already  fighting  for  the  .safety  and  glory  of 
their  own  country. 

In  the  first  siege  of  Byzantium,  the  French  had  been 
desirous  of  attacking  the  city  by  land,  but  experience  had 
taught  them  to  appreciate  properly  the  wiser  counsels  of 
the  Venetians.  They  determined,  with  an  unanimous  voice, 
to  direct  all  their  efforts  to  an  attack  by  sea.  They  con- 
veyed into  the  vessels  the  arms,  provisions,  and  appoint- 
ments of  all  kinds;  and  the  whole  army  embarked  on 
Thursday,  the  8th  day  of  April,  1204.  On  the  morrow, 
with  the  first  rays  of  the  sun,  the  fleet  which  bore  the 
knights  and  their  horses,  the  pilgrims  and  all  they  possessed, 
the  touts,  the  machines  of  the  Crusaders,  and  the  destinies 
of  a  great  empire,  heaved  anchor,  and  crossed  the  breadth  of 
the  gulf.  The  ships  and  galleys,  arranged  in  line,  covered 
the  sea  for  the  space  of  half  a  league.  The  si^ht  of  the 
towers  and  ramparts,  bristling  with  arms  and  soldiers,  and 
covered  with  murderous  machmes  and  long  tubes  of  brass, 
from  which  poured  the  Greek  fire,  did  not  in  the  least 
intimidate  the  warriors  of  the  West.  The  Greeks  had 
trembled  with  fright  at  seeing  the  fleet  of  the  Crusaders  in 
motion ;  but  as  they  could  look  for  no  safely  but  in  resist- 
ance, they  appeared  disposed  to  brave  all  penis  in  defence  of 
their  property  and  their  families. 

Mourzoufle  had  pitohed  his  tents  in  the  part  of  the  city 
ravaged  by  the  fire ;  his  army  was  encamped  amidst  ruins, 

*  Tbli  treaty,  made  nnder  the  waUt  of  Constantinople,  is  still  pn* 
Mr?ed,  and  is  to  be  found  in  Mmniori,  voL  zii. 


tad  Yob  soldiers  bad  notlimg  beneath  their  eyes  but  melan- 
choly pictures,  the  sight  of  which  he  thought  must  neces- 
sarily excite  them  to  yengeance.  From  the  summit  of  one 
of  the  seyen  hills,  the  emperor  was  able  to  view  the  contest, 
to  send  succours  where  he  saw  they  were  wanted,  and  to  re- 
animate at  every  moment  the  courage  of  those  who  defended 
ihe  walls  and  towers. 

At  the  first  signal,  the  Greeks  put  all  their  machines  in 
full  operation,  and  endeavoured  to  defend  the  approach  to 
the  ramparts ;  but  several  ships  soon  gained  the  shore ;  the 
ladders  are  planted,  and  the  walls  shake  beneath  the  con- 
tinuous blows  of  the  rams.  The  attack  and  defence  proceed 
with  equal  fury.  The  Greeks  fight  with  advantage  from 
the  tops  of  their  elevated  towers ;  the  Crusaders,  everywhere 
overpowered  by  numbers,  cannot  open  themselves  a  pas- 
sage, and  find  death  at  the  foot  of  the  ramparts  they  bum 
to  surmount.  The  ardour  for  fight,  itself,  produced  dis- 
order among  the  assailants,  and  confusion  m  their  fleet. 
The  Latins  faced  all  perils,  and  sustained  the  impetuous 
shock  of  the  Greeks  till  the  third  hour  of  the  evening :  "  It 
was  then,"  says  the  marshal  of  Champagne, "  that  fortune  and 
our  sins  decreed  that  we  should  be  repulsed."  The  leaders, 
dreading  the  destruction  of  their  fleet  and  army,  ordered 
the  retreat  to  be  sounded.  When  the  Greeks  saw  the 
Crusaders  drawing  oif,  they  believed  that  their  capital  was 
saved ;  the  people  of  Byzantium  flocked  to  the  churches  to 
return  thanks  to  Heaven  for  so  great  a  victory,  and,  by  the 
excess  of  their  transports,  proved  how  great  the  fear  had 
been  with  which  the  Latins  had  inspired  them. 

On  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  the  doge  and  barons 
assembled  in  a  church  near  the  sea,  to  deliberate  upon  their 
future  proceedings ;  they  spoke  with  deep  grief  of  the  check 
they  had  sustained,  and  expatiated  strongly  upon  the  neces- 
sity of  promptly  retrieving  their  defeat.*  "  The  Crusaders 
were  stUl  the  same  men  that  had  already  surmounted  the 
ramparts  of  Byzantium;  the  Greeks  were  still  the  same 
frivolous,  pusillanimous  nation,  that  could  oppose  no  other 
arms  but  those  of  cunning  to  those  of  valour.     The  soldiers 

*  Et  Ik,  il  eot  maintes  choses  all^gn^es  le  troavant  en  grand  emoy 
ceiut  de  Voit,  pour  lenr  %tit  ainri  pris  ee  jour  }k,-^VUl€hardmtm, 
liv.  ▼. 


of  Mourzoufle  had  been  able  to  resist  for  one  da/f ;  but  th^ 
would  soon  remember  that  the  Latins  had  conquered  them 
many  times ;  the  recollections  of  the  past  were  sufficient  to 
revive  the  confidence  of  the  one  party,  and  to  fill  the  others 
with  terror.  Besides,  it  was  well  mown  that  the  Qreeks 
only  contended  for  the  triumph  of  usurpation  and  parricide ; 
whilst  the  Crusaders  fought  for  the  triumph  of  numanity 
and  justice.  Gk>d  would  recognise  his  true  servants,  and 
would  protect  his  own  cause.'* 

These  discourses  could  not  reassure  all  the  Crusaders, 
and  many  proposed  to  change  the  point  of  attack,  and  make 
a  new  assault  on  the  side  of  the  Propontis.  The  Venetians 
did  not  agree  with  this  opinion,  and  dreaded  lest  the  fleet 
should  be  drawn  away  by  the  currents  of  the  sea.  Some  of 
the  leaders  despaired  of  the  success  of  the  enterprise ;  and, 
in  their  despair,  would  have  been  very  willing,  says  an  eye- 
witness, "that  thewinds  and  the  waves  should  carry  them  away 
beyond  the  Archipelago.*'*  The  ad\ice  of  the  Venetians  was, 
however,  adopted ;  and  the  council  decided  that  the  attack 
upon  Constantinople  should  be  renewed  on  the  same  side, 
and  at  the  same  point  at  which  the  army  had  been  repulsed. 
Two  days  were  employed  in  repairing  the  vessels  and 
machines;  and  on  the  third  day,  the  12th  of  April,  the 
trumpets  once  more  sounded  the  signal  for  battle.  The 
fleet  got  into  motion,  and  advanced  in  good  order  towards 
the  ramparts  of  Constantinople.  The  Greeks,  who  wero 
still  rejoicing  over  their  first  advantage,  could  scarcely 
believe  the  approach  of  the  Latins  to  be  reality,  and  their 
surprise  was  oy  no  means  free  from  terror.  On  the  other 
side,  the  Crusaders,  who  had  met  with  a  resistance  they  had 
not  at  all  expected,,  advanced  with  precaution  towarcb  the 
ramparts,  at  the  foot  of  which  they  had  fought  in  vain.  To 
inflame  the  ardour  and  emulation  of  the  soldiers,  the  leaders 
of  the  Latins  had  proclaimed,  by  a  herald-at-arms,  that  he 
that  should  plant  the  first  banner  of  the  cross  upon  a  tower 
of  the  city,  snould  receive  a  hundred  and  fifty  silver  marks. 

The  combat  soon  commenced,  and  was  as  quickly  general ; 

*  £t  sachez  qa'il  y  en  avait  qui  eussent  volontiers  desir^,  qae  la  vague 
et  le  vent  les  eussent  ravis  jusqa'aa  dela  de  Tarchipel ;  car  k  tela  ne 
cbaillait  ainon  qae  de  parter  de  Ik,  et  aller  leur  voie  droite  en  lean 
maifons. — Idem, 


the  defence  was  no  less  Tigorous  than  the  attack :  beams, 
stones,  javelins  were  hurled  from  one  side  to  the  other, 
crossed  or  met  in  mid-air,  and  fell  with  a  loud  noise  on  the 
ramparts  and  the  ships ;  the  whole  shore  resounded  with  the 
cries  of  the  combatants  and  the  clashing  of  swords  and 
lances.  In  the  fleet,  the  vessels  were  joined  together,  and 
proceeded  two  by  two,  in  order  that  upon  each  point  of 
attack,  the  number  of  the  assailants  might  correnpond  with 
that  of  the  besieged;  The  drawbridges  are  soon  let  down, 
and  are  covered  with  intrepid  warriors,  who  threaten  the  in- 
vasion of  the  most  lofty  towers.  The  soldiers  mount  in  file, 
and  eain  the  battlements ;  the  opponents  seek,  attack,  and 
repulse  each  other  in  a  thousand  different  places.  Some,  on  ' 
the  point  of  seizing  victory,  are  overthrown  by  a  mass  of 
stone :  others  are  consumed  by  the  Qreek  fire ;  but  they  who 
are  repulsed,  again  return  to  the  charge,  and  the  leaders 
everywhere  set  an  example  by  mounting  to  the .  assault  like 
common  soldiers. 

The  sun  had  run  half  his  course,  and  prodigies  of  valour 
had  not  been  able  to  triumph  over  the  resistance  of  the  be* 
sieged,  when  a  strong  breeze  from  the  north  arose,  and 
brought  two  ships  that  fought  together  close  under  the  walls. 
The  bishop  of  Troie  and  the  bishop  of  Soissons  were  on 
board  of  these  two  vessels,  called  the  Filgrim  and  the 
Paradise,  Scarcely  were  the  drawbridges  lowered,  than 
two  Frank  warriors  were  seen  upon  one  of  the  towers  of 
the  city.  These  two  warriors,  one  of  whom  was  a  French- 
man, named  D'Urboise,  and  the  other  a  Venetian,  Pietro 
Alberti,  drew  after  them  a  crowd  of  their  companions,  and 
the  Greeks  were  massacred  or  took  to  flight.  In  the  con- 
fusion of  the  melee^  the  bhive  Alberti  was  slain  by  a  French- 
man, who  mistook  him  for  a  Greek,  and  who,  on  discovering 
his  mistake,  attempted  to  kill  himself  in  despair.  The  Cru- 
saders, excited  by  the  fight,  scarcely  perceived  this  sad  and 
tragical  scene,  but  pursued  the  flying,  disordered  enemy. 

The  banners  of  the  bishops  of  Troie  and  Soissons  were 
planted  on  the  top  of  the  towers,  and  attracted  the  eager 
eyes  of  the  whole  army.  This  sight  inflames  those  who  are 
still  on  board  the  vessels ;  on  all  sides  they  press,  they  rush 
forward,  they  fly  to  the  escalade.  The  Franks  obtain 
possession  of  four  towers :  terror  prevails  among  the  Greeks, 

128  ansTOBT  ot  thb  cbvbadxb. 

and  the  few  who  resist  are  slaughtered  at  every  point  tliey 
endeayour  to'  defend ;  three  of  the  gates  of  the  city  fiiU  to 
pieces  beneath  the  strokes  of  the  rams ;  the  horsemen  issue 
from  the  ships  with  their  horses,  and  the  whole  army  of  the 
Crusaders  precipitates  itself  at  once  into  the  city.*  A 
horseman  (Pierre  Bacheux),  who  preceded  his  fellows,  ad- 
vanced almost  alone  to  the  hOl  upon  which  Mourzouile  was 
encamped,  and  the  Greeks,  in  their  fright,  took  him  for  a 
giant.  Nicetas  himself  says  that  his  helmet  appeared  as 
krge  as  a  tower;  the  soldiers  of  the  emperor  could  not 
stand  against  the  appearance  of  a  single  Frank  horseman. 
Mourzoufle,  abandoned  by  his  troops,  fled:  the  Crusaders 
took  possession  of  the  imperial  tents,  continued  their  vic- 
torious course  into  the  city,  and  put  to  the  sword  every 
Greek  they  met  with.  "  It  was  a  horrible  spectacle^^^  says 
y illehardouin, "  to  see  women  and  young  children  running 
distraeiedlg  here  and  there,  trembling  and  half  dead  with 
fright,  lamenting  piteouslg,  and  begging  for  mercg^ 

The  Crusaders  set  fire  to  the  quarter  they  had  invaded,t 
and  the  flames,  driven  by  the  wind,  announced  to  the  other 
extremities  of  the  city  the  presence  of  an  irritated  conqueror. 
Terror  and  despair  nrevaded  in  every  street  of  Constan- 
tinople, ^ome  Greek  soldiers  retired  to  the  palace,  whilst 
others,  to  escape  recognition,  threw  away  both  their  clothes 
and  their  arms.  The  people  and  the  clergy  took  refuge 
in  the  churches,  and  tne  more  wealthy  inhabitants,  in  dl 
parts,  endeavoured  to  conceal  their  most  valuable  property 
Dy  burying  it  in  the  earth.  Many  rushed  out  of  the  city, 
without  at  all  knowing  whither  to  direct  their  steps. :{ 

*  According  to  Gonther,  the  taking  of  Constantinople  was  more  won- 
derful than  all  that  has  been  related  by  Homer  and  the  poets  of  antiquity. 

t  Oanther  says  it  was  a  German  count  that  set  fire  to  the  city, — comes 
Ttuionicui;  he  did  it  to  prerent  the  Greeks  from  rallying :— Comes 
Teutonicus  juasit  urbem  in  qu&dam  parte  suocendi,  ut  Grcci  duplid 
laborantes  incommodo,  belli  scilicet  atque  incendiit  facilius  vincerentur ; 
qnod  et  factum  est,  et  hoc  illi  consilio  victi  penitiU  in  fugam  conversi 

X  The  crowd  of  Greeks  fled  principally  by  the  Golden  Gate.  M.  le 
Chevalier,  in  his  Voyags  de  la  FropontidSt  infonns  us  that  vestiges  of 
the  Golden  Gate  are  still  to-  be  seen  within  the  inolosure  of  the  seven 
towers.  This  gate  was  a  triumphal  arch  erected  by  Theodosius,  after  hit 
vieboiy  ovor  Msidmus  I  It  was  suiDountad  by  a  ttatue  «f  Victory  fa  hroBM^ 

HIBTOBT  OP  THB  CB178ADE8.  129 

"Wlnlflt  an  were  flying  before  them,  the  Crusaders  were 
in  a  state  of  astoniBnmcAit  at  their  own  victory.  At  the 
approach  of  night,  they  dreaded  an  ambuscade,  and  did  not 
venture  to  pursue  the  conquered  enemy  further ;  the  Vene- 
tians encamped  within  sigkit  of  their  vessels ;  the  count  of 
Planders,  by  a  happy  augury,  occupied  the  imperial  tents, 
and  the  marquis  of  Montferrat  advanced  towards  the  palace 
of  Blachem^.  The  Latins  entertained  no  idea  that  the 
conflict  was  ended,  and  kept  careful  watch  under  the  ram- 
parts they  had  invaded  and  won. 

Mourzoufle  went  through  many  quarters  of  the  city,  en- 
deavouring to  rally  the  soldiers :  he  spoke  to  them  of  glory, 
he  invoked  the  name  of  their  country,  he  promised  rich  re- 
wards for  valour :  but  the  voice  of  patriotism  was  no  longer 
listened  to,  and  neither  the  love  of  glory  nor  the  hopes  of 
reward  could  aflect  men  whose  whole  thoughts  were  engaged 
in  the  means  of  saving  their  lives.  Mourzoufle  no  longer 
inspired  either  respect  or  confidence,  and  the  people,  in 
reply  to  his  exhortations,  reproached  him  with  his  parricide, 
and  attributed  to  him  all  the  calamities  of  the  war.  When 
he  found  himself  without  hope,  it  became  necessary  to  en- 
deavour to  escape  both  the  pursuit  of  the  conquerors  and 
the  resentment  of  the  conquered,  and  he  embarked  secretly 
on  the  Propontis,  with  the  purpose  of  seeking  an  army,  or 
rather  an  asylum,  in  the  mountains  of  Thrace.  When  his 
flight  became  known  in  Constantinople,  his  name  was  loaded 
with  maledictions,  and,  as  if  it  wps  necessary  that  an  em- 
peror should  be  present  at  the  fall  of  the  empire,  a  distracted 
crowd  flocked  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  to  choose  a  new 

Theodore  Ducas  and  Theodore  Lascaris  solicited  the 
suflrages  of  the  assembly,  and  contended  for  a  throne  that 

and  onumented  profq«eIj  with  gold.     Od  the  remains  of  this  gate  maj 
itill  be  read  these  Latin  Tersea  :^ 

Theodosi  jnsais,  gemino  nee  mense  peracto, 
Constantinus  ovana  hnc  moenia  firaia  locavit ; 
Tarn  dtb  tam  stabilem  Pallas  vix  conderet  arcem. 

Raou]  de  Dicetto,  quoted  by  Dncange,  says  that  these  words  were  upon 
the  Golden  Gate :— Quando  veniet  rex  flavua  occidentalis,  ego  per  meipaam 
aperiar.  Raonl  de  Dicetto  wrote  thirteen  years  before  the  taking  of 


no  longer  existed.  Lascaris  was  chosen  emperor,  but  he  did 
not  dare  to  assume  the  imperial  crown.  This  prince  pos- 
sessed both  firmness  and  spirit;  the  Greeks  even  boasted 
of  his  skill  in  war,  and  he  undertook  to  reanimate  their 
courage  and  arouse  their  patriotism.  '^  The  Latins,"  said 
he,  "  are  few,  and  advance  with  trembling  caution  into  a  city 
that  has  still  numberless  defenders ;  the  Crusaders  are  a&aid 
to  leave  their  ships  at  any  distance,  as  they  know  they  are 
their  only  refuge  m  case  of  defeat :  pressed  by  the  approach 
of  danger,  they  have  called  in  the  assistance  of  fire  as  their 
faithful  auxiliary,  and  conceal  their  fears  behind  a  rampart 
of  flames  and  a  heap  of  ruins.  The  warriors  of  the  West 
neither  fight  for  rehgion,  nor  their  country,  nor  their  pro- 
perty, nor  the  honour  of  their  families.  The  Greeks,  on 
the  contrary,  defend  all  they  hold  most  dear,  and  must  carry 
to  the  contest  every  sentiment  that  can  increase  the  courage 
and  inflame  the  zeal  of  citizens.  If  you  are  still  Eomans," 
added  Lascaris,  "  the  victory  is  easy ;  twenty  thousand  bar^ 
barians  have  shut  themselves  up  "Within  your  walls ;  fortune 
has  given  them  up  to  our  arms."  The  new  emperor  then 
addressed  the  soldiers  and  the  imperial  guards ;  he  repre- 
sented to  them  that  their  safety  was  inseparably  connected 
with  that  of  Constantiaople,  that  the  enemy  would  never 
pardon  being  driven  back  by  them  several  times  from  the 
ramparts  of  the  capital ;  that  in  victory  they  would  find  all 
the  advantages  of  fortune,  all  the  pleasures*  of  life :  whilst 
in  flight,  neither  land  nor  sea  could  aflbrd  them  an  asylmn, 
and  that  shame,  miseiy,  and  death  itself  would  follow  their 
footsteps  everywhere.  Lascaris  did  not  neglect  to  flatter 
the  priae,  and  endeavour  to  kindle  the  zeal  of  the  patricians. 
He  reminded  them  of  the  heroes  of  ancient  Home,  and  pre- 
sented to  their  valour  the  great  examples  of  history.  "  It 
was  to  their  arms  Providence  had  confided  the  safety  of  the 
imperial  city ;  if,  contrary  to  aU  hopes,  the  country  should 
be  subdued,  they  could  have  but  few  regrets  in  abandoning 
life,  and  would  find  perhaps  some  glory  in  dying  on  the 
same  day  on  which  the  old  empire  of  the  Csesars  should  be 
doomed  to  fall." 

The  soldiers  only  replied  to  his  speech  by  demanding  their 
pay ;  the  people  listened  to  Lascans  with  more  surprise  than 

HT8T0BY  01  IKE  CBtTSiLDSS.  181 

confidence,  and  the  patricians  preserved  a  gloomy  sileiice, 
sensible  to  no  other  feeling  but  a  profound  despair.  The 
trumpets  of  the  Crusaders  were^  soon  heard,  and  at  this 
signal,  terror  seized  even  the  bravest ;  there  was  no  longer 
any  idea  of  disputing  the  victory  with  the  Latins.  Lascarisy 
leu  alone,  was  himself  obliged  to  abandon  a  city  which  he 
could  find  no  one  to  assist  him  in  defending.  Thus  Con- 
stantinople, that  had  beheld  two  emperors  in  one  night,  was 
once  again  without  a  master,  and  presented  the  image  of  a 
vessel  without  a  rudder,  dashed  about  by  the  winds,  and 
ready  to  perish  amidst  the  howling  of  the  tempest.  The 
conflagration  begun  by  the  Latins,  extended  to  several  other 
quarters,  and  consumed,  by  the  admission  of  the  barons, 
more  houses  than  three  ox  the  greatest  cities  of  either 
France  or  Germany  contained.  The  fire  continued  its 
ravages  during  the  whole  night,  and  before  day  the  Cru- 
saders prepared,  by  the  light  of  its  flames,  to  follow  up  their 
victory.  Kanged  in  order  of  battle,  they  were  advancing 
with  precaution  and  mistrust,  when  their  ears  were  saluted 
with  supplicating  voices  that  filled  the  air  with  lamentations 
and  prayers.  Women,  children,  and  old  men,  preceded  by 
the  clergy,  bearing  crosses  and  images  of  saints,  came  in 
procession,  to  throw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  conquerors. 
The  leaders  allowed  their  hearts  to  be  touched  by  the  cries 
and  entreaties  of  this  weeping  crowd,  and  a  henud-at-arms 
was  ordered  to  pass  through  the  ranks,  and  proclaim  the 
laws  of  clemency ;  the  soldiers  were  commanded  to  spare 
the  lives  of  the  inhabitants,  and  to  respect  the  honour  of 
women  and  maidens.  The  Latin  clergy  joined  their  exhor- 
tations with  those  of  the  leaders  of  the  army,  and  threatened 
with  the  vengeance  of  the  Church  all  who  should  abuse  vic- 
tory by  outraging  humanity. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Crusaders  advanced  amidst  the 
braying  of  trumpets  and  the  noise  of  clarions,  and  their 
banners  were  soon  planted  in  the  principal  quarters  of  the 
city.  When  Boniface  entered  the  palace  of  Bucoleon, 
wmch  was  supposed  to  be  occupied  by  the  imperial  guard, 
he  was  surprised  to  find  a  great  number  of  women,  of  the 
first  families  of  the  empire,  whose  only  defence  was  their 
groans  and  tears.     Marguerite,  daughter  of  the  king  of 


Hungary,  and  wife  of  Isaac,  and  Agnes,  daughter  of  a  king 
of  France,*  the  wife  of  two  emperors,  threw  themselves  at 
the  feet  of  the  harons,,and  implored  their  mercy.  The 
marquis  of  Montferrat  respected  their  misfortunes,  and 
placed  them  under  the  protection  of  a  guard.  Whilst 
Boniface  occupied  the  palace  of  Bucoleon,  Henry  of  Hai- 
nault  took  possession  of  that  of  Blachemie;  these  two 
palaces,  filled  with  immense  riches,  were  preserved  from 
pillage,  and  were  exempted  from  the  lamentahle  scenes 
which,  during  several  days,  desolated  the  city  of  Constan- 

The  Crusaders,  impatient  to  gather  the  treasures  they 
had  shared  heforehand,  spread  themselves  through  all  the 
quarters  of  the  capital,  and  carried  off,  without  pity  or  con- 
sideration, eveiytning  that  offered  itself  to  their  avidity. 
The  houses  of  the  poorest  citizens  were  no  more  respected 
than  the  mansions  of  the  rich.  The  Ghreeks,  plundered  of 
their  property,  ill-treated  hy  the  conquerors,  and  turned  out 
of  their  homes,  implored  the  humanity  of  the  counts  and 
barons,  and  pressed  around  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  cry- 
ing, **  Holy  kin^  marquU,  havepitv  upon  us!*^  Boniface  was 
touched  by  theur  prayers,  and  endeavoured  to  recall  the  Cru- 
saders to  some  sentiments  of  moderation ;  but  the  license  of 
the  soldiers  increased  with  the  sight  of  booty ;  the  most  disso- 
lute and  most  undisciplined  gave  the  signal,  and  marched  at 

*  Agnes,  daughter  of  Lonii  VII. ,  had  been  at  the  age  of  eigbt  years, 
given  in  marriage  to  Alexiiis  Comnenns,  the  son  of  Mannel,  in  1179. 
After  the  death  of  Alezina,  bis  murderer  Andronicns  usurped  the  empire 
and  married  Agnes,  but  had  no  children  by  her.  Agnes  remained  a 
widow  at  Constantinople  to  the  time  of  its  being  taken,  when  she  married 
Branas,  who  was  attached  to  the  party  of  the  latins. 

t  Nicetas  speaks  of  the  carnage  which  followed  the  taking  of  Conatan- 
titiople.  We  have  quoted  the  words  even  of  Villehardouin,  who  does  not 
materially  contradict  Nicetas.  The  pope  in  his  letters  warmly  reproached 
the  Crusaders  on  this  subject.  Guntheronly  carries  the  number  of  slain, 
on  the  entrance  of  the  Crusaders  into  Jerusalem,  to  two  thousand  persons, 
and  attributes  this  »Iaughter  to  the  Latins  established  at  Constantinople, 
who  bad  great  canse  of  complaint  against  the  Greeks.  The  same  historian 
informs  us  that  the  ecclesiastics  that  followed  the  army  contributed,  by 
their  discourses,  to  put  an  end  to  the  mavsacre.  He  does  not  omit  this 
occasion  to  praise  the  piety  and  humanity  of  Martin  Litx,  who  went 
through  the  ranks  of  the  victorious  army,  preaching  moderation  to'  lfa« 

BZ8T0BT  OP  TSB  CMT$iJ>S9«  18S 

tbeir  heiid,  and  tbeir  example  led  on  all  the  rest :  the  in* 
toxkation  of  yictorv  had  no  longer  anj  restraint, — it  waa 
sensible  to  neither  iear  nor  pity.* 

When  the  Cruaaders  discontinued  the  slaughter,  thej  had 
recourse  to  every  kind  of  outrage  and  violence  to  plunder 
the  conquered;  no  spot  in  Constantinc^le  was  free  from 
brutal  search.  In  spite  of  the  frequently»repeated  prohibi- 
tions of  their  leaders  and  priests,  they  respected  neither  the 
modesty  of  women  nor  the  sanctity  of  churches.  Some 
soldiers  and  followers  of  the  army  plundered  the  tombs  and 
coffins  of  the  emperors ;  the  body  of  Justinian,  which  ages 
had  spared,  and  which  presented  itself  to  their  eyes  in  a 
fresh  and  undecayed  state,  could  not  repel  their  sacnlegious 
hands,  or  make  them  respect  the  peace  of  the  grave;  in 
every  temple  where  a  rag  of  silk  shone,  or  a  particle  of  gold 
glittered,  their  greedy  fmgera  were  stretched  out  to  clutch 
them.  The  altar  of  the  Virgin,  which  decorated  the  church  of 
St.  Sophia,  and  which  was  admired  as  a  masterpiece  of  art,  was 
beaten  to  pieces,  and  the  veil  of  the  sanctuary  was  tern  to 
rags.  The  conquerors  played  at  dice  upon  the  marble  tables 
which  represented  the  apostles,  and  got  drunk  oat  of  the 
cups  reserved  for  divine  service.  Horses  and  mules  led  inte 
the  sanctuary,  bent  beneath  the  weight  of  the  spoils,  and, 
pierced  by  sword-^ints,  stained  with  their  blood  and  their 
ordure  the  vestibule  of  St.  Sophia.  A  prostitute  girl,  whom 
Nicetas  calls  the  follower  of  demons,  the  priestess  of  furies, 
mounted  the  patriarchal  puloit,  sang  an  immodest  song,  and 
danced  in  the  church,  amiost  a  crowd  of  soldiers,  as  if  to 
insult  the  ceremonies  of  religion. 

The  Greeks  could  not  behold  these  impious  scenes  without 
troubling  with  horror.  Nicetas,  whilst  deploring  the  mis* 
fortunes  of  the  empire  and  the  Greek  Church,  dedaima 
with  vehemence  agamst  the  barbarous  race  of  the  Franks. 
"  Here,"  says  he,  "  is  what  was  promised  by  that  golden 
gor^,  that  haughty  bearing,  those  elevated  eyebrows,  that 
ckMwly  shaven  beard,  that  hand  so  ready  te  shed  blood,  tiiiose 

*  There  was  nothiog  so  difficult,  sajs  Nioetas,  as  to  softon  the  fiercf 
temper,  appease  the  anger,  or  gain  the  a  ectioDS  of  these  harbarians, 
Thdr  bile  was  so  heated,  that  it  wf^j  nqvure  a  word  to  set  it  in  a  blase ; 
H  waa  a  ndinloiif  frndritalwng  to  muia^n  to  laote  thsm  tiMtaUa,  a 
foUy  to  apeak  reason  to  them. 

184  HISTOBT  07  THE  0BX7BABBS. 

noetrilfl  breatliing  anger,  tliat  proud  eye,  tliat  cruel  disposi- 
tion, that  prompt  and  hurried  utterance."  *  The  historian 
of  Byzantium  reproaches  the  Crusaders  with  having  sur- 
passed the  Saracens  in  barbarity,  and  reminds  them  of  the 
example  of  the  soldiers  of  SalacQn,  who,  when  masters  of 
Jerusalem,  neither  violated  the  modesty  of  matrons  and 
virgins,  nor  filled  the  sepulchre  of  the  Saviour  with  bloody 
carcasses,  nor  subjected  Christians  to  fire,  sword,  hunger,  or 

The  country  on  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus  offered  a  no 
less  deplorable  spectacle  than  the  capital.  Villages,  churches, 
country-houses  were  all  devastated  and  given  over  to  pillage. 
A  distracted  crowd  covered  the  roads,  and  wandered  about 
at  hazard,  pursued  by  fear,  bending  under  fatigue,  and 
uttering  cries -of  despair.  Senators,  patricians,  the  offspring 
of  a  family  of  emperors,  strayed  homeless  about,  covered 
with  rags,  seeking  for  any  miserable  asylum.  When  the 
church  of  St.  Sophia  was  pillaged,  the  patriarch  fled  away, 
imploring  the  charity  of  passengers ;  all  the  rich  fell  into 
inmgence,  and  inspired  nothing  but  contempt;  the  most 
illustrious  nobility,  the  highest  dirties,  the  splendour  of 
talents  or  virtues,  possessed  nothmg  to  create  respect  or 
attract  admiration.  Misery,  like  inevitable  death,  effaced 
all  distinctions,  and  confounded  all  ranks ;  the  dregs  of  the 
people  completed  the  spoliation  of  the  fugitives,  at  the  same 
time  insulting  their  misfortunes.  A  senseless  multitude 
rejoiced  at  the  public  evils,  applauded  the  degradation  of  the 
noble  and  the  nch,  and  callea  these  disastrous  days,  days  of 
justice  and  equality. 

Nicetas  describes  his  misfortune  and  his  own  deplorable 
adventures ;  the  house  he  had  inhabited  under  the  reign  of 
the  emperors  was  consumed  by  the  flames  of  the  second 
conflagration:  having  retired  with  his  family  to  another 
house,  built  near  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  he  soon  found 
himself  in  danger  in  this  last  asylum,  and  only  owed  his 
safetv  to  devoted  friendship  and  gratitude.  A  Venetian 
merchant,  whom  he  had  saved  irom  the  fury  of  the  Greeks 
before  the  flight  of  Alexius,  was  desirous,  in  his  turn,  of 

*  This  is  a  yeiy  remarkable  passage;  it  describes  the  hero  of  the 
crasades  with  the  pencil  of  the  painter  af  well  as  with  the  pen  of  the 
historian.— -Trans. 


saving  bis  benefactor ;  be  armed  bimself  with  a  sword  and  a 
lance,  assumed  the  dress  of  a  soldier  of  the  cross,  and  as  bo 

rke  the  languages  of  tbe  "West,  be  defended  tbe  entrance 
tbe  bouse  of  Nicetas,  saying  it  was  bis,  tbe  price  of  bis 
blood,  sbed  in  figbt.  Tbis  vigilant  sentinel  at  first  repulsed 
all  aggressors,  and  braved  a  thousand  perils;  a  model  of 
fidelity  and  virtue,  amidst  tbe  borrid  disorders  tbat  desolated 

Tbe  turbulent  crowd  of  soldiers  tbat  filled  tbe  streets  and 
penetrated  everywhere,  became  indignant  that  a  single  bouse 
should  be  thus  exempt  from  their  brutal  searches.  The 
despairing  Venetian  at  length  came  to  Nicetas,  imd  told  him 
that  it  was  totally  out  of  bis  power  to  defend  him  any  longer. 
"  If  you  remain  here,'*  said  be,  "  to-morrow,  perhaps,  you 
will  be  loaded  with  chains,  and  your  family  become  a  prey 
to  all  the  violences  of  the  conquerors.  Follow  me,  and  I 
will  conduct  you  out  of  the  gates  of  Constantinople." 
Nicetas,  with  bis  wife  and  children,  followed  the  faithful 
Venetian :  their  liberator,  in  armour,  marched  at  their  head, 
and  led  them  as  if  they  were  prisoners. 

This  unfortunate  family  proceeded,  filled  with  fear,  meeting 
at  every  step  soldiers  greedy  of  pillage,  who  ill-treated  the 
Greeks  they  plundered,  ana  threatened  every  woman  with 
insult.  Nicetas,  and  some  of  his  friends  who  bad  come  to 
join  him,  carried  their  children  in  their  arms,  the  only  wealth 
that  Heaven  had  left  them ;  and  defended  alone  by  the  pity 
which  their  despair  and  misery  inspired.  They  walked 
together,  placing  their  wives  and  daughters  in  the  centre, 
after  having  advised  the  youngest  to  blacken  their  faces 
with  earth.  In  spite  of  this  precaution,  the  beauty  of  one 
young  girl  attracted  the  attention  of  a  soldier,  and  she  was 
borne  away  from  the  arms  of  her  father,  weighed  down  by 
age  and  infirmities,  Nicetas,  touched  by  the  tears  of  the 
old  man,  flew  after  the  ravisher,  and  addressing  himself  to 
all  the  warriors  be  met,  he  implored  their  pity,  and  conjured 
them,  in  the  name  of  Heaven,  the  protector  of  virtue,  in  the 
name  of  their  own  families,  to  snatch  a  daughter  from  dis- 
honour, to  save  a  father  from  despair.  The  Frank  warriors 
were  affected  by  his  prayer,  and  the  unfortunate  father 
soon  saw  bis  daughter  restored  to  him,  the  only  hope  of 
his  exile,  the  last  consolation  of  bis  grey  hairs.    Nicetas 


and  hifl  companions  in  trouble  encountered  still  further  dan« 
gers,  but  at  length  got  safely  out  of  Constantinople  by  the 
Golden  Gate,  happy  at  being  able  to  quit  a  country  so  latelj 
the  object  of  all  their  affections.  The  generous  Venetian 
received  their  blessings,  and  in  return  prayed  Heaven  to 
protect  them  in  their  exile. 

Nicetas,  with  tears,  embraced  his  liberator,  whom  he  never 
had  the  ^ood  fortune  to  see  a^ain ;  then  casting  a  look  upon 
Constantinople,  upon  his  unnappy  country,  he  addressed 
to  it  these  touching  complaints,  which  express,  the  griefs  of 
his  exile,  and  which  he  himself  haa  transmitted  to  us  :• — 
"  0  Queen  of  Cities,  what  power  haa  been  able  to  separate 
us  from  thee !  What  consolation  shall  we  find  on  issuing 
from  thy  walls,  as  naked  as  we  issued  from  the  bosom  of  our 
mothers !  Become  the  sport  of  strangers,  the  companions 
of  wild  animals  that  inhabit  the  forests,  we  shall  never  again 
visit  thy  august  domes,  and  can  only  fly  with  terror  around 
thee,  like  sparrows  round  the  spot  where  their  nest  haa  been 

Kicetas  arrived  with  his  family  at  Cylindria,  and  after- 
wards retired  to  Nice,  where  he  employed  himself  in  retracing 
the  history  of  the  misfortunes  of  his  country. 

Constantinople  did  not  cease  to  be  the  theatre  of  the 
frightful  deeds  of  violence  that  war  brings  in  its  train. 
Amidst  the  sanguinary  sports  of  victory,  the  Latins,  to 
insxdt  the  effeminate  manners  of  the  Greeks,  clothed  them- 
selves in  long  flowing  robes,  painted  of  various  colours ;  thej 
fastened  to  the  heads  of  their  horses  linen  hoods  with  their 
silken  cords,  in  which  the  Orientals  dress  themselves ;  whilst 
others  paraded  the  streets  carrying  in  their  hands,  instead  of 
a  sword,  some  paper  and  an  ink-horn ;  thus  ridiculing  the 
conquered,  whom  they  termed  scribes  and  copyers. 

The  Greeks  had  on  all  occasions  insulted  tne  ignorance  of 
the  Latins;  the  knights,  vnthout  seeking  to  retort  upon 
their  enemies  for  their  afironts,  esteemed  nothing  but  the 
trophies  of  valour  and  the  labours  of  war,  and  held  in  conr 
tempt  the  quiet  occupations  of  peace.     With  these  disposi- 

*  Hie  lamentetioiu  of  Nieetaa  are  not  alwaji  natanl ;  wfailtt  deploring 
liie  hta  of  Byiaotiiam  he  say<,  "  I  complained  to  the  walla,  that  they  alone 
sbpold  be  ij^qensible  to  oaUuiiitias,  and  thtomid  remain  ctandiAg,  inatead  of 
VUfH^  ^way  Jn  tqus.'* 

AI8T0BT  07  THl  CBUSADIS.  187 

tions  it  was  not  likely  they  Bhould  spare  the  monuments  tbit 
decorated  the  public  places,  the  palaces,  or  the  edifices  of 
Byzantium.  Constantinople,  which  to  this  period  had 
stood  erect  amidst  the  ruins  of  several  empires,  had  col- 
lected within  its  walls  the  scattered  relics  of  the  arts,  and 
was  proud  to  exhibit  the  masterpieces  that  had  been  saved 
from  the  destruction  of  barbarous  a^es.  The  bronze,  in 
n^hich  breathed  the  genius  of  antiquity,  was  cast  into  the 
furnace,  and  converted  into  money,  to  satisfy  the  greedy 
soldiers.  The  heroes  and  gods  of  the  Nile,  those  of  ancient 
G-reece  and  of  ancient  Borne,  the  masterpieces  of  Praxiteles, 
Phidias,  and  the  most  celebrated  artists,  fell  beneath  the 
strokes  of  the  conquerors. 

Nicetas,  who  deplores  the  loss  of  these  monuments,  has 
left  us  a  description,  from  which  the  history  of  art  may  derive 
some  advantage.*  The  historian  of  Byzantium  informs  us 
that  in  the  Place  of  Constantino  stood,  before  the  siege,  the 
statue  of  Juno,  and  that  of  Paris  offering  to  Venus  the 
prize  of  beauty,  or  the  apple  of  discord.  The  statue  of  Juno, 
which  had  formerly  adorned  the  temple  of  the  goddess  at 
Samos,  was  of  so  colossal  a  size,  that  when  it  was  destroyed 
by  the  Crusaders,  eight  harnessed  oxen  were  required  to 
drag  the  gigantic  head  to  the  palace  of  Bucoleon.  In  the 
same  place  was  erected  an  obelisk  of  a  square  form,  which 
astonished  the  spectator  by  the  multitude  and  variety  of  the 
objects  it  presented  to  his  view.  On  the  sides  of  this  obelisk 
the  artist  had  represented,  in  basso-relievo,  aU  sorts  of  birds 
saluting  the  return  of  the  sun,  villagers  employed  in  their 
rustic  labours,  shepherds  playing  on  their  pipes,  sheep 
bleating,  lambs  bounding  on  the  grass ;  further  on,  a  tran- 
quil sea  and  fishes  of  a  thousand  sorts,  some  taken  alive, 
others  breaking  the  nets  and  regaining  their  deep  retreats ; 
at  the  back  of  the  landscape,  naked  cupids  playing  and 
throwing  apples  at  each  other ;  at  the  top  of  the  obelisk, 

*  The  elflyenth  and  twelfth  ▼olames  of  the  Memoirt  (ifiAe  Royal  Soeieiy 
qf  Gotiingen  contain  a  beautiful  work  of  the  illuBtrious  Heyne,  upon  the 
monuments  of  «rt  that  have  existed  at  Constantinople.  In  the  first 
memoir  he  gives  the  nomenclature  of  the  ancient  monuments, — Priwa 
ArttM  Opera.  In  the  second  those  that  were  erected  under  tbe'Cmperors 
of  Bynntium.  In  two  other  memoirs,  the  same  learned  author  deacribea 
the  loss  of  these  itfme  monuments :  De  Inieriiu  Operum  cum  aniiqwt  tarn 
terioris  miaf%9. 

Vol.  it.— .7 


whicli  terminated  in  a  pyramidal  form,  was  the  figure  of  a 
woman  that  turned  with  the  least  breath  of  air,  which  waa 
called  the  attendant  of  the  winds. 

An  equestrian  statue*  ornamented  the  place  of  Mount 
Taurus ;  the  horse  appeared  to  throw  up  the  dust  'with  his 
feet,  and  outspoed  the  winds  in  his  course.  As  the  horse- 
man had  his  arm  extended  towards  the  sun,  some  supposed 
it  to  represent  Joshua,  commanding  the  star  of  day  to  stand 
still,  on  the  plains  of  Gabaon;  others  believed  the  artist 
meant  to  describe  Bellerophon  mounted  on  Pegasus.t 

A  colossal  statue  of  Hercules,J  attributed  to  Lysippua, 
was  one  of  the  ornaments  of  the  Hippodrome ;  the  demigod 
had  neither  his  bow  nor  his  club  ;  he  was  seated  on  a  bed  of 
osier  ;§  his  left  knee  bent,  sustained  his  elbow ;  his  head 
reclining  on  his  left  hand ;  his  pensive  looks  and  air  ex- 

^  The  Bellerophon.  This  atatue  is  that  of  Theododos,  showing  a 
trophy  placed  upon  a  neighbouring  column ;  it  was  thus  the  Pacificator 
was  represented :  fuit  a  Deo  paeijfcatoris  habiiu$.  Nicetas  says  that  in 
his  left  hand  he  held  a  globe.  The  statues  of  the  other  emperors  of  Con- 
stantinople  present  a  similar  sign,  to  which  a  cross  is  attached.  The 
people  believed  that  under  the  hoof  of  the  left  fore  foot,  was  the  figure  of 
a  Venetian  or  a  Bulgarian,  or  of  a  man  of  some  other  country  which  had 
no  intercourse  with  the  Romans.  The  statue  being  destroyed  by  the 
Latins,  it  was  said  that  the  figure  of  a  Bulgarian  was  found  concealed  in 
the  hoof,  crossed  by  a  nail  and  incrusted  in  lead.  This  statue  came  from 
Antioch  in  Syria.  At  the  quadrilateral  base  was  a  basso 'relievo,  in  which 
the  populace,  ever  superstitious,  fancied  they  beheld  the  prediction  of  the 
fall  of  the  empire.  They  even  said  that  the  Russians  there  represented 
would  accomplish  the  prediction. 

f  One  of  the  French  translators  of  Gibbon,  of  a  single  statue  has  made 
two ;  he  speaks  of  a  statue  of  Joshua  and  of  another  of  Bellerophon.  It 
is  true  that  this  gross  error  is  only  met  with  in  one  French  translation ; 
the  English  original  says  that  in  the  opinion  of  the  vulgar,  this  statud 
passed  for  that  of  Joshua,  but  that  a  more  classical  tradition  recognised 
in  it  that  of  Bellerophon  and  Pegasus ;  the  free  and  spirited  attitu49  of  the 
courser  indicating  that  he  trod  on  air  rather  than  on  the  earth. 

X  Heyne  attributes  it  to  Lysippus^  he  thinks  it  is  the  same  as  the 
colossal  Hercules  of  Tarentum,  which  was  brought  to  Rome  and  placed  in 
the  Capitol.  From  this  city  it  went  to  Constantinople,  with  ten  other 
statues,  under  the  consulate  of  Julian  and  the  reign  of  Constantino,  that 
is  to  say,  about  322  ;  but  it  was  not  till  after  being  exhibited  in  the  Basilio 
that  it  was  placed  in  the  Hippodrome. 

§  Gibbon  calls  this  an  oner  ba»ket;  Michaud  says,  vn  lit  d*o»ier, 
which  I  have  preferred.  I  can  imagine  Hercules  sitting  upon  a  bed  or 
mattress  of  osier,  but  not  upon  a  basket. — Trans. 


preesing  the  vexation  and  Borrow  caused  bv  the  jealonsj  of 
Eurystheus.  The  shoulders  and  chest  of  Hercules  were 
broad,  his  hair  was  curled,  and  his  limbs  were  large  and 
muscular ;  hiS  leg  alone  exceeded  in  height  the  stature  of  an 
ordinary  man.  The  skin  of  the  Nemean  lion,  exhibited  over 
the  shoulders  of  the  son  of  Alcmena,  the  erected  mane  and 
the  head  of  the  animal,  which  might  be  fancied  still  to  roar 
and  terrify  the  passers  by,  who  stopped  to  contemplate  the 

Not  far  from  the  terrible  Hercules,  was  a  group  of  an  ass 
and  its  driver,  which  Augustus  placed  in  his  colony  of  Nico- 
polis,  to  perpetuate  the  remembnmce  of  a  singular  circum- 
stance that  had  foretold  the  victory  of  Actium  to  him. 
Near  this  were  the  hyena  or  she-wolf  that  suckled  Komulua 
and  Bemus,  a  monument  from  the  old  nations  of  the  "West  ;• 
the  sphinx,  with  the  face  of  a  woman,  dragging  frightful 
animals  behind  her ;  the  crocodile,  an  inhabitant  of  the  Nile, 
with  his  tail  covered  with  horrible  scales ;  a  man  fighting 
with  a  lion ;  an  elephant  with  his  supple  trunk ;  and  the 
antique  Scylla,  showmg  before,  the  features  of  a  woman,  with 
large  breasts  and  a  deformed  figure;  and  behind,  such 
monsters  as  those  that  pursued  Ulysses  and  his  companions. 
In  the  same  place  was  an  eagle  clutching  a  serpent  in  his 
talons,  and  bearing  it  away  towards  the  azure  vault ;  the 
bronze  beautifully  exhibited  the  pain  of  the  reptile,  and  the 
haughty  fierceness  of  the  bird  of  Jupiter.  When  the  sun 
shone  on  the  horizon,  the  extended  wmgs  of  the  king  of  the 
air  denoted,  by  Hnes  skilfully  traced,  the  twelve  hours  of  the 

All  who,  in  that  gross  age,  preserved  anv  taste  for  the 
arts,  admired  the  figure  of  a  young  woman,  her  hair  plaited 
on  her  brow,  and  gathered  into  a  knot  behind,  placed  upon 
a  column  of  the  Circus  ;  this  young  woman,  as  if  oy  enchant- 
ment, bore  in  her  right  hand  a  horseman,  whose  horse  she 

*  The  learned  Harris,  in  his  historical  Essay  upon  the  literature  and 
arts  of  the  middle  ages,  thinks  that  the  monument  which  represented  the 
wolf  suckling  Romulus,  was  the  same  as  that  to  which  Virgil  makes 
allusion  when  describing  the  buckler  of  ^neas : — 

lUam  tereti  cervice  reflezam 
Mulcere  altemos,  et  corpora  fingerb  lingua. 

JBwsid,  b.  im. 

140  HI8T0BT  OT  THX  CBirBADEB. 

held  by  one  foot ;  the  horseman  corered  with  his  coirass,  and 
the  spirited,  neighing  steed,  seemed  listening  to  the  warlike 
trumpet,  and  to  breathe  nothing  but  eagerness  for  the  fight. 
Near  the  eastern  boundary  of  the  Circus  were  represented  in 
bronze,  the  charioteers  who  had  gained  prizes,  and  whose 
triumphs,  in  times  gone  by,  had  often  divided  the  empire 
into  two  factions ;  they  appeared  standing  in  their  chariots, 
running  in  the  lists,  pulling  and  loosening  by  turns  the  reins 
of  their  coursers,  and  encouraging  them  by  gesture  and  voice. 
Not  far  from  this,  upon  a  basis  of  stone,  were  several 
Egyptian  animals,  the  aspic,  the  basilisk,  and  the  crocodile, 
all  engaged  in  mortal  combat, — an  image  of  the  war  made  by 
the  wicked  on  each  other;  the  hideous  forms  of  these 
animals,  the  rage  and  pain  expressed  throughout  their  bodies, 
the  livid  poison  which  seemed  to  exhale  with  their  bites, 
altogether  inspired  a  feeling  of  disgust  and  terror.  Another 
masterpiece,  made  to  chann  the  sight,  ought,  at  least,  to 
have  touched  and  disarmed  the  conquerors.  Among  the 
statues  described  by  Nicetas,  none  is  more  conspicuous  than 
a  Helen  with  her  charming  smile  and  her  voluptuous  atti- 
tude ;  a  Helen,  with  perfect  regularity  of  features,  her  hair 
floating  at  tlie  pleasure  of  the  winds,  her  eyes  full  of  languor, 
her  lips,  which  even  in  the  bronze  were  rosy ;  her  arms,  of 
which  even  the  same  bronze  showed  the  whiteness ;  Helen, 
in  short,  with  all  her  beauty,  and  such  as  she  appeared  before 
the  old  men  of  Ilium,  who  were  ravished  at  her  presence. 

Constantinople  contained  many  other  splendid  objects 
of  art,  which  preceding  ages  had  admired ;  almost  all  such 
as  were  of  bronze  were  condemned  to  perish,  the  Crusaders 
seeing  in  these  monuments  nothing  but  the  metal  of  which 
they  were  composed.  "  That  which  antiquity  had  judged," 
says  Nicetas,  "  of  inestimable  value,  became,  all  at  once,  a 
common  matter ;  and  that  which  had  cost  immense  sums, 
was  changed  by  the  Latins  into  pieces  of  coin  of  very  little 
value  !'*  The  statues  of  marble  held  out  less  temptation  for 
the  cupidity  of  the  conquerors,  and  received  no  other  injuries 
than  such  as  were  inseparable  from  the  tumult  and  disorders 
of  war. 

The  Greeks,  who  appeared  so  proud  of  their  knowledge, 
themselves  nep;lected  the  fine  arts.  The  sciences  of  Greece, 
the  profiane  wisdom  of  the  Academy  and  the  Lyceum,  had 


giyen  place  among  them  to  the  debates  of  Bcholastic  theology; 
they  passed  by  the  Hippodrome  with  indifiference,  and  held 
nothing  in  reverence  but  relics  and  images  of  saints.  These 
religious  treasures,  preserved  Tnth  care  in  the  churches  and 
palaces  of  Byzantium,  had,  during  several  ages,  attracted  the 
attention  of  the  Christian  world ;  in  the  days  that  followed 
the  conquest,  they  tempted  the  pious  cupidity  of  the  Cru- 
saders. Whilst  the  greater  part  of  the  warriors  bore  away 
the  gold,  the  jewels,  the  carpeU,  and  the  rich  stuffs  of  the 
East,  the  more  devout  of  the  pilgrims,  particxdarly  the 
ecclesiastics,  coUected  a  boo^  much  more  innocent  and 
appropriate  to  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Many  braved  the 
prohibitions  of  their  leaders  and  their  superiors,  and  did  not 
disdain  to  employ  by  turns  supplications  and  menaces, 
stratagem  or  violence,  to  procure  relics  that  were  the  objects 
of  their  respect  and  veneration.  Contemporary  history 
relates  several  examples  of  this,  which  serve  to  make  us 
acquainted  with  the  spirit  of  the  pilgrim  conquerors  of 
Byzantium.  Martin  Litz,  abbot  of  Paris,  in  the  diocese  of 
BMe,  entered  into  a  church  that  had  been  given  up  to  pillage, 
and  penetrated,  without  being  observed,  into  a  retired  place, 
where  numerous  relics  were  deposited,  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  Greek  monk.*  This  Greek  monk  was~then  at 
prayers,  with  his  hands  raised  supplicatingly  towards 
heaven.  His  old  age,  his  white  hairs,  his  fervent  piety,  and 
the  grief  impressed  upon  his  brow,  were  calculated  to  inspire 
both  respect  and  pitv ;  but  Martin,  approaching  the  vene- 
rable guardian  oi  tfie  treasures  li^ith  an  angry  manner, 
exclaimed  in  a  threatening  tone, "  Miserable  old  man,  if  thou 
dost  not  instantly  conduct  me  to  the  place  where  thy  relics 
are  hidden,  prepare  to  die  on  the  spot ! "  The  monk,  terrified 
by  this  menace,  immediately  and  tremblingly  arose,  and 
pointed  to  a  large  iron  coiFer,  into  which  the  pious  abbot 
eagerly  plunged  both    his  hands,   and  seized  everything 

*  Cum  ergo  yictores  Tictam,  quam  jure  belli  tuam  fecerant,  alacriter 
spoliarent,  ccepit  Martinu:)  abbas  de  sua  etiam  pned&  cogitare,  et  ne  ipse 
vacuus  remaneret,  proposuit  et  ipse  sacratas  manus  suas  ad  rapiuam 
extendere. — Gunther, 

The  same  Gunther  relates  how  Martin  committed  violence  upon  a 
Greek  priest  to  obtain  relics  from  him.  When  speaking  of  Martin  Lits, 
Gunther  employs  these  singular  ezpressions— j9r<e<2o  tanciua. 


precious  that  he  could  grasp.  Delighted  with  this  conquesty 
he  ran  to  conceal  his  treasures  on  board  a  vessel,  ana  con- 
trived, by.  a  holy  fraud,  to  keep  them  for  several  days  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  leaders  and  prelates  of  the  army,  who 
had  strictly  ordered  the  pilgrims  to  bring  to  an  appointed 
place  all  the  relics  that  feU  into  their  han£. 

Martin  Litz,  at  first,  returned  to  the  Christians  of  Pales- 
tine, who  had  sent  him  to  Constantinople ;  and,  a  short  time 
after,  came  back  to  Europe,  loaded  with  spoils  obtained  from 
the  clergy  of  Byzantium.  Among  the  relics  he  exhibited  on 
his  return,  were,  a  piece  of  the  true  cross,  the  bones  of 
St.  John  the  Baptist,  and  an  arm  of  St.  James.  The  mira- 
culous translation  of  this  treasure  is  celebrated  with  much 
pomp  by  the  monk  Gunther,  in  whom  it  created  more 
•  surprise  and  joy  than  the  conquest  of  a  great  empire.  If  we 
may  credit  the  account  of  the  German  monk,  angels-  de- 
scended from  heaven  to  watch  over  the  relics  of  Martin 
Litz.  On  the  route  of  the  holy  abbot,  the  tempests  of  the 
ocean  were  silent,  pirates  were  struck  motionless,  and 
robbers,  those  pests  of  travellers,  stopped  short,  seized  with 
respect  and  fear.  At  length  Martin  Litz  was  received  in 
triumph  at  Bale,  and  the  treasures  he  had  preserved  through 
so  many  perils,  were  distributed  among  the  principal 
churches  ot  the  diocese. 

Another  priest,  named  Galon  de  Dampierre,  of  the  diocese 
of  Langres,  less  adroit  or  less  fortunate  than  Martin  Litz, 
had  not  been  able  to  obtain  any  share  of  the  spoils  of  the 
churches ;  he  went  and  threw  himself  at  the  leet  of  the 
pope's  legate,  and  implored  him,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  to 
permit  him  to  carry  back  to  his  country  the  head  of  St.  Mames. 
A  third  ecclesiastic  of  Picardy,  having  found  the  head  of 
St.  George,  and  the  head  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  concealed 
among  the  ruins,  hastened  to  quit  Constantinople,  and,  laden 
with  such  a  rich  prize,  presented  to  the  cathedral  of  Amiens, 
his  country,  the  inestimable  relics  of  which  Providence  had 
made  him  the  possessor. 

The  princes  and  barons  did  not  despise  these  holy  spoils. 
Dandolo,  receiving  as  his  share*  a  piece  of  the  true  cross, 

*  We  have  spoken  in  the  early  part  of  the  work  of  the  trne  cross  which 
the  kings  of  Jerusalem  caased  to  be  borne  before  them  in  battle,  and 
which  was  taken  by  Saladin  at  the  battle  of  Tiberias ;  Saladin  refused  to 


which  the  emperor  Constantine  was  accustomed  to  have 
borne  before  him  to  battle,  made  a  present  of  it  to  the 
republic  of  Venice.  Baldwin  kept  for  himself  the  crown  of 
thorns  of  Christ,  and  several  other  relics  found  in  the  palace 
of  Bucoleon.  He  sent  Philip  Augustus,  king  of  France,  a 
portion  of  the  true  cross,  a  foot  in  length ;  some  of  the  hair 
of  Jesus  Christ,  when  an  infant ;  and  the  linen  in  which  the 
Man- God  was  enveloped  in  the  stable  in  which  he  was 

The  Greek  priests  and  monks,  thus  plundered  by  the  con- 
querors, parted  with  tears  from  the  remains  of  the  saints 
tnat  had  been  confided  to  their  keeping,  and  which  every 
day  cured  the  sick,  made  the  lame  to  walk,  restored  sight  to 
the  blind,  and  strength  to  the  paralytic.  These  holy  spoils, 
that  the  devotion  of  the  faithful  had  gathered  together  from 
all  the  countries  of  the  East,  went  to  illustrate  the  churches 
of  France  and  Italy,  and  were  received  by  the  Christiana  of 
the  West  as  the  most  glorious  trophies  of  the  victories 
God  had  enabled  the  Crusaders  to  obtain. 

Constantinople  fell  into  the  power  of  the  Latins  on  the 
10th  of  April,  towards  the  end  of  Lent.  The  marshal  of 
Champagne,  after  relating  some  of  the  scenes  we  have 
described,  says  with  great  simplicity,  "Thus  passed  the 
splendid  festivities  of  Easter."  The  clergy  called  the  Cru- 
saders to  penitence ;  the  voice  of  religion  made  itself  heard 
in  hearts  hardened  by  victory;  the  soldiers  crowded  to  the 
churches  they  had  devastated,  and  celebrated  the  sufferings 
and  death  of  Christ  upon  the  wrecks  of  his  own  altars. 

This  solemn  epoch  without  doubt  inspired  some  generous 
sentiments ;  all  the  Latins  were  not  deaf  to  the  language  of 
the  charity  of  the  Gospel.  We  feel  bound  here  to  admit 
that  the  greater  part  of  the  knights  and  ecclesiastics  pro- 
tected the  liberty  and  lives  of.  the  citizens,  and  the  honour 
of  matrons  and  virgins ;  but  such  was  the  spirit  that  then 

deliTer  it  up  to  Richard,  as  many  of  the  Crusaders  must  have  known. 
How  then  could  the  true  cross  be  found  at  Constantinople  ?  The  Greeks, 
howcTer,  were  not  very  nice  with  respect  to  the  authenticity  of  their 
relics,  and  the  Christians  of  the  West  on  this  point  yielded  very  easy 
Ikith  to  thezn.  [I  cannot  bat  think  our  author  a  little  out  in  hifi  criticism 
here  :  they  were  but  fragments  or  portions  of  the  cross,  at  Constantinople ; 
the  Saracens  still  held  the  main  body  of  the  true  cross— t/'/riw  U  teas, — 


possessed  the  warriors,  that  all  the  Crusadew  allowed  them- 
selves to  be  overcome  by  the  thirst  for  bootv;  and  the 
leaders,  equally  with  the  soldiers,  exercised,  without  hesita- 
tion or  scruple,  the  right  which  their  victory  had  given 
them  of  plundering  the  conquered.  It  was  agreed  that 
all  the  spoils  should  be  deposited  in  three  churches, 
selected  for  the  purpose ;  and  the  leaders  commanded  the 
Crusaders  to  bring,  in  common,  the  whole  of  the  booty,  and 
threatened  with  death  and  excommunication  all  who  should 
abstract  anything  from  the  prize  of  the  valour,  and  the 
recompense  due  to  the  labours  of  the  whole  army.  Many 
soldiers,  and  even  some  knights,  allowed  themselVes  to  be 
led  away  by  avarice,  and  retained  valuable  objects  that  fell 
into  their  hands.  "  "Which,"  says  the  marshal  of  Cham- 
pagne, "  made  the  Lord  to  begin  to  love  them  less."  The 
justice  of  the  counts  and  barons  was  inflexible  towards  the 
guilty ;  the  count  of  St.  Pol  ordered  one  of  his  knights,  who 
had  withheld  something  from  the  common  stock  of  booty,  to 
be  himg,  with  his  escutcheon  suspended  from  his  neck.* 
Thus  the  G-reeks,  plundered  by  violence,  might  be  present 
at  the  punishment  of  some  of  the  ravishers  of  their  pro- 
perty, and  might  contemplate  with  surprise  the  regulations 
of  sterli  equity  mingled  with  the  disorders  of  victory  and 
pillage.  After  the  festival  of  Easter,  the  Crusaders  shared 
the  captured  riches ;  the  fourth  part  of  the  spoil  was  set 
aside  for  him  who  should  be  chosen  emperor,  and  the  rest 
was  divided  among  the  French  and  the  Venetians.  The 
French  Crusaders,  who  had  conquered  Zara,  to  the  sole 
advantage  of  the  Venetians,  were  not  the  less  called  upon 
to  pay  the  fifty  thousand  silver  marks  they  owed  to  tho 
republic;  the  amount  was  deducted  beforehand  from  the 
portion  of  the  booty  that  belonged  to  them.  In  the  division 
that  was  made  among  the  warriors  of  Lombardy,  Grermany, 
and  France,  each  knight  had  a  part  equal  to  that  of  two 
horsemen,  and  every  horseman  one  equal  to  that  of  two 
foot-soldiers.     All  the  plunder  of  the  Greeks  only  yielded  t 

*  Villehardonin,  when  speaking  of  the  rigorous  jastioe  exercised  upon 
all  who  endeavoured  to  conceal  any  part  of  the  plunder,  says :  Et  en  y  eut 
tout  plein  de  pendus. 

t  Que  edition  of  Villehardouin  makes  the  plunder  pf  Constantinople 
amount  to  five  hundred  thousand  silver  marks,  equivalent  to  twenty-four 


four  hundred  thousand  silver  marks ;  but  although  this  sum 
far  exceeded  the  revenues  of  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  West, 
it  did  not  by  any  means  represent  the  value  of  the  riches 
accumulated  in  Byzantium.  If  the  princes  and  barons,  upon 
making  themselves  masters  of  the  city,  had  been  satisfied  with 
imposing  a  tribute  upon  the  inhabitants,  they  might  have 
received  a  much  larger  sum;  but  this  pacific  manner  of 
obtaining  wealth  agreed  neither  with  their  character  nor  the 
humour  they  were  in.  History  asserts  that  the  Venetians, 
in  this  circumstance,  offered  them  some  very  prudent  advice, 
and  made  propositions  that  were  rejected  with  scorn.  The 
Prank  warriors  could  not  condescend  to  submit  the  advan- 

X>f  victory  to  commercial  calculations ;  the  produce  of 
was  always,  in  their  eyes,  the  most  worthy  firuit  of 
conquest,  and  the  most  noble  reward  of  valour. 

When  they  had  thus  shared  the  rich  plunder  of  the 
Eastern  empire,  the  Crusaders  gave  way  to  the  most  extra- 
vagant jov,  without  perceiving  that  they  had  committed  a 
CTeat  fault  in  exhausting  a  country  which  was  about  to 
become  their  own ;  they  (ud  not  reflect  that  the  ruin  of  the 
conquered  might  one  day  bring  on  that  of  the  conquerors, 
and  that  they  might  become  as  poor  as  the  Ghreeks  they  had 
just  despoiled.  W  ithout  regrets,  as  without  foresight,  hoping 
everything  from  their  own  good  swords,  they  set  about  elect- 
ing a  leader  who  should  reign  over  a  people  in  mourning  and 
a  desolated  city.  The  imperial  purple  had  still  the  same 
splendour  in  their  e;^es,  and  the  throne,  though  shaken  by 
tneir  arms,  was  still  the  object  of  their  ambition.  Six 
electors  were  chosen  from  among  the  Venetian  nobles,  and 
six  others  from  among  the  French  ecclesiastics,  to  give  a 

millions ;  if  we  add  to  this  sum  the  fifty  thousand  marks  due  to  the  Yene- 
tians,  and  deducted  before  the  diyiaion,  and  the  part  which  they  had  in  the 
division  itself,  we  shall  find  the  total  amount  of  booty  fifty  nyllions  four 
hundred  thousand  francs  (about  ;^ ^00,000. — Tbans.).  As  much,  says 
the  modem  historian  who  supplies  us  with  this  note,  perhaps,  was  appro- 
priated secretly  by  individuals.  The  three  fires  which  had  consumed  more 
than  half  the  city  had  destroyed  at  least  as  much  of  its  riches,  and  in  the 
profusion  that  followed  the  pillage,  the  most  precious  effects  had  lost  so 
much  of  their  value,  that  the  advantage  of  the  Latins  probably  was  not 
equivalent  to  a  quarter  of  what  they  had  cost  the  Greeks.  Thus  we  may 
suppose  that  Constantinople,  before  the  attack,  contained  600,000,000  of 
wealth  (£25,000,000).  (What  would  the  plunder  of  London  amount  to 
la  1852  ?— Taans.) 

146  HISTOBT  01*  THB  CBI78AJDS8. 

nuister  to  Constantinople ;  the  twelve  electors  assembled  in 
the  palace  of  Bucoleon,  and  swore,  upon  the  Gbspel,  to 
crown  only  merit  and  virtue. 

Three  of  the  principal  leaders  of  the  crusade  had  equal 
claims  to  the  suffrages  of  thg  electors.  If  the  purple  was  to 
be  the  reward  of  experience,  of  ability  in  council,  and  of 
services  rendered  to  the  cause  of  the  Latins,  Henrj  Dandolo, 
who  had  been  the  moving  spirit,  the  very  soul  of  the  enter- 
prise, certainly  had  the  first  claim  to  it.  The  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  bke^Hise,  had  titles  worthy  of  great  considera- 
tion ;  the  Latins  had  chosen  him  for  their  leader,  and  the 
Greeks  already  acknowledged  him  as  their  master.  His 
bravery,  proved  in  a  thousand  fights,  promised  a  firm  and 
generous  support  to  a  throne  that  must  rise  from  amidst 
ruins.  His  prudence  and  moderation  might  give  the  Latins 
and  the  people  of  Greece  reason  to  hope  that,  when  once 
raised  to  empire,  he  would  repair  the  evils  of  war.  The 
claims  of  Baldwin  to  the  imperial  crown  were  not  less 
cogent  than  those  of  his  concurrents.  The  count  of  Flan- 
ders was  related  to  the  most  powerful  monarchs  of  the  West, 
and  was  descended,  in  the  female  line,  from  Charlemagne. 
He  was  much  beloyed  by  his  soldiers,  whose  dangers  he  was 
always  ready  to  share;  he  had  deservedly  obtained  the 
esteem  of  the  Greeks,  who,  even  amidst  the  disorders  of 
conquest,  celebrated  him  as  the  champion  of  chastity  and 
honour.  Baldwin  was  the  protector  of  the  weak,  the  friend 
of  the  poor ;  he  loved  justice,  and  had  no  dread  of  truth. 
His  youth,  which  he  had  already  illustrated  by  brilliant  cx- 

Eloits  and  solid  virtues,  gave  the  subjects  of  the  new  empire 
opes  of  a  long  and  happy  reign ;  the  rank  he  held  among 
the  warriors,  his  niety,  his  intelligence,  his  love  of  studv  and 
learned  men,  renaered  him  worthy  of  ascending  the  throne 
of  Augustus  and  Constantine. 

The  electors  at  first  turned  their  attention  towards  the 
venerable  Dandolo ;  but  the  republicans  of  Venice  trembled 
at  the  idea  of  seeing  an  emperor  among  their  fellow-citizens : 
"  What  shall  we  not  have  to  dread,"  said  they,  "  from  a 
Venetian,  become  master  of  Greece,  and  of  part  of  the 
East  P  Shall  we  be  subject  to  his  laws,  or  will  he  remain 
subject  to  the  laws  of  our  country  ?  Under  his  reign,  and 
unaer  that  of  his  successors,  who  will  assure  ub  that  Venice, 


the  Queen  of  the  Seas,  will  not  become  oneof  the  cities  of  this 
empire  ?"  The  Venetians,  whilst  speaking  thus,  bestowed 
just  eulogiums  upon  the  virtue  and  character  of  Dandolo ; 
thej  added,  that  their  doge,  who  was  approaching  the  end 
of  a  life  filled  with  great  actions,  had  nothing  lefi  him  but 
to  finish  his  days  with  gloiy,  and  that  he  himself  would  find 
it  more  glorious  to  be  the  nead  of  a  victorious  republic,  than 
the  sovereign  of  a  conquered  nation.  "  What  Eoman," 
cried  they,  "  would  have  been  willing  to  lay  down  the  title 
of  citizen  of  Borne,  to  become  king  of  Carthage  ?" 

On  terminating  their  speeches,  the  Venetians  conjured 
the  assembly  to  elect  an  emperor  from  among  the  other 
leaders  of  the  army.  After  this,  the  choice  of  the  electors 
could  only  be  directed  towards  the  count  of  Flanders  and 
the  marquis  of  Montferrat ;  the  most  wise  dreading  that 
the  one  of  the  two  concurrents  who  should  not  obtam  the 
empire,  would  be  sure  to  give  vent  to  his  dissatisfaction, 
and  would  desire  the  fall  of  the  throne  occupied  by  his 
rival.  They  still  remembered  the  violent  debates  which,  in 
the  first  crusade,  had  followed  the  election  of  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon ;  and  the  troubles  excited  in  the  young  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem,  by  the  jealous  ambition  of  Raymond  de  St, 
Gilles.  To  prevent  the  eff*ects  of  such  a  fatal  discord,  it  was 
judged  best  to  decree,  at  once,  that  the  prince  that  should 
gain  the  sufirages  for  the  imperial  throne,  should  yield  to 
the  other,  under  the  condition  of  fealty  and  homage,  the 
property  of  the  island  of  Candia,  and  all  the  lands  of  the 
empire  situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bosphorus.  After 
this  decision,  the  assembly  turned  their  whole  attention  to 
the  election  of  an  emperor.  Their  choice  was  for  a  long 
time  uncertain.  The  marquis  of  Montferrat  at  first  appeared 
to  have  the  majority  of  the  suffrages ;  but  the  Venetians 
were  fearful  of  seeing  upon  the  throner  of  Constantinople  a 
prince  who  had  any  possessions  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
their  territories,  and  represented  to  the  assembly  that  the 
election  of  Baldwin  would  be  much  more  advantageous  to 
the  Crusaders,  particularly  as  it  would  interest  the  warlike 
nations  of  the  Flemings  and  French  in  the  glory  and  support 
of  the  new  empire.  The  interests  and  jealousies  of  policy, 
and,  without  doubt,  also  wisdom  and  equity,  at  length 
united  all  voices  in  favour  of  the  count  of  Flanders, 


The  Crusaders,  assembled  before  the  palace  of  Bucoleon, 
awaited  with  impatience  the  decision  of  the  electors.  At 
the  hour  of  midnight,  the  bishop  of  Soissons  came  forward 
under  the  vestibule,  and  pronounced,  in  a  loud  voice,  these 
words :  "  This  hour  of  the  night,  which  witnessed  the  birth 
of  a  Saviour  of  the  world,  gives  birth  to  a  new  empire, 
under  the  protection  of  the  Omnipotent.  Tou  have  for 
emperor,  Baldwin,  count  of  Flanders  and  Hainault."  Loud 
cries  of  joy  arose  from  among  the  Venetians  and  the 
French.  The  people  of  Constantinople,  who  had  so  often 
changed  masters,  received,  without  repugnance,  the  new  one 
just  given  to  them,  and  mingled  their  acclamations  with 
those  of  the  Latins.  Baldwin  was  elevated  upon  a  buckler, 
and  borne  in  triumph  to  the  church  of  St.  Sophia.  The 
marquis  of  Montferrat  followed  in  the  train  of  his  rival ;  the 
generous  submission,  of  which  he  presented  an  example,  was 
much  admired  by  his  companions  in  arms,  and  his  presence 
drew  scarcely  less  attention  than  the  warlike  pomp  that 
surrounded  the  new  emperor. 

The  ceremony  of  the  coronation  was  postponed  till  the 
/ourth  Sunday  after  Easter.  Li  the  mean  time  the  marriage 
of  the  marquis  of  Montferrat  with  Margaret  of  Hungary, 
the  widow  of  Isaac,  was  celebrated  with  much  splendour. 
Constantinople  beheld  within  its  walls  the  festivities  and 
spectacles  of  the  West,  and,  for  the  first  time,  the  Greeks 
heard  in  their  churches  the  prayers  and  hymns  of  the 
Latins.  On  the  day  appointed  for  the  coronation  of  the 
emperor,  Baldwin  repaired  to  St.  Sophia,  accompanied  by 
the  barons  and  the  clergy.  "Whilst  divine  service  was  beins 
performed,  the  emperor  ascended  a  throne  of  gold,  and 
received  the  purple  from  the  hands  of  the  pope's  legate, 
who  performed  the  functions  of  patriarch.  Two  knights 
carried  before  him  the  laticlavici  tunica  of  the  Eoman  con- 
suls, and  the  imperial  sword,  once  again  in  the  hands  of 
warriors  and  heroes.  The  head  of  the  clergy,  standing 
before  the  altar,  pronounced,  in  the  Oreek  language,  these 
words :  "JHi?  w  worthy  of  reigning  ;'^  and  all  persons  present 
repeated  in  chorus,  "Ac  w  worthy!  he  is  worthy!^*  The 
Crusaders  shouting  their  boisterous  acclamations,  the  knights 
clad  in  armour,  the  crowd  of  miserable  Greeks,  the  sanctuary 
despoiled  of  its  ancient  ornaments,  and  decked  with  foreign 


pomp,  presented  altogether  a  spectacle  solemn  and  melan- 
choly— ail  the  evils  of  war  amidst  the  trophies  of  victory. 
Surrounded  by  the  ruins  of  an  empire,  reflective  spectators 
could  not  fail  to  remark  among  the  ceremonies  of  this  day, 
that  in  which,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  G-reeks,  were 
presented  to  Baldwin  a  little  vase  filled  with  dust  and 
bones,  and  a  lock  of  lighted  flax,*  as  symbols  of  the  short- 
ness of  life  and  the  .nothingness  of  human  grandeur. 

Before  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation,  the  new  emperor 
distributed  the  principal  dirties  of  the  empire  among  his 
companions  in  arms.  Yillehardouin,  marshal  of  Champagne, 
obtamed  the  title  of  marshal  of  Eomania ;  the  count  de 
St.  Pol,  the  dignity  of  constable ;  the  charges  of  master  of 
the  wardrobe,  great  cupbearer  and  butler,  were  given  to 
Canon  de  Bethune,Macaire  de  St.  M6n6hoult,  and  Miles  de 
Brabant.  The  doge  of  Venice,  created  despot  or  prince  of 
Bomania,  had  the  right  of  wearing  purple  buskins,  a  privi- 
lege, among  the  Greeks,  reserved  for  niembers  of  the  unpe- 
riS  family.  Henry  Dandolo  represented  the  republic  of 
Venice  at  Constantinople ;  half  the  city  was  under  his 
dominion  and  recognisea  his  laws  ;  he  ndsed  himself,  by  the* 
dignity  of  his  character  as  well  as  by  his  exploits,  above  all 
the  princes  and  all  the  nobles  of  the  court  of  Baldwin ;  he 
alone  was  exempt  from  paying  fealty  and  homage  to  tho 
emperor  for  the  lands  he  was  to  possess. 

The  barons  began  t6  be  impatient  to  share  the  cities  and 
provinces  of  the  empire.  In  a  council  composed  of  twelve 
of  the  patricians  of  Venice  and  twelve  French  knights,  all 
the  conquered  lands  were  divided  between  the  two  nations. 
Bithynia,  Eomania  or  Thrace,  Thessalonica,  all  Greece  from 
Thermopylae  to  Cape  Sunium,  with  the  larger  isles  of  the 
Archipelago,  fell  to  the  share  and  under  the  dominion  of  the 
rrench.  The  Venetians  obtained  the  Cyclades  and  the  Spo- 
rades,  in  the  Archipelago ;  the  isles  and  the  oriental  coast  of 
the  Adriatic  Gulf;  the  coasts  of  the  Propontis  and  the  Euxine 
Sea;  thebanks  of  theHebrus  and  the  Vardas;  the  citiesof  Cyp- 
sedes,  Didymatica,  and  Adrianople ;  the  maritime  countries  of 
Thessalonica,  &c.  &c.   Such  was  at  first  the  distribution  of  the 

*  The  ceremony  of  the  lighted  flax  itill  takes  place  at  the  exaltation  of 
the  popes;  thete words  are  addraned  to  them :  Sie irmHi ghria  mmnJtt. 


territories  of  the  empire.  But  circumstances  that  could  not 
be  foreseen,  the  diversity  of  interests,  the  rivahries  of  ambi- 
tion, all  the  chances  of  fortune  and  of  war,  soon  produced 
grea«t  changes  in  this  division  of  dominions.  History  would 
in  vain  endeavour  to  follow  the  conquerors  into  the  provinces 
allotted  to  them  ;  it  would  be  more  easy  to  mark  tlie  banks 
of  an  overflowing  torrent,  or  to  trace  the  path  of  the  storm, 
than  to  fix  the  state  of  the  uncertain  and  transitory  posses- 
sions of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium. 

The  lands  situated  beyond  the  Bosphorus  were  erected 
into  a  kingdom,  and,  with  the  island  of  Candia,  given  to  the 
manjuis  of  Montferrat.  Boniface  exchanged  them  for  the 
province  of  Thessalonica,  and  sold  the  island  of  Candia  to 
the  republic  of  Venice  for  thirty  pounds  weight  of  gold. 
The  provinces  of  Asia  were  abandoned  to  the  count  of  Blois, 
who  assumed  the  title  of  duke  of  Nice  and  Bithynia.  In 
the  distribution  of  the  cities  and  lands  of  the'  empire,  every 
one  of  the  lords  and  barons  had  obtained  domidns  propor- 
tioiuite  with  the  rank  and  services  of  the  new  possessor. 
When  they  heard  speak  of  so  many  countries  of  which  they 
•scarcely  knew  the  names,  the  warriors  of  the  West  were 
astonisned  at  their  conquests,  and  believed  that  the  greater 
part  of  the  universe  was  promised  to  their  ambition.  In  the 
intoxication  of  their  joy,  they  declared  themselves  masters 
of  all  the  provinces  that  had  formed  the  empire  of  Constan- 
tine.  They  cast  lots  for  the  countries  of  the  Medes  and 
Parthians,4ind  the  kingdoms  that  were  under  the  domina- 
tion of  the  Turks  and  Saracens  ;*  several  barons  expressed 
a  great  desire  to  reis:n  at  Alexandria ;  others  disputed  for 
the  palace  of  the  sultans  of  Iconium ;  some  knights  ex- 
changed that  which  had  been  assigned  to  them  for  new 
possessions,  whilst  others  complained  of  their  share,  and 
demanded  an  augmentation  of  territory.     With  the  money 

*  Nicetas  relates  all  the  circumstances  of  the  sharing  of  the  lands  of  the 
empire.  We  find  in  Muratori  the  treatj  for  the  division  which  was  made 
before  the  siege  ;  we  do  not  offer  it  to  our  readers,  because  it  is  unintel- 
ligible in  several  places,  and  cannot  shed  any  light  over  geography.  The 
names  of  the  cities  and  provinces  of  the  empire  are  given  in  a  very 
unfaithful  and  imperfect  manner.  The  Venetians  withdut.doubt  famished 
tlie  necessary  information  for  the  drawing  up  of  the  treaty,  but  this  in- 
formation was  very  incomplete. 

HISTOBX  Oir  THE  CBUBAJ}£8.  151 

which  arose  fix>m  the  plunder  of  the  capital,  the  conquerors 
purchased  the  provinces  of  the  empire;  they  sold,  thej 
played  at  dice,  for  whole  cities  and  their  inhabitants.  Con- 
stantinople was  dunug  several  days  a  market,  in  which  seas 
and  their  islands,  nations  and  their  wealth,  were  trafficked 
foj* ;  in  which  the  Eoman  world  was  put  up  to  sale,  and 
found  purchasers  among  the  obscure  crowd  of  the  Crusaders. 

Whust  the  barons  were  thus  distributing  cities  and 
kingdoms,  the  ambition  of  the  Latin  clergy  was  by  no 
means  idle,  but  was  busy  in  invading  the  property  of  the 
Greek  Church.  All  the  churches  of  Constantinople  were 
divided  between  the  French  and  the  Venetians ;  they  named 
priests  of  the  two  nations,  to  minister  in  the  temples  torn 
from  the  conquered ;  and  no  other  religious  ceremonies  were 
celebrated  within  the  walls  of  the  city  but  those  of  the  West. 
The  leaders  of  the  crusade  had  agreed  among  themselves, 
that  if  the  emperor  of  Constantinople  should  be  chosen 
from  the  French,  the  patriarch  should  be  a  Venetian.  Ac- 
cording to  this  convention,  which  had  preceded  the  conquest, 
Thomas  Morosini*  was  elevated  to  the  chair  of  St.  Sophia ; 
priests  and  Latin  bishc^  were,  at  the  same  time,  sent  into 
the  other  conquered  cities,  and  took  possession  of  the  wealth 
and  the  privileges  of  the  Greek  clergy.  Thus  the  Bomish 
worship  associated  itself  with  the  victories  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  made  its  empire  acknowledged  wherever  the  banners  of 
the  conquerors  floated. 

Nothing  now  opposed  the  arms  of  the  Cru«aders ;  all 
trembled  before  them ;  fame  wafted  everywhere  the  accounts 
of  their  exploits  and  their  power ;  but,  on  casting  a  glance 
into  the  future  the  leaders  had  great  reason  to  fear  that  the 
retreat  or  death  of  their  warriors  woidd  leave  the  empire 
they  had  founded  destitute  of  defenders.  The  population, 
weakened  and  'dispersed,  were  not  sufficient  for  either  the 
cultivation  of  .the  lands  or  the  work  of  the  cities.  In  this 
conjuncture,  the  counts  and  barons,  who  always  expected 
with  fear  the  judgments  of  the  head  of  the  Church,  re- 

*  The  pope  would  not  at  first  recognise  this  election,  which  appeared 
to  him  a  usurpation  of  the  rights  of  the  Holy  See ;  but  as  Morosini  was  an 
ecclesiastic  of  great  merit,  Innocent  was  not  willing  to  choose  another. 
Morosini  waa  sent  to  ConstantiooplA  not  aa  if  elected  by  the  Cnuaden, 
but  as  if  appointed  by  the  pope. 


doubled  their  submission  to  the  soyereign  pontiff,  and  sought 
his  support,  in  the  hope  that  the  Holy  See  would  bring  the 
"West  to  pronounce  in  their  favour,  and  that  at  the  voice  of 
the  father  of  the  faithful,  a  great  number  of  French,  Italians, 
and  Ghermans  would  come  to  people  and  defend  the  new 

After  his  coronation,  Baldwin  wrote  to  the  pope,  to  an- 
nounce to  him  the  extraordinary  victories  bj  which  it  had 
? leased  God  to  crown  the  zeal  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross, 
'he  new  emperor,  who  assumed  the  title  of  knight  of  the 
Holy  See,  recalled  to  the  mind  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  the 
perfidies  and  the  long  revolt  of  the  Greeks.  "  "We  have 
Drought  under  your  Laws,"  said  he,  "that  city,  which,  in 
hatred  for  the  Holy  See,  would  scarcely  hear  the  name  of 
the  prince  of  the  apostles,  and  did  not  afford  a  single 
church  to  him  who  received  from  the  Lord  the  supremacy 
over  all  churches.'*  Baldwin,  in  his  letter,  invited  the  vicar 
of  Jesus  Christ  to  imitate  the  example  of  his  predecessors, 
John,  Agapetus,  and  Leo,  who  visited  in  person  the  Church 
of  Byzantium.  To  complete  the  justification  of  the  pil- 
grims who  had  made  themselves  masters  of  the  Greek  em- 
pire, the  emperor  invoked  the  testimony  of  all  the  Christians 
of  the  East.  "  When  we  entered  into  this  capital,"  added 
he,  "  many  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land,  who  were  there, 
expressed  greater  joy  than  any  others,  and  asserted  aloud 
that  we  had  rendered  God  a  more  agreeable  service  than  if 
we  had  retaken  Jerusalem." 

The  marquis  of  Montferrat  at  the  same  time  addressed 
a  letter  to  the  sovereiffn  pontiff,  in  which  he  protested  his 
humble  obedience  to  all  the  decisions  of  the  Holy  See.  "As 
for  me,"  said  the  king  of  Thessalonica,  "  who  only  took  up 
the  cross  for  the  expiation  of  my  sins,  and  not  to  obtain  an 
opportunity  of  sinning  with  more  license  under  the  pretext 
of  religion,  I  submit  myself  blindly  to  your  will.  If  you 
judge  that  my  presence  in  Bomauia  may  be  useful,  I  will  die 
there,  contending  against  your  enemies  and  those  of  Christ : 
if  you  think,  on  the  contrary,  I  ought  to  abandon  these  rich 
countries,  pay  no  regard  to  the  wealth  or  dignities  I  possess 
there,  I  am  ready  to  return  to  the  West ;  for  I  am  not  will- 
ing to  do  anything  that  will  draw  upon  me  the  anger  of  the 
sovereign  judge." 


The  doge  of  Venice,  who  till  that  time  had  brayed  with 
BO  much  haughtiness  the  threats  and  thunders  of  the  Church, 
acknowledged  the  sovereign  authority  of  the  pope,  and 
joined  his  protestations  with  those  of  Baldwin  and  Boni&ce. 
To  disarm  the  anger  of  Innocent,  they  represented  to  him 
that  the  conquest  of  Constantinople  had  prepared  the  deli* 
verance  of  Jerusalem,  and  boasted  of  the  wealth  of  a  coun- 
try which  the  Crusaders  had  at  length  brought  under  the 
laws  of  the  Holy  See.  In  all  their  letters  to  the  pope  or 
the  faithful  of  the  West,  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium 
spoke  of  the  Greek  empire  as  of  a  new  land  of  promise, 
which  awaited  the  servants  of  Gk>d  and  the  soldiers  of  Christ. 

Innocent  had  been  for  a  long  time  irritated  by  the  dis- 
obedience of  the  Cruqaders;  in  his  reply,  he  reproached 
with  bitterness  the  victorious  army  of  the  Latins  for  having 
preferred  the  riches  of  the  earth  to  those  of  heaven  ;•  he 
reprimanded  the  leaders  for  having  exposed  to  the  outrages 
of  the  soldiers  and  followers  of  the  army,  the  honour  of  ma- 
trons and  maidens,  and  virgins  consecrated  to  the  Lord ;  for 
having  ruined  Constantinople,  plundered  both  great  and 
Mially  violated  the  sanctuary,  and  put  forth  a  sacrilegious 
hand  upon  the  treasures  oi  the  churches.  Nevertheless, 
the  father  of  the  faithful  would  not  take  upon  him  to  fathom 
the  judgments  of  God ;  he  was  satisfied  to  believe  that  the 
Greeks  had  been  justly  punished  for  their  faults,  and  that 
the  Crusaders  were  recompensed  as  the  instruments  of  Pro- 
vidence, as  the  avengers  of  divine  justice.  "  Dread,"  said 
he,  "  the  anger  of  the  Lord ;  hope  with  fear  that  he  will 
pardon  the  past,  if  you  govern  the  nations  with  equity ;  if 
you  are  faithful  to  the  Holy  See,  and,  above  everything,  if 
you  entertain  a  firm  resolution  to  accomplish  your  vow  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  Holy  Land." 

*  Innocent,  when  speaking  of  the  sack  of  Constantinople,  expresses 
himself  thus  in  bis  letter  : — Qaidam  nee  religioni,  nee  Ktati,  nee  sexui 
pepercerunt ;  sed  fomicationes,  adulteria,  et  incestns  in  ocalis  omnium 
exercenteSf^non  solum  meretricnlas  et  yiduas,  sed  et  matronas  et  virgines 
Deoqne  dicatas  exposuerunt  spurcitiis  garcionom.  The  pope  is  more 
severe  towards  the  Crusaders  than  Nicetas  himself ;  the  indignation  that 
the  disobedience  of  the  Crusaders  had  created,  led  him  to  exaggerate  their 
ftiults.  The  word  ineettut,  applied  to  warriors  who  had  no  family  relations 
with  the  Greeks,  alone  serves  to  prove  that  there  is  more  bitterness  than 
truth  in  the  letter  of  Innooent. 

154  HISTOSr  Of  THE  0BVSAJ)I8. 

JN'otwithfltanding  this  outward  show  of  anger,  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  was  gratified  to  the  depths  of  his  heart  bj  the 
prayers  and  submission  of  the  heroes  and  princes  whose  ex- 
ploits made  the  Eastern  world  tremble.  Cardinal  Peter  of 
Capua  had  given  absolution  to  the  Venetians  excommuni- 
cated after  the  siege  of  Zara.  Innocent  at  first  blamed  the 
indulgence  of  his  legate,  but  finished  hy  confirming  the  par- 
don granted  to  Dandolo  and  his  compatriots.  The  pope 
approved  the  election  of  Baldwin,  who  took  the  title  of  knight 
of  the  Holy  See,  and  consented  to  recognise  an  empire  to  winch 
he  was  to  give  laws.  The  more  submissive  the  Crusaders 
showed  themselves  to  his  authority,  the  more  plainly  it  ap- 
peared to  him  that  their  conquests  must  concern  the  glory 
of  Gtod  and  i;hat  of  the  vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth.  H!e 
wrote  to  the  bishops  of  France,  that  God  had  been  willing 
to  console  the  Church  by  the  conversion  of  heretics ;  that 
Providence  had  humbled  the  Greeks,  an  impious,  proud,  and 
rebellious  people ;  and  again  placed  the  empire  in  the  hands 
of  the  Latms,  a  pious,  humble,  and  submissive  nation.  The 
sovereign  pontiff*  invited,  in  the  name  of  the  emperor  Bald- 
win, the  French  of  both  sexes  and  all  conditions,  to  repair 
to  Greece  to  receive  lauds  and  riches  proportioned  to  tneir 
merit  and  their  quality.  He  promised  the  indulgences  of 
the  crusade  to  all  the  faithful,  who,  sharing  the  glory  of  the 
Crusaders,  should  go  to  defend  and  promote  the  prosperity 
of  the  new  empire  of  the  East. 

The  pope  did  not,  however,  lose  sight  of  the  Syrian  expe- 
dition, and  appeared  persuaded  that  succours  sent  to  Con- 
stantinople must  contribute  to  the  deliverance  of  the  holy 
places.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  implored  more  earnestly 
than  ever,  both  by  letters  and  ambassadors,  the  efiective' 
protection  of  the  Holy  See,  as  well  as  that  of  the  princes  of 
the  East. 

The  new  emperor  of  Bjrzantium  did  not  renounce  the 
hope  of  assisting  the  Christian  colonies  of  Syria;  and  to 
raise  the  courage  of  his  brethren  of  the  Holy  Land,  he  sent 
to  Ptolemais  the  chain  of  the  port  and  the  gates  of  Constan- 
tinople. When  these  trophies  reached  Palestine,  scarcity, 
famine,  and  all  the  evils  of  an  unfortunate  war  ravaged  both 
cities  and  plains.  At  the  news  of  approaching  aid,  the  people 
of  Ptolemais  passed  at  once  firom  excessive  grief  and  de- 


Bpondencj  to  all  the  transports  of  joj.  Pame,  whilst  pub- 
hshuag  the  miraculous  conquests  of  the  companions  of 
Baldwin  and  Boniface,  carried  the  hope  of  safety  into  all  the 
Christian  cities  of  Syria,  and  spread  terror  among  the  Mus- 
sulmans. The  sultan  of  Damascus  had  recently  concluded 
a  truce  with  the  Christians,  and  trembled  lest  it  should  be 
broken,  when,  all  at  once,  he  owed  liis  safety  to  the  very 
event  that  had  caused  his  alarms. 

The  greater  part  of  the  defenders  of  the  Holy  Land,  who 
had  experienced  nothing  but  the  evils  of  war,  became  de- 
sirous of  partaking  of  the  glory  and  the  good  fortune  of  the 
French  and  Venetians.  They  even  who  had  quitted  the 
victorious  army  at  Zara,  who  had  so  severely  blamed  the 
expedition  to  Constantinople,  believed  that  the  will  of  God 
called  them  to  the  shores  of  the  Bosphorus,  and  they  aban- 
doned the  Holy  Land.  The  legate  of  the  pope,  Peter  of 
Capua,  was  drawn  away  by  the  example  of  the  other  Cru- 
saders, and  went  to  animate  with  his  presence  the  zeal  of 
the  Latin  clergy,  who  were  labouring  for  the  conversion  of 
the  Greeks ;  the  knights  of  St.  Jolm  and  the  Temple  also 
directed  their  course  towards  Greece,  where  glory  and  rich 
domains  were  the  reward  of  valour ;  and  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem was  lefl  almost  alone  at  Ptolemais,  without  means  of 
making  the  truce  he  had  entered  into  with  the  infidels 

Baldwin  warmly  welcomed  the  defenders  of  the  Holy 
Land ;  but  the  joy  he  experienced  at  their  arrival  was  much 
troubled  by  the  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  wife,  Mar- 
guerite of  Flanders.  This  princess  had  embarked  in  the 
fleet  of  John  de  Nesle,  in  the  belief  that  she  should  meet 
her  husband  in  Palestine ;  sinking  under  the  fatigue  of  a 
long  voyage,  and  perhaps  the  pains  of  disappointment,  she 
'fell  sick  at  Ptolemais,  and  diea  at  the  moment  she  learnt 
that  Baldwin  had  been  crowned  emperor  of  Constantinople. 
The  vessel  destined  to  convey  the  new  empress  to  the  shores 
of  the  Bosphorus  only  brought  back  her  mortal  remains. 
Baldwin,  amidst  bi^  knights,  wept  for  the  loss  of  a  princess 
he  had  loved  tenderly,  and  who,  by  her  virtues  and  the 
graces  of  her  youth,  he  had  hoped  would  be  the  ornament 
and  example  of  the  court  of  Byzantium.  He  caused  her  to  be 
buried  with  great  pomp  in  the  same  church  in  which,  but  a  few 


days  before,  he  had  received  the  imperial  crown.  Thus  the 
people  of  Constantinople  witnessed,  almost  at  the  same  time, 
the  coronation  of  an  emperor  and  the  funeral  of  an  empress ; 
— days  of  joy  and  triimiph  mingled  with  days  of  mourning. 
This  contrast  of  the  pageantry  of  death  and  the  pomps  of 
victory  and  of  a  throne,  appeared  to  offer  a  fjEuthnil  image 
of  the  glory  of  conquerors,  and  the  future  destiny  of  the 

The  emperor  and  his  barons,  with  all  the  succours  they 
had  received  from  the  East,  had  scarcely  twenty  thousand 
men  to  defend  their  conquests  and  restrain  the  people  of  the 
capital  and  the  provinces.  The  sultan  of  Icomum  and  the 
king  of  the  Bulgarians  had  long  threatened  to  invade  the 
lands  contiguous  to  their  states,  and  they  thought  that  the 
dissensions  and  subsequent  fall  of  the  Greek  empire  pre- 
sented a  favourable  opportunity  for  the  outbreak  of  their 
jealousy  and  ambition.  The  nations  of  Greece  were  con- 
quered without  being  subdued.  As  in  the  disorder  which 
accompanied  the  conquest  of  Byzantium,  no  other  right  had 
been  acknowledged  but  that  of  force  and  the  sword,  all  the 
Greeks,  who  had  still  arms  in  their  hands,  were  desirous  of 
forming  a  principality  or  a  kingdom.  On  all  sides  new 
states  and  empires  sprang  up  from  the  bosom  of  the  ruins, 
and  already  toreatened  that  which  the  Crusaders  had  so 
recently  established. 

A  ^andson  of  Andronicus  founded  in  a  Greek  province 
of  Asia  Minor  the  principality  of  Trebizonde ;  Leo  Sgurre, 
master  of  the  little  city  of  Napoli,  had  extended  his  do- 
minions by  injustice  and  violence,  and,  to  employ  a  com- 
parison oftered  by  Nicetas,  he  had  grown  greater,  like  the 
torrent  that  swells  in  the  storm  and  is  enlarged  by  the 
waters  of  the  tempest.  A  barbarous  conqueror,  a  fierce  and 
cruel  tyrant,  he  reigned,  or  rather  he  spread  terror,  over 
Argos  and  the  isthmus  of  Corinth.  Michael- Angel  us  Com- 
nenus,  employing  the  arms  of  treachery,  gained  the  kingdom 
of  Epirus,  and  subdued  to  his  laws  a  wild  and  warlike  people. 
Theodore  Lascaris,  who,  like  ^neas,  had  fled  from  his 
burning  country,  collected  some  troops  in  Bithynia,  and 
caused  himself  to  be  proclaimed  emperor  at  Nice,  whence 
his  family  was  destined  at  a  future  day  to  return  in  triumph 
to  Constantinople. 


If  despair  liad  imparted  any  degree  of  courage  to  the  two 
fugitive  emperors,  thej  might  have  obtained  a  share  of  their 
own  spoils,  and  preserved  a  remnant  of  power ;  but  they  had 
not  profited  by  the  lessons  of  misfortime.  Mourzoufle,  who 
had  completed  all  the  crimes  begun  by  Alexius,  did  not 
hesitate  to  place  himself  in  the  power  of  his  unfortunate 
riyal,  whose  daughter  he  had  married :  the  wicked  sometimes 
take  upon  themselves  the  duty  of  punishing  one  another. 
Alexius,  after  having  loaded  mourzoufle  with  caresses,  in- 
veigled him  into  his  house,  and  caused  his  eyes  to  be  put 
out.  In  this  condition,  Mourzoufle,  abandoned  by  his  fol- 
lowers, for  whom  he  was  now  nothing  but  an  object  of  disgust, 
went  to  conceal  his  existence  and  his  misery  in  Asia ;  but  on 
his  road  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Latins.  Being  led  to 
Constantinople,  and  condemned  to  expiate  his  crimes  by  an 
ignominious  death,  he  was  precipitated  from  the  top  of  a 
column  raised  by  the  emperor  Theodosius  in  the  Fmce  of 
Taurus.  The  multitude  of  Greeks  that  had  offered  the 
purple  to  Mourzoufle  were  present  at  his  tragical  end,  and 
appeared  terrified  at  a  punishment  that  was  much  more  new 
to  them  than  the  crimes  for  which  it  was  inflicted.  After 
the  execution,  the  crowd  contemplated  with  surprise  a  basso- 
relievo  on  the  column  of  Theodosius,*  which  represented  a 
king  falling  from  a  very  elevated  place,  and  a  city  stormed 
by  sea.  In  these  times  of  troubles  and  calamities,  presages 
were  discovered  everywhere.  Everything,  even  to  marble 
and  stone,  appeared  to  have  told  of  the  misfortunes  of  Con- 
stantinople. Nicetas  was  astonished  that  such  great  mis- 
fortunes had  not  been  announced  by  a  shower  of  blood,  or 
some  sinister  prodigies ;  the  most  enlightened  Greeks  ex- 
plained the  fall  of  the  empire  of  Constantine  by  the  verses 
of  poets  and  sibyls,  or  by  the  prophecies  of  the  Scriptures ; 
the  common  people  read  the  death  of  tyrants  and  their  own 
miseries  in  the  looks  of  statues,  and  upon  the  colunms  that 
remained  standing  in  the  capital. 

*  Some  modern  writers  have  asserted  that  the  colomn  from  which 
Monnoufle  was  precipitated  is  still  to  be  seen  at  Constantinople ;  but 
there  existed  two  columns  in  that  dty ;  one  of  Theodosius  and  the  other  of 
ArcadioB.  The  first  was  destroyed  bj  fiajazet,  and  nothing  remains  of 
the  other  bat  the  pedestal,  which  is  in  the  Avret  Baras  (the  women- 
market).  See  the  Voyage  to  ike  PropofUU,  by  M.  le  Chovalier,  who  has 
deared  iq>  thia  iSwt  on  the  spot. 

158  HIBTOBT  .0?  THB  OB17SADZ8. 

The  perfidy  and  cruelty  of  Alexius  did  not  remain  long 
unpunished ;  the  usurper  was  obliged  to  wander  from  city  to 
city,  and,  not  unfrequently,  to  conceal  the  imperial  purple 
under  the  garb  of  a  mendicant,  i'or  a  considerable  tune  he 
only  owed  his  safety  to  the  contempt  in  which  he  was  held 
by  the  conquerors.  After  having  long  strayed  ^about  in  a 
state  of  destitution,  he  was  given  up  to  the  marquis  of 
Montferrat,  who  sent  him  a  prisoner  into  Italy ;  escaping 
thence,  he  again  passed  into  Asia,  and  found  an  asylum  with 
the  sultan  of  Iconium.  Alexius  could  not  be  satisfied  to 
live  in  peace  in  his  retreat,  but  joined  the  Turks  in  an  attack 
upon  his  son-in-law  Lascaris,  whom  ho  could  not  pardon  for 
having  saved  a  wreck  of  the  empire,  and  reigning  over 
Bithynia.  As  the  Turks  were  beaten,  the  fugitive  prince 
fell  at  length  into  the  hands  of  the  emperor  of  Nice,  who 
compeUed  him  to  retire  to  a  monastery,  where  he  died, 
forgotten  by  both  Greeks  and  Latins. . 

Thus  four  emperors  were  immolated  to  ambition  and 
vengeance: — a  deplorable  spectacle,  and  most  worthy  of 
pity !  Amidst  the  convulsions  and  fall  of  an  empire,  we 
behold  princes  of  the  same  £a.mily  quarrelling  for  a  phantom 
of  authority,  snatch  from  each  other  by  turns  both  the 
sceptre  and  life,  surpass  the  populace  in  fury,  and  leave 
them  no  crime,  no  parricide,  to  commit. 

If  we  could  believe  Nicetas,  Alexius  was  a  model  of 
mildness  and  moderation ;  he  never  made  a  woman  put  on 
mourning  for  her  husband,  he  never  caused  a  citizen  to  weep 
for  the  loss  of  his  fortune.  This  eulogy  of  Nicetaa  throws 
a  far  greater  li^ht  upon  the  nature  of  the  government  than 
upon  the  qualities  of  the  monarch.  If  it  be  true  that  we 
ought  to  be  thankful  to  despotism  for  every  ill  that  it  haa 
not  committed,  we  must  not  forget  that  ^exius  only  ob- 
tained the  throne  by  infamous  means ;  that  he  did  not  redeem 
his  parricide  by  any  public  virtue ;  and  that  the  crime  of  his 
usurpation  gave  birth  to  a  thousand  other  crimes,  brought 
about  a  horrible  revolution,  ^nd  caused  the  ruin  of  a  nation. 
Kicetas  treats  Mourzoufle  with  much  more  severity ;  but 
some  modem  historians,  dazzled  by  a  few  actions  of  braveiy, 
have  imdertaken  to  justify  a  prince  who  sacrificed  everything 
to  his  ambition.  They  have  not  hesitated  to  point  out  to 
us  in  a  cruel,  unscrupulous  tyrant,  a  model  and  a  martyr  of 


the  patriotic  virtues,  as  if  love  of  country  was  the  same 
thing  as  a  boundless  love  of  power,  and  could  possibly  ally 
itself  with  treachery  and  pamcide. 

Whilst  the  Greek  princes  were  thus  making  war  against 
each  other,  and  quarrelling  for  the  wrecks  of  the  empire, 
the  French  counts  and  barons  quitted  the  capital  to  go  and 
take  possession  of  the  cities  and  provinces  that  had  fallen  to 
their  share.  Many  of  them  were  obliged  to  conquer,  sword 
in  hand,  the  lands  that  had  been  assigned  to  tnem.  The 
marquis  of  Montferrat  set  out  on  his  march  to  visit  the 
kingdom  of  Thessalonica,  and  receive  the  homage  of  his  new 
subjects.  The  emperor  Baldwin,  followed  by  his  brother 
Henry  of  Hainault,  and  a  great  number  of  knights,  made  a 
progress  through  Thrace  and  Bomania,  and  everywhere  on 
his  passage,  was  saluted  by  the  noisy  acclamations  of  a  people 
alwavs  more  skilful  in  flattering  their  conquerors  than  in 
comBating  their  enemies.  When  he  arrived  at  Adrianople, 
where  he  was  received  in  triumph,  the  new  emperor  an- 
nounced his  intention  of  pursumg  his  march  as  far  as 
Thessalonica.  This  unexpected  resolution  surprised  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat,  who  entertained  the  desfre  of  going 
alone  to  his  own  kingdom.  Boniface  promised  to  be  faithfm 
to  the  emperor,  to  be  always  ready  to  employ  his  forces 
against  the  enemies  of  the  empire ;  but  he  feared  the  pre- 
sence of  Baldwin's  army  in  his  cities,  already  exhausted  by 
war.  A  serious  quarrel  broke  out  between  the  two  princes. 
The  marquis  of  Montferrat  accused  the  emperor  of  wishing 
to  get  possession  of  his  states ;  Baldwin  fancied  he  coidd 

Serceive  in  the  resistance  of  Boniface  the  secret  desi^  of 
enying  the  sovereignty  of  the  head  of  the  empire.  Both 
loved  justice,  and  were  not  wanting  in  moderation ;  but  now 
one  had  become  king  of  Thessalomca,  and  the  other  emperor 
of  Constantinople,  they  had  courtiers,  who  endeavoured  to 
exasperate  their  quarrel  and  inflame  their  animosity.  Some 
told  Boniface  that  Baldwin  was  entirely  in  the  wrong,  and  that 
he  abused  a  power  that  ought  to  have  been  the  reward  of 
virtues  very  different  from  hia.  Others  reproached  the 
emperor  with  being  too  generous  to  his  enemies,  and,  in  the 
excess  of  their  flattery,  said  he  was  guilty  of  only  one  fault, 
and  that  was  of  having  too  long  spared  an  unfaithful  vassal. 
In  spite  of  all  the  representations  of  the  marquis  of  Mont- 


ferrat,  Baldwin  led  his  army  into  the  kingdom  of  Theflsa- 
lonica.  Boniface  conaidered  this  obstinacy  of  the  emperor 
as  a  flagrant  outrage,  and  swore  to  take  vengeance  with  his 
sword.  Impelled  by  passion,  he  departed  suddenly  with 
several  knights  who  had  declared  in  his  favour,  and  got 
possession  of  Didymatica,  a  city  belonging  to  the  emperor. 

The  marquis  of  Montferrat  took  with  him  his  wife,  IVfary  of 
Hungary,  the  widow  of  Isaac ;  and  the  presence  of  this  prin- 
cess, with  the  hopes  of  keeping  up  the  division  among  the 
Latins,  drew  manv  Greeks  to  the  banner  of  Boniface.  He 
declared  to  them  that  he  fought  for  their  cause,  and  clothed  in 
the  imperial  purple  a  young  prince,  the  son  of  Isaac  and  Mary 
of  Hungary.  Dragging  in  his  train  this  phantom  of  an 
emperor,  around  whom  the  principal  inhabitants  from  all 
parts  of  Bomania  rallied,  heresumeathe  road  to  Adiianople, 
and  made  preparations  for  besieging  that  city.  Boniface, 
daily  becommg  more  irritated,  would  listen  to  neither  the 
counsels  nor  the  prayers  of  his  companions  in  arms ;  and 
discord  was  about  to  cause  the  blood  of  the  Latins  to  flow,  if 
the  doge  of  Venice,  the  count  of  Blois,  and  the  barons  that 
remained  ^  Constantinople,  had  not  earnestly  employed 
their  authority  and  credit  to  prevent  the  miafortimes  with 
which  the  new  empire  was  threatened.  Deeply  aflSiicted  by 
what  they  learnt,  they  sent  deputies  to  the  emperor  and  the 
marquis  of  Montferrat.  The  marshal  of  Champagne,  the 
envoy  to  Boniface,  reproached  him,  in  plain  terms,  with 
having  forgotten  the  glory  and  honour  of  the  Crusaders,  of 
whom  he  had  been  the  leader ;  with  compromising,  to  gratify 
a  vain  pride,  the  cause  of  Christ  and  the  safety  of  the  empire, 
and  preparing  days  of  triumph  and  joy  for  the  Greeks,  the 
Bulgarians,  and  the  Saracens.  The  marquis  of  Montferrat 
was  touched  by  the  reproaches  of  Villehardouin,  who  was 
his  friend,  and  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  all  the  Crusaders. 
He  promised  to  put  an  end  to  the  war,  and  to  submit  his 
quarrel  with  Baldwin  to  the  judgment  of  the  counts  and 

In  the  meanwhile  Baldwin  had  taken  possession  of  Thessa- 
lonica.  As  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  hostilities  of  the  marquis 
of  Montferrat,  he  hastily  marched  back  to  Adrianople.  He 
was  brooding  over  projects  of  vengeance,  and  threatening  to 
repel  force  by  force,  and  oppose  war  to  war,  when  he  met  the 


deputies,  who  came  in  the  name  of  the  leaders  of  the 
crusade,  to  speak  to  him  of  peace^  and  recoil  to  his  heart  the 
sentiments  of  justice  and  humanity.  A  knight  of  the  train 
of  the  count  of  Blois  addressed  a  speech  to  the  emperor, 
that  Yillehardouin  has  preserved,  in  which  our  readers  will 
be  pleased,  without  doubt,  to  meet  with  a  picture  of  the 
noble  frankness  of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium.  "  Sire," 
said  he,  "  the  doge  of  Venice,  the  Count  Louis  of  Blois,  my 
very  honoured  lord,  and  all  the  barons  who  are  at  Constan- 
tinople, salute  you  as  their  sovereign,  and  make  complaint 
to  God  and  you  against  those  who,  by  their  evil  counsels, 
have  created  fatal  discords.  You  did,  certes,  very  wrong  to 
lend  an  ear  to  these  perfidious  counsellors,  for  they  are  ovu 
enemies  and  yours.  Ton  know  that  the  Marquis  Boniface 
has  submitted  his  quarrel  to  the  judgment  of  the  barons ;  the 
lords  and  princes  hope  that  you  will  do  as  he  has  done,  and 
that  you  will  not  hold  out  against  justice.  They  have 
sworn,  and  we  are  charged  to  declare  so  in  their  name,  not 
to  suffer  any  longer  the  scandal  of  a  war  kindled  between 

Baldwin  did  not  at  first  answer  this  speech,  and  appeared 
BOirprised  at  such  language ;  but  they  spoke  to  him  thus  in 
the  name  of  the  doge  of  Venice,  whose  old  age  he  respected, 
and  whom  he  loved  tenderly ;  in  the  name  of  the  counts  and 
barons,  without  whose  help  he  could  not  hope  to  preserve 
his  empire,  and,  at  length,  ne  listened  to  the  united  voices 
of  reason  and  friendship.  He  promised  to  lay  down  his 
arms,  and  repair  to  Constantinople,  to  adjust  the  qiiarrel 
between  him  and  the  marquis  of  Montferrat.  On  his  arrival, 
the  counts  and  barons  spared  neither  complaints  nor 
prayers,  and  they  found  him  docile  to  all  their  counsels. 
The  marquis  of  Montferrat,  who  very  shortly  followed  him, 
entered  the  capital  with  a  degree  of  mistrust;  he  was 
accompanied  by  a  hundred  knights,  with  their  men-at-arms ; 
but  the  welcome  he  received  from  Baldwin  and  the  other 
leaders  completely  appeased  oil  his  resentments,  and  dissi- 
pated all  his  misgivings.  From  that  time  the  re-establish- 
ment of  harmony  and  peace  became  the  sincere  object  of  the 
Crusaders.  The  doge  of  Venice,  the  counts  and  barons, 
wit^  the  most  respected  of  the  knights,  who  reminded  the 
masters  of  the  new  empire  of  the  redoubtable  institution  of 
Vol.  II.— 8 


the  FXBB8  of  the  West,  gave  judgment  in  the  quarrel  that 
was  submitted  to  them,  and  pronounced,  without  appeal, 
between  the  king  of  Thessalonica  and  the  emperor  ol  Con- 
stantinople. The  two  princes  swore  never  to  listen  again 
to  perfidious  counsels,  and  embraced  in  presence  of  the 
army,  who  rejoiced  at  the  return  of  concord,  as  they  would 
have  done  at  a  great  victory  obtained  over  the  enemies  of 
the  empire.  "  Great  evil  might  they  have  done,"  says 
Villehardouin, "  who  excited  this  discord ;  for  if  God  had  not 
taken  pity  on  the  Crusaders,  they  were  in  danger  of  losing 
their  conquests,  and  Christianity  might  have  perished." 

As  soon  as  peace  was  re-established,  the  knights  and 
barons  again  quitted  the  capital  to  pass  through  the  pro- 
vinces, and  subdue  such  as  were  refractory.  The  count  of 
Bjois,  who  had  obtained  Bithynia,  sent  his  knights  across 
the  Bosphoru:s ;  the  troops  of  the  Crusaders  gained  several 
advantages  over  those  of  Lascaris.  Penamenia,  Lopada, 
Kicomedia,  and  some  other  cities,  opened  their  spates  to  the 
conquerors,  after  a  feeble  resistance.  The  Latms  brought 
under  their  dominion  all  the  coasts  of  the  Propontis  and  the 
Bosphorus,  as  far  as  the  ancient  Eolis.  Henry  of  Hainault 
was  not  idle  in  this  new  war ;  whilst  the  warriors  of  the 
count  of  Blois  were  pushing  their  conquests  towards  Nice, 
he  led  his  men-at-arms  into  Phrygia,  unfurled  his  triumphant 
banners  in  the  plains  where  Troy  once  stood,  fought  at  the 
same  time  both  Greeks  and  Tiurks,  in  the  fields  which  had 
been  trod  by  the  armies  of  Xerxes  and  Alexander,  and  took 
possession  of  all  the  country  that  extends  from  the  Helles- 
pont to  Mount  Ida. 

At  the  same  time  the  marquis  of  Montferrat,  now  the 
peaceable  master  of  Thessalonica,  undertook  the  conquest  of 
Greece.*  He  advanced  into  Thessaly,  passed  the  chain  of 
mountains  of  Olympus  and  Ossa,  and  took  possession  of 
Larissa.  Boniface  and  his  knights,  without  fear  and  without 
danger,  passed  through  the  narrow  straits  of  Thermopylae, 
and  penetrated  into  Beeotia  and  Attica.     They  put  to  flight 

*  Claudian  has  made  in  his  panegyrics  of  Stilicho,  a  picture  of  the  in- 
Tasion  of  the  Gottis  in  the  provinces  of  Greece.  These  beautiful  countries 
had  not  been  invaded  since  the  third  century.  The  Franks  scarcely  knew 
how  to  guard  their  conquests  better  than  the  barbarians  that  had  pre« 
coded  them. 

HISTORY   OF  TU£  CBT78ABE8.  168 

Leo  Sgurre,  who  was  the  Bcourge  of  a  vast  promce ;  and 
their  exploits  might  have  reminded  the  Greeks  of  those 
heroes  of  the  early  ages  who  travelled  ahout  the  world 
fighting  monsters  and  subduing  tyrants.  As  all  the  Greeks, 
for  so  long  a  time  oppressed.  Sighed  for  a  change,  the  heroes 
of  the  crusades  were  everywhere  received  as  liberators. 
Whilst  Boniface  was  becoming  possessed  of  the  beautiful 
countries  of  Greece,  Q^oflBrey  de  YiUehardouin,  nephew  of 
the  marshal  of  Champagne,  established  the  authority  of  the 
Latins  in  the  Peloponnesus.  After  having  driven  the  troops 
of  Michael  Comnenus  to  the  mountains  of  Epirus,  he  occu- 
pied, without  fighting,  Corpnea  and  Fatras,  and  met  with  no 
resistance  except  in  the  canton  of  Lacediemonia.  The 
conquered  lands  and  cities  were  given  to  the  barons,  who 
rendered  fealty  and  homage  to  the  king  of  Thessalonica  and 
the  emperor  of  Constantinople.*  Greece  then  beheld  lords 
of  Argos  and  Corinth,  grand  sieurs  of  Thebes,  dukes  of 
Athens,  and  princes  of  Achaia.  French  knights  dictated 
laws  in  the  city  of  Agamemnon,  in  the  city  of  Minerva,t  in 
the  country  o£  Lycurgus,  and  in  that  of  Epaminondas. 
Strange  destiny  of  the  warriors  of  this  crusade,  who  had 
quitted  the  West  to  conquer  the  city  and  lands  of  Jesus 
Christ,  and  whom  fortune  had  conducted  into  places  filled 
with  the  remembrances  of  the  gods  of  Homer  and  the  glory 
of  profane  antiquity ! 

The  Crusaders  were  not  allowed  to  felicitate  themselves 
long  upon  their  conquests.  Possessors  of  an  empire  much 
more  difficult  to  be  preserved  than  invaded,  they  had  not  the 
ability  to  master  fortune,  who  soon  took  fromf  them  all  that 
victory  had  bestowed.  They  exercised  their  power  with 
violence,  and  conciliated  neither  their  subjects  nor  their 
neighbours.  Joannice,  king  of  the  Bulgarians,  had  sent  an 
ambassador  to  Baldwin,  with  offers  of  friendship ;  Baldwin 

*  There  is  in  the  king's  library  a  manuscript  in  modem  Greek,  bearing 
the  number  2,898  ;  the  first  part  of  this  manascript  is  a  romance  in  verse, 
entitled  **  Les  Amours  de  Th^s^  et  des  Amazones.''  The  second  part 
of  the  manuscript  is  a  poem  on  the  crusades ;  all  the  tenth  canto  describes 
in  detail  the  conquests  of  the  Franks  in  Greece.  M.  Khazis,  professor 
of  modem  Greek,  had  made  a  short  analysis  of  this  poem.  ^ 

t  The  letters  of  Innocent  speak  of  the  city  of  Athens,  which  was  no 
longer  dedicated  to  Minerva,  but  to  the  holy  Tirgin. — See  b.  zx.  epis.  W. 


replied  with  much  hauffhtinesfi,  and  threatened  to  compel 
Joannice  to  descend  from  his  usurped  throne.  When 
despoiling  the  Greeks  of  their  propertj,  the  Crusaders  shut 
out  from  themselves  every  source  of  prosperity,  and  reduced 
men  to  whom  thev  lefl  nothing  but  life,  to  despair.  To  fill 
up  the  measure  of  their  imprudence,  they  received  into  their 
armies  the  Greeks,  whom  they  loaded  with  contempt,  and 
who  became  their  implacable  enemies.  Not  content  with 
reigning  over  cities,  they  were  desirous  of  subjugating 
hearts  to  their  will,  and  awakened  fanaticism.  Unjust  perse* 
cutions  exasperated  the  minds  of  the  Greek  priests,  who 
declaimed  with  vehemence  against  tyranny,  and  who,  re- 
duced  to  misery,  were  listened  to  as  oracles  and  revered  aa 

The  new  empire  of  the  Latins,  into  which  the  feudal  laws 
had  been  introduced,  was  divided  into  a  thousand  principali* 
ties  or  lordships,  and  was  nothing  but  a  species  of  repuDlic, 
governed  with  ^at  difficulty.  The  Venetians  had  their 
particular  jurisdiction,  and  the  greater  part  of  the  cities  were 
regulated  by  turns  by  the  legislation  of  Venice  and  the  code 
of  feudalism.  The  lords  and  barons  had  among  themselves 
opposite  interests  and  rivalries,  which,  every  day,  were  likely 
to  bring  on  discord  and  civil  war.  The  Latin  ecclesiastics, 
who  had  shared  the  spoils  of  the  Greek  Church,  did  not  at  all 
conciliate  peace  by  their  example,  but  carried  the  scandals 
of  their  dissensions  even  into  the  sanctuary.  It  was  their 
constant  wish  and  endeavour  to  exalt  the  laws  and  authority 
of  the  court  of  Bome  over  those  of  the  emperors.  Many  of 
them  had  usurped  the  fiefs  of  the  barons,  and  as  the  fiefs 
they  possessed  were  exempted  from  military  service,  the 
empire  thus  became  weakened  in  its  natural  defences. 

The  delicious  climate  Mud  the  riches  of  Grreece,  with  the 
long  sojourn  at  Constantinople,  enervated  the  courage  of 
the  conquerors,  and  fostered  corruption  among  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross.     The  nations  in  the  end  ceased  to  respect  the 

Sower  and  the  laws  of  those  whose  morals  and  manners  they 
espised.  As  the  Latins  had  separated,  some  to  go  into 
Greece,  and  others  into  Asia  Minor,  the  Greeks,  who  no 
longer  beheld  gr^t  armies,  and  who  had  sometimes  resisted 
their  enemies  with  advantage,  began  to  fancy  that  the 
warriors  of  the  West  were  not  invincible. 


In  their  despair,  the  conquered  people  resolved  to  have 
recourse  to  arms ;  and,  looking  around  them  to  find  enemies 
for  the  Crusaders,  thej  implored  the  alliance  and  protection 
of  the  king  oflbhe  Bulgarians.  There  was  formed  a  widelj- 
extended  conspiracy,  into  which  all  entered  to  whom  slavery 
was  no  longer  tolerable.  All  at  once  the  storm  burst  forth 
by  the  massacre  of  the  Latins ;  a  war-cry  arose  from  Mount 
Hemus  to  the  Hellespont ;  the  Crusaders,  dispersed  in  the 
various  cities  and  countries,  were  siuprised  by  a  iurious  and 
pitiless  enemy.  The  Venetians  and  French,  who  gpiarded 
Adrianople  and  Didymatica,  were  not  able  to  resist  the 
multitude  of  the  Greeks ;  some  were  slaughtered  in  the 
streets;  others  retired  in  disorder,  and,  in  their  flight, 
beheld  with  grief  their  banners  torn  down  fi?om  the  towers, 
and  replaced  by  the  standards  of  the  Bulgarians.  The  roads 
were  covered  with  fugitive  warriors,  who  found  no  asylum 
in  a  countiy  which  ktely  trembled  at  the  fame  of  their 

Every  city  besiesed  by  the  Greeks  was  ignorant  of  the 
fate  of  the  other  cities  confided  to  the  defence  of  the  Latins ; 
communications  were  interrupted ;  sinister  rumours  prevailed 
in  the  provinces,  which  represented  the  capital  in  flames,  all 
the  cities  given  up  to  pillage,  and  all  the  armies  of  the 
Pranks  dispersed  or  annihilated.  The  old  chronicles,  whilst 
speaking  of  the  barbarity  of  the  Greeks,  also  describe  the 
terror  that  took  possession  of  some  of  the  barons  and  knights. 
The  sense  of  danger  appears  to  have  stifled  in  their  hearts 
every  other  feeling.  In  the  hour  of  peril,  crusaders  aban- 
doned their  companions  in  arms,  brothers  abandoned 
brothers.  An  old  knight,  Eobert  de  Trils,  who,  in  spite  of 
his  grey  hairs,  had  insisted  upon  following  his  son  to  the 
crusade,  was  besieged  by  the  Greeks  in  Philippolis ;  the  city 
was  surroimded  by  enemies,  and  Bobert  had  but  slender 
hopes  of  safety.  Even  in  such  circumstances,  his  prayers 
and  tears  could  not  prevail  upon  either  his  son  or  his  son- 
in-law  to  remain  with  him.  Villehardouin  informs  us  that 
these  recreant  warriors  were  slain  in  their  flight ;  for  God 
would  not  save  those  who  had  refused  to  succour  their  own 

When  the  report  of  these  disasters  reached  Constantinople, 
Baldwin  assembled  the  counts  and  barons;  it  was  deter- 

166  1II8T0BT  OF  THE  0BT7BADEB. 

mined  to  apply  the  promptest  remedy  to  so  many  evils,  and 
to  put  into  action  all  the  energies  of  the  empire  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  revolt.  The  Crusaders  who  were,  engaged 
in  warlike  expeditions  on  the  other  side  of  the  Bosphorus, 
received  orders  to  ahandon  their  conquests,  and  to  return 
immediately  to  the  standards  of  the  main  army.  Baldwin 
waited  for  them  several  days,  but  as  he  was  impatient  to 
begin  the  war,  and  wished  to  astonish  the  enemy  by  the 
promptitude  of  his  proceedings,  he  set  out  at  the  head  of 
the  knights  that  remained  in  the  capital,  and,  five  days  after 
his  departure,  appeared  before  the  walls  of  Adrianople. 

The  leaders  of  the  crusade,  accustomed  to  brave  all 
obstacles,  were  never  checked  or  restrained  by  the  small 
number  of  their  own  soldiers,  or  the  multitude  of  their 
enemies.^  The  capital  of  Thrace,  surrounded  by  impreg- 
nable ramparts,  was  defended  by  a  hundred  thousand 
Greeks,  in  whom  thirst  of  vengeance  supplied  the  want  of 
courage.  Baldwin  mustered  scarcely  eight  thousand  men 
around  his  banners.  The  doge  of  Venice  soon  arrived  with 
eight  thousand  Venetians.  The  Latin  fugitives  came  from 
all  parts  to  join  this  small  army.  The  Crusaders  pitched 
their  tents,  and  prepared  to  lay  siege  to  the  city.  Their 
preparations  proceeded  but  slowly,  and  provisions  were 
beginning  to  mil  them,  when  the  report  reached  them  of  the 
march  of  the  king  of  the  Bulgarians.  Joannice,  the  leader 
of  a  barbaipuB  people,  himself  more  barbarous  than  his  sub- 
jects, was  advancing  with  a  formidable  army.  He  concealed 
nis  ambitious  projects  and  his  desire  for  vengeance  under  an 
appearance  of  religious  zeal,  and  caused  a  standard  of  St. 
Peter,  which  he  had  received  from  the  pope,  to  be  borne 
before  him.  This  new  ally  of  the  Greeks  boasted  of  being 
a  leader  of  a  holy  enterprise,  and  threatened  to  exterminate 
the  Franks,  whom  he  accused  of  having  assumed  the  cross 
for  the  purpose  of  ravaging  the  provinces  and  pillaging  the 
cities  of  Christians. 

The  king  of  the  Bulgarians  was  preceded  in  his  march  by 
a  numerous  troop  of  Tartars  and  Comans,  whom  the  hopes 
of  pillage  had  djsawn  from  the  mountains  and  forests  near 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  and  the  Borysthenes.  The  Comans, 
more  ferocious  than  the  nations  of  Mount  Hemus,  drank,  it 
was  said,  the  blood  of  their  captives,  and  sacrificed  Chris- 


tiflns  on  the  altars  of  their  idols.  Like  the  warriors  of 
Scythia,  accustomed  to  fight  whilst  flying,  the  Tartar  horse- 
men received  orders  from  Joannice  to  provoke  the  enemy, 
even  in  their  camp,  and  to  endeavour  to  draw  the  heavy 
cavalry  of  the  Franks  into  an  ambuscade.  The  barons  were 
aware  of  this  danger,  and  forbade  the  Crusaders  to  quit 
their  tents,  or  go  beyond  their  intrenchments.  But  such 
was  the  character  of  the  French  warriors,  that  prudence,  in 
their  eyes,  deprived  valour  of  all  its  lustre,  and  it  appeared 
disgraceful  to  shun  the  fight  in  the  presence  and  amidst  the 
scoffs  of  an  enemy. 

Scarcely  had  the  Tartars  appeared  near  the  camp,  when 
the  sight  of  them  made  even  the  leaders  themselves  forget  . 
the  orders  they  had  issued  only  the  night  before.  The  em- 
peror and  the  count  of  Blois  flew  to  meet  the  enemy,  put 
them  to  flight,  and  pursued  them  with  ardour  for  the  space 
of  two  leagues.  But  all  at  once  the  Tartars  rallied,  and  in 
their  turn  charged  the  Christians.  The  latter,  who  believed 
they  had  gained  a  victory,  were  obliged  to  defend  them- 
selves in  a  country  with  which  they  were  unacquainted. 
Their  squadrons,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  were  surpnsed  and 
surrounded  by  the  army  of  Joannice ;  pressed  on  all  sides, 
they  made  useless  eflbrts  to  recover  their  line  of  battle,  but 
had  no  power  either  to  fly,  or  resist  the  barbarians. 

The  count  of  Blois  endeavoured  to  retrieve  his  fatal  im- 

Erudence  by  prodigies  of  valour ;  when  seriously  wounded 
e  was  thrown  from  his  horse  amidst  the  enemy's  ranks,  one 
of  his  knights  raised  him  up,  and  wished  to  draw  him  out  of 
the  miUe :  "  No,"  cried  this  brave  prince,  "  leave  me  to  fight 
and  die.  God  forbid  I  should  ever  be  reproached  with 
having*  fled  from  battle."  As  he  finished  these  words,  the 
count  of  Blois  fell,  covered  with  wounds,  and  his  faithful 
squire  died  by  his  side. 

The  emperor  Baldwin  still  disputed  the  victory;  the 
bravest  of  his  knights  and  barons  followed  him  into  the 
melee,  and  a  horrible  carnage  marked  their  progress  through 
the  ranks  of  the  barbarians.  Peter  bishop  of  Bethlehem, 
Stephen  count  of  Perche,  Eenaud  de  Montmirail,  Mathieu 
de  V  alencourt,  Eobert  de  Eon9ai,  and  a  crowd  of  lords  and 
valiant  warriors  lost  their  lives  in  defending  their  sovereign. 
Baldwin  remained  almost  alone  on  the  field  of  battle,  and 


still  continued  fighting  bravely ;  but  at  lengtb,  OTerpowered 
by  numbers,  he  fell  into  the  bands  of  the  Bulgarians,  who 
loaded  him  with  chains.  The  wreck  of  the  army  retired  in 
the  greatest  disorder,  and  only  owed  their  safety  to  the 
prudent  bravery  of  the  doge  of  Venice  and  the  marshal  of 
Champagne,  who  had  been  left  to  guard  the  camp. 

In  the  night  that  followed  the  battle,  the  Crusaders  raised 
the  siege  of  Adrianople,  and  retook  the  route  to  the  capital, 
amidst  a  thousand  dangers.  The  Bulgarians  and  the  Comans, 
proud  of  their  victory,  pursued  without  intermission  the 
army  they  had  conquered ;  this  army,  which  had  lost  half  of 
its  numbers,  was  in  great  want  of  provisions,  and  had  great 
difficulty  in  dragging  along  the  wounded  and  the  baggage. 
The  Crusaders  were  plunged  in  a  melancholy  silence,  their 
despair  was  evident  in  their  actions  and  on  their  coun- 
'  tenances.  At  Bodosto  they  met  Henry  of  Hainault,  and 
several  other  knights,  who  were  on  their  way  from  the  pro- 
vinces of  Asia,  to  join  the  army  of  Adrianople.  The  retreat- 
ing leaders  related  with  tears  their  defeat  and  the  captivity 
of  Baldwin.  All  these  warriors,  who  knew  not  what  it  was 
to  be  conquered,  expressed  at  once  their  astonishment  and 
their  grief;  they  mingled  their  lamentations  and  tears,  and 
raised  their  hands  and  eyes  towards  heaven,  to  implore  the 
divine  mercy.  The  Crusaders  who  returned  from  the  shores 
of  the  Bosphorus,  addressed  the  marshal  of  Eomania,  and 
weeping,  said  to  him :  "  Order  us  where  the  greatest  danger 
exists,  for  we  no  longer  wish  to  live :  are  we  not  sufficiently 
unfortunate  in  not  having  come  in  time  to  succour  our  em- 
peror ?'*  Thus  the  knights  of  the  cross,  though  pursued  by 
a  victorious  enemy,  were  still  strangers  to  fear ;  the  grief 
caused  by  the  remembrance  of  their  defeat  scarcely  allowed 
them  to  be  sensible  of  the  perils  by  which  they  were 

All  the  Crusaders,  however,  did  not  exhibit  this  noble 
degree  of  courage ;   many  Imights*  whom  Villehardouin  is 

*  It  is  here  that  for  the  last  time  we  quote  the  History  of  Villehar- 
douin ;  we  shall  perhaps  be  reproached  with  haxing  quoted  it  too  often, 
and  by  that  means  given  too  much  monotony  to  our  account.  We  will 
answer,  that  the  natural  relation  and  expressions  of  such  an  historian,  who 
relates  what  he  has  seen  and  that  which  he  has  experienced,  have  appeared 
to  OS  above  all  that  talent  or  the  art  of  writing  could  substitute  in  their 


not  willing  to  name,  that  he  may  not  dishonour  their 
memory,  abandoned  the  banners  of  the  army  and  fled  to 
Constantinople ;  they  related  the  disasters  of  the  Crusaders, 
and,  to  excuse  their  desertion,  drew  a  lamentable  picture  of 
the  misfortunes  that  threatened  the  empire.  All  the  Franks 
were  seized  with  grief  and  terror,  on  teaming  they  had  no 
longer  an  emperor.  The  Greeks  that  inhabited  the  capital, 
applauded  in  secret  the  triumph  of  the  Bulgarians,  and  their 
ill-concealed  joy  still  further  increased  the  alanns  of  the 
I^itins.  A  great  number  of  knights,  overcome  by  so  many 
reverses,  saw  no  safety  but  in  flight,  and  embarked  hastily 
on  board  some  Yenetuin  vessels.  In  vain  the  legate  of  the 
pope  and  several  leaders  of  the  army  endeavoured  to  detain 
them,  threatening  them  with  the  anger  of  Gk>d  and  the  con- 
tempt of  men :  they  renounced  their  own  glory ;  they  aban- 
doned an  empire  founded  by  their  arms,  and  went  to  announce 
the  captivi^  of  Baldwin  in  the  cities  of  the  West,  where  the 
rejoidngs  for  the  first  victories  of  the  Crusaders  were  still 
being  celebrated. 

In  the  mean  time,  Joannice  continued  his  pursuit  of  the 
conquered  army.  The  Greeks,  united  with  the  Bulgarians, 
took  possession  of  all  the  provinces,  and  left  the  Latins  no 
repose.  Among  the  disasters  of  which  contemporary  history 
has  left  us  a  deplorable  account,  we  must  not  forget  the 
massacre  of  twenty  thousand  Armenians.  This  numerous 
colony  had  left  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates,  and  established 
themselves  in  the  province  of  Natofia.  After  the  conquest 
of  Constantinople,  they  declared  for  the  Latins,  and  when 
the  latter  experienced  their  reverses,  finding  themselves 
menaced  and  pursued  by  the  Greeks,  they  crossed  the  Bos- 
phorus,  and  followed  Henry  of  Hainault,  who  was  marching 
towards  Adrianople.  The  Armenians  took  with  them  their 
flocks  and  their  families :  they  drew,  in  carriages,  aU  that  they 
possessed  that  was  most  valuable,  and  had  great  difficulty, 
on  their  march  across  the  mountains  of  Thrace,  in  keep- 
ing up  with  the  army  of  the  Crusaders.  These  unfortunate 
people  were  surprised  by  the  Tartars,  and,  to  a  man,  perished 
Deneath  the  swords  of  a  pitiless  conqueror.     The  Franks 

place.  We  are  pleased  at  believing,  that  if  our  recital  has  been  able 
to  intereat  our  readerii  we  owe  a  great  part  of  this  interest  to  the  muU 
tiplied  quotatioBi  from  ViUehardonin  and  other  oontemponxy  historians. 



wept  at  the  defeat  and  destruction  of  the  Armenians, 
without  being  able  to  avenge  them :  they  had  nothing  but 
enemies  throughout  the  vast  provinces  of  the  empire. 
Beyond  the  Bosphorus,  they  only  preserved  the  castle  of 
Peges :  on  the  European  side,  only  Bodosto  and  Selembria. 
Their  conquests  in  ancient  Greece  were  not  yet  threatened 
by  the  Bulgarians  ;  but  these  distant  possessions  only  served 
to  divide  their  forces.  Henry  of  Hainault,  who  took  the 
title  of  regent,  performed  prodigies  of  valour  in  endeavour- 
ing to  retake  some  of  the  cities  of  Thraoe ;  and  lost,  in 
various  combats,  a  great  number  of  the  warriors  that  re- 
mained under  his  banners. 

The  bishop  of  Soissons  and  some  other  Crusaders,  in- 
vested with  the  confidence  of  their  unfortunate  companions 
in  arms,  were  sent  into  Italy,  France,  and  the  county  of 
Flanders,  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  the  knights  and  barons; 
but  the  succoiur  they  hoped  for  could  only  arrive  slowly,  and 
the  enemy  continued  to  make  rapid  progress.  The  army  of 
the  Bulgarians,  like  a  violent  tempest,  advanced  on  all  sides ; 
it  desolated  the  shores  of  the  Hellespont,  extended  its 
ravages  into  the  kingdom  of  Thessalonica,  repassed  Mount 
Hcmus,  and  retuined,  more  numerous  and  more  formidable 
than  ever,  to  the  banks  of  the  Hebrus.  The  Latin  empire 
had  no  other  defenders  but  a  few  warriors  divided  among 
the  various  cities  and  fortresses,  and  every  day  war  and  de- 
sertion diminished  the  numbers  and  strength  of  the  unfor- 
tunate conquerors  of  Byzantium.  Five  hundred  knights, 
picked  warriors  of  the  army  of  the  Crusaders,  were  attacked 
before  the  walls  of  Eusium,  and  cut  to  pieces  by  a  countless 
multitude  of  Bulgarians  and  Comans.  This  defeat  was  not 
less  fatal  than  the  battle  of  Adrianople;  the  hordes  of 
Mount  Hemus  and  the  Borysthenes  carried  terror  every- 
where. On  their  passage,  the  country  was  in  flames,  and 
the  cities  afibrded  neither  refuge  nor  means  of  defence. 
The  land  was  covered  with  soldiers,  who  slaughtered  all  who 
came  in  their  way ;  the  sea  was  covered  with  pirates^  who 
threatened  every  coast  with  their  brigandage.  Constan- 
tinople expected  every  day  to  see  the  standards  of  the  vic- 
torious Joannice  beneath  its  walls,  and  onlv  owed  its  safety 
to  the  excess  of  evils  that  desolated  all  the  provinces 
of  the  empire. 


The  king  of  the  Bulgarians  did  not  spare  his  aUies  any 
more  than  his  enemies;  he  burnt  and  demolished  all  the 
cities  that  fell  into  his  hands.  He  ruined  the  inhabitants, 
dragged  them  in  his  train  like  captiyes,  and  made  them 
iin&rgo,  in  addition  to  the  calamities  of  war,  all  the  out- 
rages of  a  jealous  and  barbarous  tymmy.  The  Greeks,  who 
had  solicited  his  assistance,  were  at  last  reduced  to  implore 
the  aid  of  the  Latins  against  the  implacable  fury  of  their 
allies.  The  Crusaders  accepted  with  joy  the  alliance  with 
the  Greeks,  whom. they  never  ought  to  have  repulsed,  and 
re-entered  into  Adrianople.  Didymatica,  and  most  of  the 
cities  of  Eomania,  shook  off  the  intolerable  yoke  of  the 
Bulgarians,  and  submitted  to  the  Latins.  The  Greeks, 
whom  Joannice  had  urged  on  to  despair,  showed  some  bravery, 
and  became  useful  auxiliaries  to  the  Latins ;  and  the  new 
empire  might  have  hoped  for  a  return  of  days  of  prosperity 
and  glory,  if  so  many  calamities  could  possibly  have  been 
repaired  by  a  few  transient  successes.  But  all  the  provinces 
were  strewed  with  ruins,  and  the  cities  and  countries  were 
without  inhabitants.  The  hordes  of  Mount  Hemus,  whether 
victorious  or  conquered,  still  continued  their  predatory 
habits.  They  easily  recovered  from  their  losses ;  the  losses 
of  the  Franks  became  every  day  more  irreparable.  The 
leader  of  the  Bulgarians  sought  out  everywhere  the  foes  of 
the  new  empire ;  and,  being  abandoned  by  the  Greeks  of 
Bomania,  he  formed  an  alliance  with  Lascans,  the  implacable 
enemy  of  the  Latins. 

The  pope  in  vain  exhorted  the  nations  of  France  and 
Italy  to  take  up  arms  for  the  assistance  of  the  conquerors 
of  Byzantium ;  ne  could  not  awaken  their  enthusiasm  for  a 
cause  that  presented  to  its  defenders  nothing  but  certain 
evils,  and  dangers  without  glory. 

Amidst  the  perils  that  continued  to  multiply,  the  Crusaders 
remained  perfectly  ignorant  of  the  fate  oi  Baldwin ;  some- 
times it  was  said  that  he  had  broken  his  bonds,  and  had 
been  seen  wandering  in  the  forests  of  Servia  ;*  sometimes 

*  Among  the  romantic  accounts  that  were  circuUted  concerning  Bald- 
win, we  muat  not  omit  the  following: — ^The  emperor  was  kept  close 
prisoner  at  Terenova,  where  the  wife  of  Joannice  became  desperately  in 
love  with  him,  and  proposed  to  him  to  escape  with  her.  Baldwin  re- 
jected this  proposal,  and  the  wife  of  Joannice,  irritated  by  his  disdain  and 


that  he  had  died  of  grief  in  prison ;  sometimes  that  he  had 
been  massacred  in  the  midst  of  a  banquet  by  the  king  of 
the  Bulgarians ;  that  his  mutihited  members  had  been  cast 
out  upon  the  rocks,  and  that  his  skull,  enchased  in  gold, 
served  as  a  cup  for  his  barbarous  conqueror.  Several  mes- 
sengers, sent  by  Henry  of  Hainault,  travelled  through  the 
cities  of  Bulgaria  to  learn  the  fate  of  Baldwin ;  but  returned 
to  Constantmople,  without  having  been  able  to  ascertain 
anything.  A  year  after  the  battle  of  Adrianople,  the  pope, 
at  the  solicitation  of  the  Crusaders,  conjured  Joannice  to 
restore  to  the  Latins  of  Byzantium  the  head  of  their  new 
empire.  The  king  of  the  Bulgarians  contented  himself 
with  replying,  that  Baldwin  had  paid  the  tribute  of  nature, 
and  that  his  deliverance  was  no  longer  in  the  power  of  mor- 
tals. This  answer  destroyed  all  hopes  of  again  seeing  the 
imprisoned  monarch,  and  the  Latins  no  longer  entertained  a 
doubt  of  the  death  of  their  emperor.  Henry  of  Hainault 
received  the  deplorable  heritage  of  his  brother  with  tears 
and  deep  regret,  and  succeeded  to  the  empire  amidst  general 
mourning  and  sorrow.  To  complete  their  misfortunes,  the 
Latins  had  to  weep  for  the  loss  of  Dandolo,  who  finished  his 
glorious  career  at  Constantinople,  and  whose  last  looks 
must  have  perceived  the  rapid  decline  of  an  empire  he  had 
founded.*     The  greater  part  of  the  Crusaders  had  either 

refusal,  accused  him  to  her  husband  of  haying  entertained  an  adulterous 
passion.  The  barbarous  Joannice  caused  his  unfortunate  captive  to  be 
massacred  at  a  banquet,  and  his  body  was  cast  on  to  the  rocks,  a  prey  to 
vultures  and  wild  beasts. 

But  people  could  not  be  convinced  that  he  was  dead.  A  hermit  had 
retired  to  the  forest  of  Glanfon,  on  the  Hainault  side,  and  the  people  of 
the  neighbourhood  became  persuaded  that  this  hermit  was  Count  Bald^t-in. 
The  solitary  at  first  answered  with  frankness,  and  refused  the  homage 
they  wished  to  render  him.  They  persisted,  and  at  length  he  was  induced 
to  play  a  part,  and  gave  himself  out  for  Baldwin.  At  first  he  had  a  great 
many  partisans ;  but  the  king  of  France,  Louis  Till.,  having  invited  him 
to  his  court,  he  was  confounded  by  the  questions  that  were  put  to  him : 
he  took  to  flight,  and  was  arrested  in  Burgundy  by  Erard  de  Chastenai,  a 
Bvrgundian  gentleman,  whose  family  still  exists.  Jane  countess  of 
Flanders  caused  the  impostor  to  be  hung  in  the  great  square  of  Lisle. — 
See  Duconge,  Hist,  de  Conttani.  book  iii. 

*  Dandolo  was  magnificently  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  and 
his  mausoleum  existed  till  the  destruction  of  the  Greek  empire.  Mahomet 
TL  caused  it  to  be  demolished,  when  he  changed  the  church  of  St.  Sophia 
Into  a  mosque.     A  Venetian  painter,  who  worked  during  several  years  ia 

HISTOBT  OV  THS  CBU8iJ)B8.  178 

perished  in  battle,  or  returned  to  the  West.  Boniface,  in 
an  expedition  against  the  Bulgarians  of  Bhodope,  received  a 
mortiu  wound,  and  his  head  was  carried  in  triumph  to  the 
fierce  Joannice,  who  had  akeady  immolated  a  monarch  to 
his  ambition  and  vengeance.    The  succession  of  Boniface 

fave  birth  to  serious  disputes  among  the  Crusaders ;  and  the 
ingdom  of  Thessalonica,  which  had  exhibited  some  splen- 
dour during  its  short  existence,  disappeared  amidst  the 
confusion' and  the  storms  of  a  civil  ana  a  foreign  war.  In 
the  brother  and  successor  of  Baldwin  were  united  the  civil 
and  military  virtues ;  but  he  could  scarcely  hope  to  restore 
a  power  so  shaken  on  all  sides. 

I  have  not  the  courage  to  pursue  this  history,  and  describe 
the  Latins  in  the  extremes  of  their  abasement  and  misery. 
On  commencing  my  narration,  I  said:  ^* £vil  to  the  con- 
quered;** on  terminating  it,  I  cannot  refrain  from  saying: 
" Evil  to  the  conquerors** 

An  old  empire  which  moulders  away,  a  new  empire  ready 
to  sink  into  ruins,  such  are  the  pictures  that  this  crusade 
presents  to  us ;  never  did  any  epoch  offer  greater  exploits 
for  admiration,  or  greater  troubles  for  commiseration. 
Amidst  these  glorious  and  tragical  scenes,  the  imagination 
is  excited  in  the  most  lively  manner,  and  passes,  without 
ceasing,  from  surprise  to  surprise.  We  are  at  first  asto- 
nished at  seeing  an  armv  of  thirty  thousand  men  embark  to 
conquer  a  country  whicn  might  reckon  upon  many  millions 
of  defenders ;  a  tempest,  an  epidemic  disease,  want  of  pro- 
visions, disunion  among  the  leaders,  an  indecisive  battle,  all, 
or  any  of  these,  might  have  ruined  the  arm3r  of  the  Cru- 
saders, and  brought  about  the  failure  of  their  enterprise. 
By  an  unheard-oi  good  fortune,  nothing  that  they  had  to 
dread  happened  to  them.  They  triumphed  over  all  dangers, 
and  surmounted  all  obstacles:  without  having  any  party 
among  the  Greeks,  they  obtained  possession  of  their  capital 
and  the  provinces ;  and,  at  the  moment  when  they  saw  their 
standards  triumphant  all  around  them,  it  was  that  their 
fortune  desertea  tliem,  and  their  ruin  began.-  A  great 
lesson  is  this,  given  to  nations  by  Providence,  which  some- 

the  court  of  Mahomet,  on  returning  to  his  own  country  obtftined  from 
the  sultan  tlte  cuirass,  the  helmet,  the  spurs,  and  the  toga  of  Dandolo, 
which  h«  prMentad  to  th«  family  of  this  great  i 


times  employs  conquerors  to  chastise  both  people  and 
princes,  and  then,  at  its  pleasure,  destroys  the  instrument 
of  its  justice!  There  is  no  doubt  that  that  Providence, 
which  protects  empires,  will  not  permit  great  states  to  be 
subverted  with  impunity ;  and  to  deter  those  who  wish  to 
conquer  everything  by  force  of  arms,  it  has  decreed  that 
victory  shall  sometimes  bear  none  but  very  bitter  fruits. 

The  Greeks,  a  degenerate  nation,  honoured  their  mis- 
fortunes by  no  virtue ;  they  had  neither  sufficient  courage 
to  prevent  the  reverses  of  war,  nor  sufficient  resignation  to 
support  them.  When  reduced  to  despair,  they  showed 
some  little  valour;  but  that  valour  was  imprudent  and 
blind ;  it  precipitated  them  into  new  calamities,  and  pro- 
cured them  masters  much  more  barbarous  than  those  whose 
yoke  they  were  so  easer  to  shake  off.  They  had  no  leader 
able  to  govern  or  guide  them ;  no  sentiment  of  patriotism 
strong  enough  to  rally  them :  deplorable  example  of  a  nation 
left  to  itself,  which  has  lost  its  morals,  and  has  no  confidence 
in  its  laws  or  its  government! 

The  Franks  had  just  the  same  advantages  over  their 
enemies  that  the  barbarians  of  the  north  had  over  tho 
Bomans  of  the  Lower  Empire.  In  this  terrible  conflict, 
simplicity  of  manners,  the  energy  of  a  new  people  for  civili- 
zation, the  ardour  for  pillage,  and  the  pride  of  victory,  were 
sure  to  prevail  over  the  love  of  luxury,  habits  formed  amidst 
corruption,  and  vanity  which  attaches  importance  to  the 
most  frivolous  things,  and  only  preserves  a  gaudy  resem- 
blance of  true  grandeur. 

The  events  we  have  recorded  are,  doubtless,  sufficient  to 
make  us  acauainted  with  the  manners  and  intellectual 
faculties  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins.  Two  historians,  how- 
ever, who  have  served  us  as  guides,  may  add  by  their  st}'le 
even,  and  the  character  of  their  works,  to  the  idea  that  we 
form  of  the  genius  of  the  two  races. 

The  Greek  Nicetas  makes  long  lamentations  over  the 
misfortunes  of  the  vanquished ;  he  deplores  with  bitterness 
the  loss  of  the  monuments,  the  statues,  the  riches  which 
ministered  to  the  luxury  of  his  compatriots.  His  accounts, 
full  of  exaggeration  and  hyperboles,  sprinkled  all  over  with 
passages  mm  the  Scriptures  and  profane  authors,  depart 
almost  always  from  the  noble  simplicity  of  history,  and  only 

HISTOBT  07  THX  CBTJ8iJ)£8.  175 

exhibit  a  vain  affectation  of  learning.  Nicetas,  in  the  excess 
of  his  vanity,*  hesitates  to  pronounce  the  names  even  of  the 
Franks,  ana  fancies  he  infficts  a  punishment  upon  them  bj 
preserving  silence  as -to  their  exploits;  when  he  describes 
the  misfortunes  of  the  empire,  he  can  only  weep  and 
lament ;  but  whilst  lamenting,  he  is  still  anxious  to  please, 
and  appears  much  more  interested  about  his  book  than  his 

The  marquis  of  Champagne  does  not  pique  himself  upon 
his  erudition,  but  even  seems  proud  of  his  ignorance.  It 
has  been  said  that  he  could  not  write,  and  he  himself  con- 
fesses that  he  dictated  his  history.  His  narration,  void  of 
all  spirit  of  research,  but  lively  and  animated,  constantly 
recalls  the  language  and  the  noble  frankness  of  a  pretix 
chevalier.  Yillehardouin  particularly  excels  in  the  speeches 
of  his  heroes,  and  delights  in  praising  the  bravery  of  his 
companions :  if  he  never  names  the  Grecian  warriors,  it  is 
because  he  did  not  know  them,  and  did  not  wish  to  know 
them.  The  marshal  of  Champa^o  is  not  affected  by  the 
evils  of  war,  and  only  elevates  his  style  to  paint  traits  of 
heroism ;  the  enthusiasm  of  victoir  alone  can  draw  tears 
from  him.  When  the  Latins  experienced  great  reverses,  he 
cannot  weep,  he  is  silent ;  and  it  may  be  pkinjy  seen  he  has 
laid  down  his  book  to  go  and  fight.f 

There  is  another  contemporary  historian,  whose  character 
may  likewise  assist  us  in  forming  a  judgment  upon  the  age 
in  which  he  lived  and  the  events  he  has  related.  Gunther, 
a  monk  of  the  order  of  Citeaux,  who  wrote  under  the  dic- 
tation of  Martin  Litz,  expatiates  upon  the  preaching  of 
the  crusade,  atd  on  the  virtues  of  nis  abbot,  who  placed 

*  Nicetu  did  not  know  whether  \\^  ought  to  give  a  place  in  )ni  History 
lo  tlie  Latins,  who  were  for  him  nothing  but  barbarians,  but  he  makes  up 
his  mind  to  continue — "  when  God,  who  confounds  the  wisdom  of  human 
pohcy,  and  lowers  the  pride  of  the  lofty,  has  struck  with  confusion  those 
who  bad  outraged  the  Greeks,  and  delivered  them  up  to  people  still  more 
wicked  than  themselves." — See  the  history  of  that  which  happened  after 
the  taking  of  Constantinople,  chap.  i. 

t  How  is  it  that  our  author,  who  is  evidently  partial  to  Villehardotiin, 
has  neje;lected  to  ppeak  of  his  skilful  retreat  frgm  Adrianople,  upon 
which  Gibbon  bestows  such  high  praise  ?  "His  masterly  retreat  of  three 
days  would  have  deserved  the  praise  of  Xenophon  and  the  ten  thousand/' 
Gibbon  has  fine  passaget  on  ViUehardomn. — ^Trans. 


himself  at  the  head  of  the  Cnisadera  of  the  diooeae  of  B41e. 
When  the  Christian  arraj  directs  its  course  towards  the 
capital  of  the  Greek  empire,  Gunther  remembers  the  orders 
of  the  pope,  and  becomes  silent ;  if  he  affords  us  a  few 
words  upon  the  second  siege  of  Constantinople,  he  cannot 
conceal  the  terror  which  this  rash  enterprise  creates  in  him. 
In  his  recital,  the  ralour  of  the  Crusaders  scarcely  obtains  a 
modest  eulogy;  the  imagination  of  the  historian  is  only 
struck  by  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  the  expedition ;  filled 
with  the  most  sinister  presentiments,  he  constantly  repeats 
that  there  is  no  hope  of  success  for  the  Latins.  When  they 
are  triumphant,  his  fear  is  changed  all  at  once  into  admira- 
tion. The  monk  Gunther  celebrates  with  enthusiasm  the 
unhoped-for  success  of  the  conquerors  of  Byzantium,  among 
whom  he  never  loses  si^ht  of  his  abbot,  Martin  Litz,  loaded 
with  the  pious  spoils  oi  Ghreece. 

When  reading  the  three  histories  contemporary  with  the 
expedition  to  Constantinople,  we  plainly  perceive  that  the 
first  belongs  to  a  Greek  brought  up  at  the  court  of  Byzan- 
tium, the  second  to  a  French  knight,  and  the  third  to  a 
monk.  If  the  two  first  historians,  oy  their  manner  of  writ- 
ing and  the  sentiments  they  express,  give  us  a  just  idea  of 
the  Greek  ni^ion  and  the  heroes  of  the  West,  the  last  may 
also  explain  to  us  the  opinions  and  the  character  of  the 
greater  part  of  those  Crusaders,  who  were  constantly  threat- 
ening to  quit  the  army  after  it  had  left  Venice,  and  who, 
perhaps,  were  only  so  mindful  of  the  oath  they  had  made  to 
go  to  the  Holy  Land,  because  the  name  alone  of  Constan- 
tinople filled  them  with  terror.  There  were,  as  may  be 
plainly  seen,  but  very  few  of  these  timid  Chisaders  in  the 
Christian  army,  and  even  these  were  governed  by  the  gene- 
ral spirit  that  animated  the  knights  and  barons.  Other 
crusades  had  been  preached  in  councils,  this  crusade  was 

? reclaimed  at  tournaments ;  thus  the  greater  parts  of  the 
Jrusaders  proved  more  faithful  to  the  virtues  and  laws  of 
chivalry  than  to  the  will  of  the  Holy  See.  These  warriors, 
so  proud  and  so  brave,  were  full  of  respect  for  the  authority 
and  jtrdgment  of  the  pope ;  but,  governed  by  honour,  placed 
between  their  first  vows  and  their  word  given  to  the  Vene- 
tians, they  often  swore  to  deliver  Jerusalem,  and  were  led, 
without  thinking  of  it,  to  the  walls  of  Gonstantinqple. 



Armed  to  avenge  tbe  cause  of  Christ,  thej  became  subser- 
vient to  the  ambition  of  Venice,  to  which  republic  they 
esteemed  themselves  bound  by  gratitude,  and  overturned 
the  throne  of  Constantinople  to  pay  a  debt  of  fiffcy  thousand 
silver  marks. 

The  chivalric  spirit,  one  of  the  peculiar  characteristics  of 
this  war,  and  of  the  age  in  which  it  was  undertaken,  kept 
up  in  the  hearts  of  the  Crusaders  ambition  and  the  love  of 
glory.  In  the  early  days  of  chivalry,  knights  declared  them- 
selves the  champions  of  beauty  and  innocence ;  at  first  they 
were  appealed  to  for  justice  against  injuries  and  robberies; 
but  soon  princes  and  princesses,  deprived  of  their  rights  by 
force,  came  to  demand  of  them  the  restitution  of  provinces 
and  kingdoms.  The  champions  of  misfortune  and  beauty 
then  became  illustrious  liberators  and  true  conquerors. 

At  the  same  time  that  a  young  prince  came  to  implore 
the  Crusaders  to  assist  him  in  replacing  his  father  upon  the 
throne  of  Constantinople,  a  ^roung  princess,  the  daughter  of 
Isaac,  king  of  Cyprus,  despoiled  by  Eichard  Coeur  de  Lion, 
repaired  to  Marseilles,  to  solicit  the  support  of  the  Cru- 
saders, who  were  embarking  for  Palestine.  She  married  a 
Flemish  knight,  and  charged  him  with  the  task  of  recovering 
her  father's  kingdom.  This  Flemish  knic^ht,  whose  name 
history  does  not  mention,  but  who  belonged  to  the  family  of 
Count  Baldwin,  when  he  arrived  in  the  East,  addressed  liim- 
self  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  demanded  the  kingdom 
of  Cyprus  of  him ;  he  was  supported  in  his  demand  by  the 
ch4telain  of  Bruges,  and  the  greater  part  of  his  companions 
who  had  taken  the  cross.  Amaury,  who  had  received  from 
the  pope  and  the  emperor  of  Germany,  the  title  of  king  of 
Cvprus,  far  from  yielding  to  such  pretensions,  ordered  the 
Flemish  knight,  John  of  Nesle,  and  their  companions,  to 
quit  his  dominions.  The  knights  who  had  embraced  the 
cause  of  the  daughter  of  Isaac,  abandoned  the  idea  of  re- 
taking the  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  and  without  stopping  in  the 
Holy  Land,  turned  their  steps  towards  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Orontes,  to  seek  for  other  countries  to 

Before  there  was  a  question  of  attacking  Constantinople, 
we  have  seen  a  daughter  of  Tancred,  the  last  king  of  Sicily, 
espouse  a  French  knight,  and  tranafer  to  him  the  charge  of 


avenging  her  family  and  establishing  her  claims  to  the  king-  . 
dom  founded  by  the  Norman  knights.  Gauthier  de  Brienne, 
afler  his  marriage,  set  out  for  Italy,  furnished  with  a  thou- 
sand livres  toumois,  and  accompanied  by  sixty  knights. 
Having  received  at  Eome  the  benediction  of  the  pope,  he 
declared  war  against  the  Grermans,  then  masters  of  Apulia 
and  Sicily ;  got  possession  of  the  principal  fortresses,*  and 
appeared  likely  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  victories  in  peace, 
when  he  was  surprised  in  iis  tent,  and  fell,  covered  with 
woiuids,  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  He  was  offered  his 
liberty  upon  the  condition  of  renouncing  his  claim  to  the 
crown  of^  Sicily ;  but  he  preferred  the  title  of  king  to  free- 
dom, and  allowed  himself  to  die  with  hunger  rather  than 
abandon  his  rights  to  a  kingdom  which  victory  had  bestowed 
upon  him. 

This  spii*it  of  conquest,  which  appeared  so  general  among 
the  knights,  might  favour  the  expedition  to  Constantinople ; 
but  it  was  iinurious  to  the  holy  war,  by  turning  the  Cru- 
saders aside  m)m  the  essential  object  of  the  crusade.  The 
heroes  of  this  war  did  nothing  for  the  deliverance  of  Jeru- 
salem, of  which  they  constantly  spoke  in  their  letters  to  the 
pope.  The  conquest  of  Byzantium,  very  far  from  being,  as 
the  knights  believed,  the  road  to  the  land  of  Christ,  was  but 
a  new  obstacle  to  the  taking  of  the  holy  city ;  their  impru- 
dent exploits  placed  the  Christian  colonies  in  greater  peril, 
and  only  ended  in  completely  subverting,  without  replacing 
it,  a  power  which  might  have  served  as  a  barrier  against  the 

The  Venetians  skilfully  took  advantage  of  this  disposition 
of  the  French  knights  ;  V  enice  succeeded  in  stilling  the  voice 
of  the  sovereign  pontiff,  who  often  gave  the  Crusaders  coun- 
sels dictated  by  the  spirit  of  the  gospel.  The  republic  had 
the  greatest  influence  over  the  events  of  this  war,  and  over 
the  minds  of  the  barons  and  knights,  who  allowed  themselves 
to  be  governed  by  turns  by  the  sentiments  of  honour  and 

*  Innocent,  to  get  rid  of  the  neighbourhood  of  the  emperor,  demanded 
of  Philip  Augustus  a  knight  who  might  marry  a  daughter  of  Tancred,  and 
possibly  reconquer  Sicily.  The  adventures  and  the  wars  of  Gauthier  de 
Brienne  are  reUted  by  Conrad,  abbot  of  Usberg,  Robert  the  Monk, 
Alberic,  and,  as  «e  h.ive  already  said,  by  the  aathor  of  the  AcIk  ujf 


by  a  desire  to  win  rich  dominions,  and  thus  exhibited 
throughout  their  conduct  an  inconsistent  mixture  of  gene- 
rosity aud  avarice. 

The  inclination  to  enrich  themselves  by  victory  had,  par- 
ticularly, no  longer  any  bounds  when  the  Crusaders  had 
once  beheld  Constantinople;  ambition  took  the  place  in 
their  hearts  of  every  generous  sentiment,  and  lefl  nothing 
of  that  enthusiasm  which  had  been  the  moving  principle  of 
other  crusades.  No  prodigy,  no  miraculous  apparition  came 
to  second  or  stimulate  the  valoiir  of  knights  to  whom  it  was 
quite  sufficient  to  point  out  the  wealth  of  Greece .  In  pre- 
ceding crusades,  the  bishops  and  ecclesiastics  promised  the 
combatants  indulgences  of  the  Church  and  eternal  life ;  but 
in  this  war,  as  the  Crusaders  had  incurred  the  displeasure  of 
the  head  of  the  faithful,  they  could  not  be  supported  in 
their  perils  by  the  hope  of  martyrdom ;  and  the  leaders  who 
were  acquainted  with  the  spirit  that  animated  their  followers, 
contented  themselves  with  offering  a  sum  of  money  to 
the  soldier  that  should  first  mount  the  ramparts  of  Con- 
stantinople. When  they  had  pillaged  the  citjr,  knights, 
barons,  and  soldiers  exclaimed,  in  the  intoxication  of  their 
joy, — ii^ever  was  so  rich  a  booty  seen  since  the  creation  ^fthe 
world  ! 

We  have  remarked  that,  in  the  conquest  of  the  provinces, 
every  knight  wished  to  obtain  a  principality ;  every  count, 
every  lord,  wished  for  a  kingdom;  the  clergy  themselves 
were  not  exempt  from  this  ambition,  and  oflen  complained 
to  the  pope  of  not  having  been  fEivoured  in  the  division  of 
the  spoils  of  the  Greek  empire. 

To  recapitulate,  in  a  few  words,  our  opinion  of  the  events 
and  consequences  of  this  crusade,  we  must  say  that  the 
spirit  of  chivalry  and  the  spirit  of  conquest  at  first  gave 
birth  to  wonders ;  but  that  they  did  not  suffice  to  maintain 
the  Crusaders  in  their  possessions.  This  conquering  spirit, 
carried  to  the  most  blind  excess,  did  not  allow  tnem  to  reflect 
that  among  the  greatest  triumphs,  there  is  a  point  at  which 
victory  and  force  themselves  are  powerless,  if  prudence  and 
wisdom  do  not  come  to  the  assistance  of  valour. 

The  Franks,  their  ancestors,  who  set  out  from  the  North 
to  invade  the  richest  provinces  of  the  Boman  empire,  were 
better  seconded  by  fortune,  but  more  particularly  by  their 

180  HI8T0BT  OT  THB  CBT7aA3)X8. 


own  genius.  Bespecting  tbe  usages  of  the  countries  that 
submitted  to  their  arms,  thej  only  beheld  in  the  conquered, 
fellow-citizens  and  supporters  of  their  own  power ;  they  did 
not  create  a  foreign  nation  in  the  midst  of  the  nations  they 
bad  desolated  by  their  victories.  The  Crusaders,  on  the 
contrary,  evinced  a  profound  contempt  for  the  Greeks,  whose 
alliance  and  support  they  ought  to  have  been  anxious  to 
seek ;  they  wished  to  reform  manners  and  alter  opinions, — 
a  much  more  difficult  task  than  the  conquest  of  an  empire, — 
and  only  met  with  enemies  in  a  country  that  might  have 
furnished  them  with  useful  allies. 

We  may  add  that  the  policy  of  the  Holy  See,  which  at 
first  undertook  to  divert. the  Latin  warriors  from  the  expe- 
dition to  Constantinople,  became,  in  the  end,  one  of  the 
greatest  obstacles  to  the  preservation  of  their  conquests. 
The  counts  and  barons,  who  reproached  themselves  with 
having  failed  in  obedience  to  the  sovereign  pontiff,  at  length 
followed  scrupulously  his  instructions  to  procure  by  their 
arms  the  submission  of  the  Greek  Church,  the  only  condition 
on  which  the  holy  father  would  pardon  a  war  commenced  in 
opposition  to  his  commands.  To  obtain  his  forgiveness  and 
approbation,  they  employed  violence  against  schism  and 
heresy,  and  lost  their  conquest  by  endeavouring  to  justify  it 
in  the  eyes  of  the  sovereign  pontiff.  The  pope  himself  did 
not  obtain  that  which  he  so  ardently  desired.  The  union 
of  the  Greek  and  Boman  churches  could  not  possibly  be 
effected  amidst  the  terrors  of  victory  and  the  evils  of  war ; 
the  arms  of  the  conquerors  had  less  power  than  the  anathe- 
mas of  the  Church,  to  bring  back  the  Greeks  to  the  worship 
of  the  Latins.  Violence  only  served  to  irritate  men's  mind^, 
and  consummated  the  rupture,  instead  of  putting  an  end  to 
it.  The  remembrance  of  persecutions  ana  outrages,  a  reci- 
procal contempt,  an  implacable  hatred  arose  and  became 
implanted  between  the  two  creeds,  and  separated  them  for 

History  cannot  affirm  that  this  crusade  made  great  pro- 
gress in  the  civilization  of  Europe.  The  Greeks  had  pre- 
served the  jurisprudence  of  Justinian ;  the  empire  possessed 
wise  regulations  upon  the  levying  of  imposts  and  the  admi- 
nistration of  the  public  revenues ;  but  the  Latins  disdained 


these  montiments  of  boman  wisdom  and  of  the  eiperience 
of  many  ages ;  they  coveted  nothing  the  Greeks  possessed 
but  their  territories  and  their  wealth.  Most  of  the  knights 
took  a  pride  in  their  ignorance,  and  amongst  the  spoib  of 
Constantinople,  attached  no  yalue  to  the  ingenious  produc- 
tions of  Greece.  Amidst  the  conflagrations  that  consumed 
the  mansions  and  palaces  of  the  capital,  they  beheld  with 
indifference  large  and  valuable  libraries  given  up  to  the 
flames.  It  must  be  confessed,  however,  that,  in  these  great 
disasters  the  Muses  had  not  to  weep  for  the  loss  of  any  of 
the  master-pieces  they  had  inspired.  If  the  conquerors 
knew  not  how  to  appreciate  the  treasures  of  genius,  this 
rich  deposit  was  not  to  be  lost  for  their  descendants.  All 
the  books  of  antiquity  that  were  known  in  the  time  of 
Eustathius  [A.  D.  750,  Tbans.],  and  of  which  that  learned 
philosopher  made  the  nomenclature  some  centuries  before 
the  fifth  crusade,  enriched  France  and  Italy  at  the  revival  of 

We  may  add  that  the  necessity  for  both  conquerors  and 
conquered  of  intercommunication  must  have  contributed  to 
the  spreading  of  the  Latin  language  among  the  Greeks,  and 
that  of  the  Greeks  among  the  Latins.*    The  people  of 

*  We  cannot  refrain  from  offering  onf  readers  a  curions  passa^  from 
an  excellent  manuscript  memoir  which  M.  Jourdain  has  communicated 
to  US,  entitled  Recherche*  sur  let  Anciennee  Vernona  Latinee  d*Aruio(e 
employ^ee par  lee  EccUsiaatiquee  du  13m«  Steele.  "Two  circumstances 
contributed  in  the  thirteenth  century  to  materially  spread  the  knowledge 
of  the  Greek  language  in  the  West.  Baldwin,  who  was  placed  upon  the 
imperial  throne,  wrote  to  Pope  Innocent  III.  to  beg  of  him  to  send  to 
him  men  distinguished  by  their  piety  and  knowledge,  chosen  from  the  , 
religious  orders  and  the  University  of  Paris,  to  instruct  his  new  people  in 
the  Catholic  religion  and  Latin  letters.  The  pope  wrote  to  several  mo> 
nastic  orders  and  to  the  University  of  Paris.  About  the  same  time  Philip 
Augustus  founded  at  Paris,  near  the  mountain  St.  Genevieve,  a  Constan- 
tiaopolitan  college,  destined  to  receive  the  young  Greeks  of  the  most  djs- 
tingttished  families  of  Constantinople.  The  intention  of  this  prince  was 
to  extinguish  in  the  hearts  of  these  young  men  the  hatred  they  had  im- 
bibed against  the  Latins,  by  offering  to  them  all  sorts  of  kind  treatment, 
and  perh^>s  also  to  secure  hostages  against  the  fickleness  and  bad  faith  of 
the  Greeks.  We  can  conceive  that  this  circumstance  contributed  power- 
fully in  diffusing  the  knowledge  of  Greek,  not  only  in  France  but  in  all 
the  West,  for  Paris  was  then  the  most  celebrated  s«diool,  and  almost  all 
the  men  to  whom  Latb  translations  from  the  Greek  are  attribntad,  had 

182  HI8T0ST   or  TUB   CBUSADES. 

Greece  were  obliged  to  learn  the  idiom  of  the  clergy  of 
Some  in  order  to  make  their  petitions  and  complaints  known ; 
the  ecclesiastics  charged  by  the  pope  to  convert  the  Greeks 
could  not  dispense  with  the  studj  of  the  language  of  Plato 
and  Demosthenes,  to  teach  the  disciples  of  Photius  the 
truths  of  the  Boman  Catholic  religion. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  destruction  of  the  master-pieces 
of  sculpture ;  we  must  admit,  nevertheless,  that  some  of 
them  escaped  the  barbarism  of  the  conquerors.  The  Vene- 
tians, more  enlightened  than  the  other  Crusaders,  and  bom 
in  a  city  constructed  and  embellished  by  the  arts,  caused 
several  of  the  monuments  of  Byzantium  to  be  transported 
into  Italy.  Four  horses  of  bronze,*  which,  amidst  the  revo- 
lutions of  empires,  had  passed  from  Greece  to  Home,  from 
Bome  to  Constantinople,  were  sent  to  decorate  the  place  of 
St.  Mark :  many  ages  after  this  crusade,  the^  were  doomed 
to  be  carried  away  from  Venice,  in  its  turn  invaded  by  vic- 
torious armies,  and  again  to  return  to  the  shores  of  the 
Adriatic,  as  eternal  trophies  of  war,  and  &ithful  companions 
of  victory. 

The  Crusaders  likewise  profited  by  several  useful  inven- 
tions, and  transmitted  them  to  their  compatriots ;  and  the 
fields  and  gardens  of  Italy  and  France  were  enriched  by 
some  plants  till  that  time  unknown  in  the  West.     Boniface 

studied  in  that  city :  we  must  also  assi^  to  the  same  cause  the  Latin 
versions  of  Aristotle  made  firom  the  Greek  and  published  before  St.  Thomas. 
Nevertheless,  if  the  Arabs  had  not  previously  spread  throughout  the  West 
a  taste  for  the  Peripatetic  philosophy,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  the 
relations  established  between  the  East  and  the  West  by  the  inauguration 
of  Baldwin,  would  have  produced  any  desire  to  obtain  it  from  purer 

*  Since  their  restoration  to  Venice,  the  history  of  these  three  celebrated 
horses  has  given  birth  to  three  dissertations.  In  one  {Narrazione  Storica 
dei  Quairo  Qwalii  di  Bronzo,  &c.).  Count  Cicognara,  president  of  the 
Royal  Academy  of  Fine  Arts  at  Venice,  pretends  that  this  monument  was  cast 
at  Rome  in  the  reign  of  Nero,  in  commemoration  of  the  victory  over  Tiri- 
dates.  M.  ScUegel  {Lettera  at  Signori  Oomjniatori  della  BUiioUea 
I(aiiana)  rejects  this  opinion  of  the  count,  and  thinks  that  the  four  bronze 
horses  are  from  the  hands  of  a  Greek  statuary  of  the  time  of  Alexander. — 
Dei  Quairo  CavalU  della  Banlica  di  S,  Marco,  Andre  Mustozidi,  a 
very  learned  young  Greek,  makes  this  superb  group  oome  from  Chios, 
which  was  rich  in  skilful  sculptors,  and  believes  they  were  transmitted  tb 
Rome  in  the  time  of  Verretf  and  to  Constantinople  under  Theodottot  tha 


sent  into  his  marqiusate  some  seeds  of  maize,  which  had 
never  before  be^n  cultivated  in  Italy :  a  public  document, 
which  still  exists,  attests  the  gratitude  of  the  people  of 
Montferrat.  The  magistrates  received  the  innocent  fruits 
of  victory  with  great  solemnity,  and,  upon  their  altars, 
caUed  down  a  blessing  upon  a  production  of  Greece,  that 
would  one  day  constitute  the  wealth  of  the  plains  of  Italy.* 

Elanders,  Champagne,  and  most  of  the  provinces  of 
Prance,  which  had  sent  their  bravest  warriors  to  the  cm* 
Bade,  fruitlessly  lavished  their  population  and  their  treasures 
upon  the  conquest  of  Byzantium.  We  may  say  that  our  in- 
trepid ancestors  gained  nothing  by  this  wonderful  war,  but 
the  glory  of  having  given,  for  a  moment,  masters  to  Con- 
stantinople, and  lords  to  Greece.  And  yet  these  distant 
conquests,  and  this  new  empire,  which  drew  from  France  its 
turbulent  and  ambitious  prmces,  must  have  been  favourable 
to  the  French  monarchy.  Philip  Augustus  must  have  been 
pleased  by  the  absence  of  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown,  and 
had  reason  to  learn  with  joy  that  the  coimt  of  Flanders,  a 
troublesome  neighbour,  and  a  not  verv  submissive  vassal, 
had  obtained  an  empire  in  the  East.  The  French  monarchy 
thus  derived  some  advantage  from  this  crusade ;  but  the  re- 
public of  Venice  profited  much  more  by  it. 

This  republic,  which  scarcely  possessed  a  population  of 
two  hundred  thousand  souls,  and  had  not  the  power  to  make 
its  authority  respected  on  the  continent,  in  the  first  place, 
made  use  of  the  arms  of  the  Crusaders,  to  subdue  cities,  of 
which,  without  their  assistance,  she  could  never  have  made 
herself  mistress.  By  the  conquest  of  Constantinople,  she 
enlarged  her  credit  and  her  commerce  in  the  East,  and 
brought  imder  her  laws  some  of  the  richest  possessions  of 
the  Greek  emperors.  She -increased  the  reputation  of  her 
navy,  and  raised  herself  above  all  the  maritime  nations  of 
Europe.  The  Venetians,  though  fighting  under  the  banners 
of  the  cross,  never  neglected  the  interests  or  glory  of  their 
own  country,  whilst  the  French  knights  scarcely  ever  fought 
for  any  object  but  personal  glory  and  their  own  ambition. 

*  We  find  in  the  first  Tolame  of  an  Italian  work  entitled  Storia  d*Incisa 
e  del  gia  celebre  suo  Marchesato^  pablished  at  Asti,  in  1810,  a  precious 
monament ;  this  is  a  charter  which  proves  the  sending  of  the  seeds  of 
maise  to  a  city  of  Montferrat.    This  is  a  very  mterestiiig  document. 


The  republic  of  Venice,  accuatoined  to  calculate  the  advan- 
tages and  expenses  of  war,  immediately  renpimced  all  con- 
quests the  preseryation  of  which  might  become  burdensome ; 
and  of  her  new  possessions  in  the  East,  only  retained  such 
as  she  judged  necessary  to  the  prosperity  oi  her  commerce, 
or  the  maintiBnance  of  her  marme.  Three  years  after  the 
taking  of  Constantinople,  the  senate  of  Venice  published  an 
edict,  by  which  it  permitted  any  of  the  citizsens  to  conquer 
the  islands  of  the  Archipelago ;  yielding  to  them  the  pro- 
prietorship of  all  the  countries  they  might  subdue.  After 
this  there  soon  appeared  princes  of  Nazos,  dukes  of  Paros, 
and  lords  of  Mycone,  as  there  had  been  dukes  of  Athens, 
lords  of  Thebes,  and  princes  of  Achaia ;  but  these  dukes  and 
princes  were  only  vassals  of  the  republic.  Thus  Venice, 
more  fortunate  than  France,  made  the  valour  and  ambition 
of  her  citizens  subservient  to  her  interests. 



A.D.  1200—1215. 

If  the  preceding  books,  the  imposing  spectacle  has  passed 
before  our  eyes  of  the  fall  of  an  old  empire,  and  of  the  rise 
and  rapid  decline  of  a  new  one.  The  imagination  of  man 
loTes  to  dwell  upon  ruins,  and  the  most  sanguinair  cata- 
strophes even  offer  him  highly  attractive  pictures.  We  have 
reason  to  fear  that  our  narration  will  create  less  interest, 
awaken  less  curiosity,  when,  after  the  great  revolutions  we 
have  described,  it  will  be  our  duty  to  turn  our  attention  to 
the  petty  states  the  Christians  founded  in  Syria,  for  the 
safety  of  which  the  nations  of  the  West  were  constantly 
calleci  upon  to  furnish  warlike  assistance. 

At  the  present  day,  we  have  great  difficulty  in  compre* 
bending  that  enthusiasm  which  animated  all  classes  for  the 
deliverance  of  the  holy  places,  or  that  powerful  interest  that 
directed  the  thoughts  of  all  to  countries  almost  forgotten  by 
modern  Europe.*  During  the  height  of  the  fervour  for 
the  crusades,  the  taking  of  a  city  or  town  of  Judea  caused 
more  joy  than  the  taking  of  Byzantium ;  and  Jerusalem  was 
more  dear  to  the  Christians  of  the  West  than  their  own 
country.  This  enthusiasm,  of  which  our  indifference  can 
scarcely  form  an  idea,  renders  the  task  of  the  historian  diffi- 
cult, and  makes  him  ofben  hesitate  in  the  choice  of  the 
events  that  history  has   to  record:   when  opinions  have 

*  It  is  well  worthy  of  remark  that  it  la  very  little  more  than  a  quarter 
of  a  eantary  since  this  sentence  was  written  ;  and,  in  that  short  period, 
what  has  noi  ^oienae  effected ! — the  East,  of  whidi  we  were  then  said  to 
be  tio  ignorant,  eAetter  known  to  Bavopeans  than  it  was  at  any  time 
dorinfr  the  rrnsaaeB. — ^Traks. 
Vol.  II.— 9 


changed,  everytliing  has  changed  with  them:  glory  itself 
has  lost  its  splendour,  and  that  which  appeared  great  in  the 
eyes  of  men,  seems  only  fantastical  or  vnJgar ;  the  historical 
epochs  of  our  annals  have  become  the  objects  of  our  most 
sovereign  contempt ;  and  when,  without  due  reference  to 
tlie  ages  of  the  holy  wars,  we  wish  to  submit  these  extraor- 
dinary enterprises  to  the  calculations  of  reason,  we  resemble 
those  modern  travellers  who  have  only  found  a  dribbling 
rivulet  in  the  place  of  that  famous  Scamander,  of  which  the 
imagination  of  the  ancients,  and  still  more,  the  muse  of 
Homer,  had  made  a  majestic  river. 

But  if  we  have  no  longer  the  task  of  describing  the  revo- 
lutions and  falls  of  empires,  the  epoch  of  which  we  are 
about  to  trace  the  picture,  will  still  present  to  us  but  too 
many  of  those  great  calamities  with  which  human  life  sup- 
plies history :  whilst  Greece  was  a  prey  to  all  the  ravages 
of  wAr,  the  most  cruel  scourges  desolated  both  Egypt  and 

The  !Nllo  suspended  its  accustomed  course,  and  failed  to 
inundate  its  banks  or  render  the  harvests  abundant.  The 
last  year  of  this  century  (1200)  announced  itself,  says  an 
Arabian  author,  like  a  monster  whose  fury  threatened  to  de- 
vour everything.  "When  the  famine  began  to  be  felt,  the 
people  were  compelled  to  support  themselves  upon  the  grass 
of  the  fields  and  the  ordure  of  animals,*  the  poor  routed  up^ 
cemeteries,  and  disputed  with  the  worms  the  spoils  of  coffins. 
When  this  awful  scourge  became  more  general,  the  popula- 
tion of  the  cities  and  country,  as  if  pursued  by  a  pitiless 
enemy,  fled  away  from  their  homes  in  despair,  and  wandered 
about  at  hazarct  from  city  to  city,  from  village  to  village, 
meeting  everywhere  with  the  evil  they  wished  to  avoid ;  in 
no  inhabited  place  could  they  step  a  foot  without  being 
struck  by  the  appearance  of  a  putrifying  carcass,  or  some 
unhappy  wretch  on  the  point  of  expiring. 

The  most  frightM  eflect  of  this  universal  calamity  was, 
that  the  want  of  food  gave  birth  to  the  greatest  crimes,  and 

*  The  account  of  this  Pamine,  and  the  disasters  by  which  it  was  followed, 
is  to  be  found  in  its  details,  in  Leg  Reiati<mt  de  VEffffpte,  translated  from 
Abdallatif  by  M.  Letvestre  de  Lacy.  This  Arabian  anthor  was  a  skilful 
phyiiicinn  and  nn  enlightened  man ;  and  his  recital,  which  contains  mal^y 
extraordinary  fact<,  bears  all  the  characters  of  tmth. 

HIBTOBT  or  THE  OBT78iJ)X8.  187 

rendered  ereiy  man  the  enemy  of  his  fellows.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  the  famine  much  horror  was  expressed  at 
some  being  reduced  to  feed  upon  human  flesh,  but  examples 
of  BO  great  a  scandal  increased  with  such  rapidity,  that  it 
was  soon  spoken  of  ¥rith  indifference.  Men  conteiiding 
with  famine,  which  spared  the  rich  no  more  than  the  poor, 
were  no  longer  sensible  to  pity,  shame,  or  remorse,  and  were 
restrained  neither  by  respect  for  the  laws,  nor  by  the  fear  of' 
punishment.  They  came  at  last  to  devour  each  other  like 
wild  beasts.  At  Cairo,  thirty  women,  in  one  day,  perished 
at  the  stake,  convicted  of  having  killed  and  eaten  their  own 
children.  The  historian  Abdallatif  relates  a  crowd  of  bar^ 
barous  and  monstrous  incidents  which  make  the  blood  run 
cold  with  horror,  and  to  which  we  will  not  give  a  place  in 
our  history,  for  fear  of  being  accused  of  calumniating 
human  nature. 

The  plague  soon  added  its  ravages  to  those  of  famine. 
Grod  alone,  says  contemporary  history,  knows  the  number  of 
those  that  died  with  famine  and  disease.  The  capital  of 
Egypt,  in  the  space  of  a  few  months,  witnessed  a  hundred 
and  eleven  thousand  funerals.  At  length  it  was  found  im« 
possible  to  bury  the  dead,  and  the  terrified  survivors  were 
obliged  to  be  satisfied  with  casting  them  over  the  ramparts. 
The  same  mortality  was  experienced  at  Damietta,  Kous,  and 
Alexandria.  It  was  at  the  period  of  seed-time  that  the 
plague  was  at  its  height ;  they  who  sowed  the  seed  were  not 
the  same  that  had  ploughed  the  ground,  and  they  who  sowed 
lived  not  to  reap  the  harvest.  The  villages  were  deserted, 
and  reminded  travellers  of  those  expressions  of  the  Koran : 
''  JFie  have  mown  them  all  doum  and  exterminated  them  ;  one 
cry  wcurhe(»rdy  and  all  have  perished"  The  dead  bodies  that 
floated  on  the  Nile  were  as  numerous  as  the  bulbous  plants 
which,  at  certain  seasons,  cover  the  waters  of  that  river. 
One  fisherman  counted  more  than  four  hundred  that  passed 
before  his  eyes  in  a  single  day ;  piles  of  human  bones  were 
met  with  everywhere ;  the  roads,  to  borrow  the  expression 
of  Arabian  writers,  "  Were  like  a  field  town  with  dead 
hodieSf  and  the  most  populous  provinces  ioere  as  a  banquet" 
ing-hallfor  the  birds  of  prey, ^^ 

Egjpt  lost  more  toan  a  million  of  its  inhabitants ;  both 
famine  and  plague  were  felt  as  &r  as  Syria,  and  the  Chris- 


tian  cities  sufiered  equallj  with  those  of  the  Mussulmans. 
From  the  shores  of  the  Bed  Sea  to  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Orontes,  the  whole  country- presented 
one  picture  of  desolation  and  mourning.  As  if  the  anger  of 
Heaven  was  not  satisfied,  it  was  not  long  before  a  third 
calamity,  not  less  terrible,  followed  in  the  tx^in  of  the  others. 
A  violent  earthquake  laid  waste  the  cities  and  provinces  that 
famine  and  plague  had  spared  ;*  the  shocks  resembled  the 
motion  of  a  sieve,  or  that  which  a  bird  makes  when  he  raises 
and  lowers  his  wings.  The  rising  of  the  sea,  and  the  agita- 
tion of  the  waves  presented  a  horrible  appearance ;  ships 
were,  on  a  sudden,  carried  far  on  to  the  land,  and  midtitudes 
of  fish  covered  the  shore ;  the  heights  of  Libanus  opened 
and  sank  in  many  places.  The  people  of  Syria  and  Egypt 
believed  it  to  be  the  earthquake  that  is  to  precede  the  day 
of  judgment.  Many  inhabited  places  totally  disappeared  ; 
a  vast  number  of  men  perished ;  the  fortresses  of  Hamath, 
Barin,  and  Balbec  were  throwTi  down ;  the  only  part  of  the 
city  of  Naplouse  that  was  lefb  standing  was  the  street  of  the 
Samaritans ;  in  Damascus,  all  the  most  superb  edifices  were 
destroyed;  in  the  city  of  Tyre  only  a  few  houses  escaped, 
and  the  ramparts  of  Ptolemais  and  Tripoli  were  nothing  out 
heaps  of  ruins.  The  shocks  were  felt  with  less  violence  in 
the  territory  of  Jerusalem,  and,  in  the  general  calamity,  both 
Christians  and  Mussulmans  returned  thanks  to  Heaven  for 
having  spared  in  its  anger  the  city  of  prophets  and  miracles. 
Such  awful  disasters  ought  to  have  caused  the  treaties  made 
between  the  barons  and  the  infidels  to  be  respected.  In  the 
fifth  crusade,  the  sovereign  pontiff  urged  the  Christians  to 
take  advantage  of  these  calamitous  days  to  invade  the 
Mussidman  provinces  of  Syria  and  Egypt :  but  if  the  advice 
of  the  pope  had  been  followed,  if  the  Christian  army,  on 
leaving  Venice,  had  directed  its  march  towards  the  countries 
devastated  by  pestilence  and  famine,  it  is  most  probable  that 
the  conquerors  and  the  conquered  woidd  have  perished  to- 
gether. At  that  period,  death,  like  a  formidable  sentinel, 
guarded  all  the  frontiers  of  the  Christians  and  Mussulmans. 
All  the  scourges  of  nature  became  the  terrible  guardians  of 

*  The  circumstances  of  this  earthquake  are  related  by  Abdallatif :  the 
Latm  hutorians  scaroely  name  this  great  calamity. 

HI8T0BT  07  THE  OBITBADSS.  189 

.proTinoefl,  and  defended  the  approaches  and  entrances  of 
cities  better  than  the  greatest  armies  could  have  done. 

The  Christian  colonies,  however,  began,  not  to  repair  their 
losses,  but  to  forget  the  eyils  thej  had  suffered.  Amaurj, 
king  of  Jerusalem,  set  his  barons  an  example  of  wisdom  and 
pious  resignation.  The  three  military  orders,  that  had  ex- 
hausted their  treasures  to  support  their  knights  and,  soldiers 
during  the  famine,  made  a  strong  appeal,  by  messengers  and 
letters,  to  the  charity  of  the  faithful  of  the  TVest.  The 
Christian  cities  that  had  been  destroyed  by  the  earthquake 
were  rebuilt,  and  the  sums  amassed  by  Poulque  of  NeuiUy, 
the  preacher  of  the  last  crusade,  were  employed  in  restoring 
the  walls  of  Ftolemais.  As  the  Christians  wanted  labourers, 
they  set  the  Mussulman  prisoners  to  work.  Among  the  pri- 
soners condemned  to  this  Service,  history  must  not  pass  by 
the  celebrated  Persian  poet  Saadi,  who  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Pranks,  whilst  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.* 
The  author  of  '*The  Ghirden  of  Boses,"  and  several  other 
works,  destined  at  a  future  day  to  obtain  the  admiration  of 
the  East  and  the  "West,  was  loaded  with  irons,  led  to  Tripoli, 
and  confounded  with  the  crowd  of  captives  employed  in  re- 
building the  fortifications  of  that  city. 

The  truce  which  had  been  concluded  with  the  infidels 
still  subsisted ;  but  either  pretensions  or  quarrels  daily 
arose  that  were  frequently  followed  by  hostilities.  The 
Christians  were  continually  kept  under  arms,  and  peace  was 
sometimes  as  abundant  in  troubles  and  dangers  as  an  open 
war  would  have  been.  There  likewise  prevailed,  at  this 
time,  great  confusion  among  the  Christian  colonies,  and 
even  among  the  Mussulman  powers.  The  sultan  of  Damas- 
cus was  at  peace  with  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  whilst  the 
count  of  Tripoli,  the  prince  of  Antioch,  with  the  Templars 
and  Hospitallers,  were  at  war  with  the  princes  of  Hamath, 
Edessa  or  some  emirs  of  Syria.f    Every  one,  according  to  his 

*  M.  Langl^  has  AirniBhed  us  with  this  valaable  incident,  which  he 
has  taken  from  the  Persian  biographer  Daulet  Chah.  The  biographer 
adds,  that  a  merchant  of  Aleppo  redeemed  Saadi,  by  paying  the  Christiana 
the  sum  of  ten  golden  crowns,  and  he  likewise  gave  the  poet  another 
hundred  as  the  dowry  of  his  daughter,  whom  he  gave  him  in  marriage. 

t  History  has  great  tronble  in  following  the  events  of  this  period 
through  the  cloud  of  anarchy  which  reigned  everywhere ;  and  that  which 
( the  difficnlty  is,  that  the  authors  of  our  old  chronicles  were  only 


humour,  took  up  or  laid  down  hifl  arms,  without  an^  power 
being  sufficiently  strong  to  enforce  respect  for  treaties. 

No  great  battles  were  fought,  but  constant  incursions 
upon  the  territories  of  enemies  were  made  ;  cities  were  sur- 
prised, countries  were  ravaffed,  and  great  booty  obtained. 
Amidst  these  disorders,  which  were  called  Dtwg  of  Truee^ 
the  Christians  of  Palestine  had  to  lament  the  ^ath  of  their 
king.  Amaury,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  faithful, 
went  to  Caifa,  during  holy  week,  to  gather  palm ;  but  fell 
sick  on  his  pilgrimage,  and  returned  to  Ptolemais  to  die. 
Thus  the  sceptre  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  again  re- 
mained in  the  hands  of  Isabella,  who  had  neither  the  power, 
nor  the  ability  necessary  to  govern  the  Christian  states. 
At  the  same  time,  one  of  the  sons  of  Bohemond,  prince  of 
Antioch,  fell  under  the  daggers  of  assassins  sent  by  the  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountains.  Bohemond  the  Third,  at  a  very 
advanced  age,  was  unable  to  avenge  this  murder ;  and,  in 
addition,  before  he  died,  had  the  mortification  of  seeing  war 
break  out  between  his  second  son,  Baymond,  count  of 
Tripoli,  and  Livon,  prince  of  Armenia.  The  order  of  ths 
Templars,  as  well  as  that  of  the  Hospitallers,  interested 
themselves  in  this  quarrel,  and  were  opposed  to  each  other. 
The  sultan  of  Aleppo  and  the  Turks  from  Asia  Minor  mixed 
themselves  with  the  dissensions  of  the  Christians,  and  took 
advantage  of  their  divisions  to  ravage  the  territory  of  An- 
tioch.* The  Christian  states  of  Syria  received  no  more 
succours  from  the  West.  The  remembrance  of  the  evils 
that  had  ravaged  the  countries  beyond  the  seas  had  damped 
the  zeal  and  the  ardour  of  pilgrims ;  the  warriors  of  Europe, 
accustomed  to  face  with  coolness  all  the  perils  of  war,  had 
not  sufficient  courage  to  brave  pestilence  and  famine.  A 
great  number  of  the  barons  and  knights  of  Palestine,  them- 
selves abandoned  a  land  too  long  laid  desolate,  some  to 

acquainted  with  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  knew  nothing  of  what 
waa  going  on  in  the  interior  of  the  states.  The  Arah  historians,  on  the 
eontrarf,  take  mach  more  note  of  the  expeditions  of  the  interior  than  of 
the  events  that  happened  at  Ptolemais,  situated  on  the  seacoast,  and  in 
some  sort  isolated  from  the  rest  of  Syria. 

*  We  find  few  details  upon  this  epodi  in  the  continuator  of  William  of 
Tyre,  or  the  other  historians  of  the  middle  ages  who  mention  the  Chriatiaa 


repair  to  Constantinople,  and  others  to  the  kingdoms  of  the 

Innocent,  who  had  up  to  this  time  made  vain  efforts  for 
the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places,  and  who  could  not  over- 
come his  regret  at  having  seen  great  Christian  armies  fruit- 
lessly dissipated  in  the  conquest  of  Greece,  still  did  not 
give  up  his  vast  designs  ;  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign, 
the  sovereign  pontiff  had  pointed  out  the  Holy  Land  to  the 
Christian  nations,  as  the  road  and  the  way  of  salvation. 
After  the  example  of  his  predecessors,  he  not  only  called 
piety  and  virtue  in  to  the  defence  of  the  Christian  colonies, 
but  remorse  and  repentance.  All  who  came  to  him  to  con- 
fess great  sins,  were  allowed  but  one  means  of  expiating 
their  crimes, — crossing  the  sea  to  fight  against  the  infidels. 

Among  the  sinners  condemned  to  this  sort  of  punishment 
history  quotes  the  names  of  the  murderers  of  Conrad,  bishop 
of  Wurtzburg  and  chancellor  of  the  empire.*  The  guilty 
having  presented  themselves  before  the  pope,  barefooted, 
in  drawers,  and  with  halters  round  their  necks,  swore  in  the 
presence  of  the  cardinals,  to  pass  their  lives  in  the  practice 
of  the  most  austere  mortifications,  and  to  carry  arms  during 
four  years  against  the  Saracens.  A  knight,  named  Eol^rt, 
scanaalized  the  whole  court  of  Bome  by  confessing  in  a  loud 
voice,  that,  being  a  prisoner  in  Eg}'pt  during  the  famine,  he 
had  killed  his  wife  and  daughter,  to  feed  upon  their  fleali. 
The  pope  imposed  the  most  rigorous  penances  upon  Bobert, 
and  ordered  him,  to  complete  the  expiation  of  so  great  a 
crime,  to  pass  three  years  in  visiting  the  holy  places. 

Innocent  endeavoured  by  such  means  to  keep  up  the 
devotion  of  pilgrimages,  which  had  given  birth  to  the  crusades, 

•  Thii  penitence  and  that  which  follows  are  mentioned  by  Fleury,  in 
the  sixteenth  volume  of  his  History ;  the  guilty  were  condemned,  in  addi> 
tion  to  the  pilgrimage,  to  wear  neither  vair,  grey  squirrel  fur,  ermine,  nor 
coloured  stuffs ;  they  were  never  to  be  present  at  public  games ;  after 
becoming  widowers,  were  never  to  marry  acain ;  to  walk  barefooted  and 
be  clothed  in  woollen,  and  to  fast  on  bread  and  water  on  Wednesdays, 
Fridays,  Ember-week,  and  Vigils ;  to  perform  three  Lent  fasts  in  the  courve 
of  the  year,  to  recite  the  Pater  Noster  a  hundred  times,  and  make  a  hundred 
genuflexions  every  day.  When  they  came  to  a  city,  they  were  to  go  to 
the  principal  church  barefooted,  in  drawers,  with  halters  round  their 
necks  and  rods  in  their  hands,  and  there  receive  from  the  canons  discipline, 
&c.  &c. 


and  might  again  revive  the  zeal  and  ardour  for  holy  wars. 
According  to  the  opinion  which  the  sovereign  pontiff 
sought  to  spread  among  the  faithful,  and  bv  which  he  him- 
self appeared  penetrated,  this  corrupt  world  had  no  crimes 
for  which  God  would  not  open  the  treasures  of  his  mercy 
provided  the  perpetrators  would  take  the  voyage  to  the 
East.  The  people  however  were  persuaded  that  the  sins 
and  errors  of  a  perverse  generation  nad  irritated  the  God  of 
the  Christians,  and  that  the  glory  of  conquering  the  Holy 
Land  was  reserved  for  another  and  a  better  age,  to  a  gene- 
ration more  worthy  of  attracting  the  eyes  and  the  blessings 
of  Heaven. 

This  opinion  of  the  nations  of  the  West  was  very  little  in 
favour  of  the  Christians  of  Syria,  who  were  daily  making 
rapid  strides  towards  their  fall.  Isabella,  who  only  reigned 
over  depopulated  cities,  died  soon  afler  her  huHoand.  A 
son  that  she  had  had  by  Amauiy  preceded  faor  to  the  tomb ; 
and  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  became  tlAi  heritage  of  a 
young  princess,  a  daughter  of  IsabeUa  and  Conrad,  marquis 
of  Tyre.  ^  The  barons  and  knights  that  remained  in  Syria 
were  more  sensible  than  ever  of  the  necessity  of  having  at 
their  head  a  prince  able  to  govern  them,  and  immediately 
set  about  choosing  a  husband  for  the  young  queen  of  Jeru- 

Their  choice  might  have  fallen  upon  one  of  themselves ; 
but  they  feared  timt  jealousy  would  g;ive  birth  to  fresh  dis- 
cords, and  that  the  spirit  of  rivalry  ana  faction  would  weaken 
the  authority  of  him  that  should  be  called  upon  to  govern 
the  kingdom.  The  assembly  resolved  to  seek  a  king  in  the 
"West,  and  to  address  themselves  to  the  country  of  Godfrey 
and  the  Baldwins, — to  that  nation  that  had  furnished  so 
manv  heroes  to  the  crusades,  so  many  illustrious  defenders 
of  the  Holy  Land. 

This  resolution  of  the  barons  of  Palestine  had  not  only 
the  advantage  of  preserving  peace  in  the  kingdom  of  Jeru- 
salem, but  also  tnat  of  arousing  the  spirit  of  chivalry  in 
Europe,  and  of  interesting  it  in  the  cause  of  the  Christians 
of  the  East.  Aimar,  lord  of  CsBsarea,  and  the  bishop  of 
Ftolemais,  Crossed  the  sea,  and  went,  in  the  name  of  the 
Christians  of  the  Holy  Land,  to  solicit  Philip  Augustus  to 
send  them  a  knight  or  a  baron  who  might  savd  the  little 

HI8T0BT  OP  THE  CB178A])£8.  193 

tlmt  remained  of  the  unforhmate  kingdom  of  Jerasalem. 
The  hand  of  a  young  queen,  a  crown,  and  the  blessing  of 
Heaven  were  the  rewards  held  out  to  the  bravery  and  de- 
votedness  of  him  who  was  willing  to  fight  for  the  heritage 
of  the  Son  of  God.  The  deputies  were  received  with  great 
honours  at  the  court  of  the  king  of  Prance.  Although 
the  crown  they  offered  was  nothing  but  a  vain  title,  it  not 
the  less  dazzled  the  imagination  of  the  Prench  knights ; 
their  valorous  ambition  was  seduced  by  the  hope  of  acquir- 
ing great  renown,  and  restoring  the  throne  that  had  been 
founded  by  the  bravery  of  Godfrey  of  Bouillon. 

Among  the  knights  of  his  court,  Philip  greatly  distin- 
^ished  John  of  Brienne,*  brother  of  Gauthier,t  who  died 
in  Apulia  with  the  reputation  of  a  hero  pr  ^  the  title  of 
king.  In  his  youth,  John  of  Brienne  had  been  destined  for 
the  ecclesiastical  state ;  but,  brought  up  in  a  family  of  war- 
riors, and  less  sensible  to  the  channs  of  piety  than  to  those 
of  glory,  he  refused  to  obey  the  will  of  his  parents ;  and  as 
his  father  was  inclined  to  employ  force  to  constrain  him,  he 
sought  a  refuge  against  paternal  anger  in  the  monastery  of 
Citeauz.  John  of  Brienne  was  mixed  with  the  crowd  of 
cenobites,  and  gave  himself  up,  as  they  did,  to  fasting  and 
mortification.  The  austerities  of  the  cloister,  however, 
did  not  at  all  assimilate  with  his  growing  passion  for  the 
noble  occupation  of  arms ;  and  of^n,  amidst  prayers  and 
religious  ceremonies,  the  images  of  tournaments  and  battles 
woi^d  distract  his  thoughts  and  disturb  his  mind.  One  of 
lus  uncles  having  found  him  at  the  door  of  the  monastery 
in  a  state  very  little  suited  to  a  gentleman,  had  pity  on  his 
tears,  took  him  away  with  him,  and  encouraged  his  natural 
inclinations.  Prom  that  time  the  glory  of  combats  entirely 
occupied  his  thoughts ;  and  he  who  had  been  destined  to 
the  silence  of  cloisters  and  the  peace  of  altars,  was  not  long 
in  creating  for  himself  by  his  oravery  and  exploits  a  great 
and  widely  spread  renown. 

At  the  period  of  the  last  crusade,  John  of  Brienne  accom- 
panied his  brother  in  his  attempt  to  obtain  the  kingdom  of 

*  Son  of  Erard  II.,  coant  of, Brienne  in  Champagne,  and  Agnes 

t  The  continnator  of  WiUiam  of  Tyre  relates  that  the  barons  of  Pales- 
tine thenuelTes  demanded  John  of  Brienne  of  the  king  of  France. 



Naples,  and  saw  him  perisli  whilst  fighting  for  a  throne  thab 
was  to  be  the  reward  of  the  victor.  He  had  the  same  for- 
tune to  guide  his  hopes,  and  the  same  dangers  to  encounter, 
if  he  espoused  the  heir  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  He 
acceptea  with  joy  the  hand  of  a  young  queen,  for  the  pos- 
session of  whose  states  he  must  contend  with  the  Saracens ; 
he  charged  the  ambassadors  to  return  and  announce  his 
speedy  arrival  in  Palestine,  and,  fuU  of  confidence  in  the 
cause  he  was  about  to  defend,  promised  to  follow  them  at 
the  head  of  an  armv. 

"When  Aymar  of  Csesarea  and  the  bishop  of  Ptolemais 
returned  to  the  Holy  Land,  the  promises  of  John  of  Brienne 
raised  the  depressed  courage  of  the  Christians,  and,  as  it 
often  happens  in  seasons  of  misfortune,  they  passed  firom 
despair  to  the  most  extravagant  hopes. 

It  was  given  out  in  Palestine  that  a  crusade  was  in  pre- 
paration, commanded  by  the  most  powerful  monarchs  of  the 
West ;  and  the  report  of  such  an  extraordinary  armament 
produced  a  momentary  terror  among  the  infidels.  Malek- 
Adel,  who,  since  the  death  of  Al-Aziz,  reigned  over  Syria 
and  Egypt,  dreaded  the  enterprises  of  the  Christians ;  and 
as  the  tNice  made  with  the  Franks  was  on  the  point  of  ex- 
piring, he  proposed  to  renew  it,  ofifering  to  deliver  up  ten 
castles  or  fortresses  as  a  pledge  of  his  good  faith  and  his 
desire  for  a  continuation  of  peace.  This  proposal  ought  to 
have  been  welcomed  by  the  Christians  of  Palestine ;  but  the 
hopes  of  assistance  firom  the  West  had  banished  all  mode- 
ration and  foresight  from  the  councils  of  the  barons  and 
knights.  The  wiser  part  of  the  Christian  warriors,  among 
whom  was  the  grand  master  of  the  order  of  St.  John,  were 
of  opinion  that  the  truce  should  be  prolonged.  They  re- 
minded their  companions  that  they  had  often  oeen  promised 
succour  from  the  West,  without  this  succour  ever  having 
reached  the  Holy  Land ;  and  that  in  the  very  last  crusade, 
a  formidable  army,  confidently  expected  in  Palestine,  had 
directed  its  march  towards  Constantinople.  They  added, 
that  it  was  not  prudeut  to  risk  the  chances  of  war  upon  the 
faith  of  a  vain  promise ;  and  that  they  ought  to  wait  the 
event,  before  they  formed  a  determination  upon  which  might 
depend  the  safety  or  the  ruin  of  the  Christians  of  the  Ealst. 
These  di  courses  were  full  of  wisdom  and  good  Benae,  but 


M  the  Hospitallers  spoke  in  &yoiir  of  the  truce,  the  Tem- 
plars, with  great  warmth,  declared  for  war :  such  was,  like- 
wise, the  spirit  of  the  Christian  warriors,  that  prudence, 
moderation,  or,  indeed,  any  of  the  virtues  of  peace,  inspired 
them  with  a  sort  of  disdain ;  for  them  reason  was  always 
on  the  side  of  perils,  and  only  to  speak  of  flying  to  arms 
was  quite  sufficient  to  win  all  their  suffirages.  The  assembly 
of  barons  and  knights  refused  to  prolong  the  truce  made 
with  the  Saracens. 

This  determination  became  so  much  the  more  fatal,  frx)m 
the  situation  of  France  and  Europe,  which  could  scarcely 
allow  John  of  Brienne  to  entertain  the  hope  of  accomplish- 
ing his  promise  of  raisinff  an  army  for  the  Holy  Land. 

Germany  was  still  agitated  by  the  rival  pretensions  of 
Otho  and  Philip  of  Swabia:  John  of  England  laboured 
nnder  the  curse  of  an  excommunication,  which  interdict 
extended  to  his  kingdom.  Philip  Augustus  was  busily  cm- 
ployed  in  taking  advantage  of  all  the  troubles  that  were  in 
full  action  around  him ;  on  one  side  by  endeavouring  to  ex- 
tend his  influence  in  Germany,  and  on  the  other  by  constant 
efforts  to  weaken  the  power  of  the  English,  who  were  mas- 
ters of  several  provinces  of  his  kingdom.  John  of  Brienne 
arrived  at  Ptolemais  with  the  train  of  a  king,  but  he  only 
brought  with  him  three  hundred  knights  to  defend  his  king- 
dom ;  his  new  subjects,  however,  still  full  of  hopes,  looked 
upon  him  no  less  as  a  liberator.  His  marriage  was  cele- 
brated in  the  presence  of  the  barons,  the  princes,  and  the 
bishops  of  Ptolemais.  As  the  truce  was  about  to  expire, 
the  Saracens  resumed  their  arms,  and  disturbed  the  festivi- 
ties of  the  coronation.  Malek-Adel  entered  Palestine  at 
the  head  of  an  army,  and  the  infidels  not  only  laid  siege  to 
Tripoli,  but  threatened  Ptolemais. 

The  new  king,  at  the  head  of  a  small  number  of  faithful 
warriors,  created  great  admiration  for  his  valour  in  the  field 
of  battle;  but  he  was  not  able  to  deliver  the  Christian  pro- 
vinces from  the  presence  of  a  formidable  enemy,  when 
the  defenders  of  Palestine  compared  their  scanty  ranks 
with  the  multitude  of  their  enemies,  they  sank  at  once  into 
a  state  of  despondency;  and  even  those  who  so  lately 
scorned  the  thoughts  of  peace  with  the  infidels,  could  not 
muster  either  strength  or  courage  to  oppose  to  their  attacks. 


Most  of  the  French  knights  that  had  accompanied  the  new 
king,  quitted  the  kingdom  they  had  come  to  succour,  and 
returned  into  Europe.  The  dominions  of  John  of  Brienne 
consisted  of  the  city  of  Ptolemais  alone,  and  he  had  no 
army  to  defend  even  that ;  he  then  began  to  perceive  he  had 
undertaken  a  perilous  and  difficult  task,  and  that  he  should 
not  be  able  to  contend  for  any  length  of  time  against  the 
united  forces  of  the  Saracens.  Ambassadors  were  sent  to 
Home  to  inform  the  pope  of  the  pressing  dangers  of  the 
Christian  states  in  Asia,  and  once  more  to  implore  the  sup- 
port of  the  princes  of  Europe,  and,  above  all,  of  the  French 

These  jBresh  cries  of  alarm  were  scarcely  heard  .by  the 
nations  of  the  West.  The  troubles  which  agitated  Europe 
at  the  period  of  the  departure  of  John  of  Bnenne  for  Pales- 
tine were  far  from  being  allayed,  and  prevented  France 
especially  from  lending  any  assistance  to  the  Christian  colo- 
nies. Languedoc  and  most  of  the  southern  provinces  of  the 
kingdom  were  then  desolated  by  religious  wars,  which  fully 
employed  the  bravery  of  the  French  knights  and  nobles. 

A  spirit  of  inquiry  and  indocility,  which  had  arisen  among 
the  faithful,  and  with  which  St.  Bernard  had  reproached  his 
age,  was  making  alarming  progress  every  day.  The  most 
holy  doctors  had  already  many  times  expressed  their  grief 
at  the  abasement  of  the  holy  word,  of  which  every  one  con- 
stituted himself  judge  and  arbiter,  and  which  was  treated, 
said  Stephen  of  Toumay  in  his  letters  to  the  pope,  with  as 
little  discernment  as  holy  things  given  to  dogi,  or  pearls  cast 
at  the  feet  of  swine.  This  spirit  of  independence  and  pride, 
joined  to  the  love  of  paradox  and  novelly ;  to  the  dechne  of 
sound  studies,  and  the  relaxation  of  ecclesiastical  discipline ; 
had  given  birth  to  heresies  which  rent  the  bosom  of  the 

The  most  dangerous  of  all  the  new  sects  was  that  of  the 
Albigeois,*  which  took  its  name  from  the  city  of  Albi,  in 
which  its  first  assemblies  had  been  held.  These  new  sec- 
tarians being  imable  to  explain  the  existence  of  evil  under  a 
just  and  good  Qod,  as  the  Manicheans  had  done,  adopted 
two  principles.    According  to  their  belief,  God  had  first 

*  Ab  Gibbon  has  done,  I  have  preferred  the  real  name  of  thia  sect  to 
the  Latinized  .^/%«}ueff.— Trans. 


created  Lucifer  and  his  angelfi;  Lucifer  haying  revolted 
from  God,  was  banished  from  heaven,  and  produced  the 
visible  world,  over  which  he  reigned.  God,  to  re-establish 
order,  created  his  second  son,  Jesus  Christ,  to  be  the  genius 
of  good,  as  Lucifer  had  been  the  genius  of  evil.  Several 
contemporary  writers  represent  the  Albigeois  in  the  most 
odious  colours,  and  describe  them  as  given  up  to  all  kinds  of 
error ;  but  this  opinion  must  not  be  adopted  in  all  its  rigour 
by  impartial  history.  For  the  honour  of  human  nature  we 
feel  bound  to  say,  that  never  did  a  religious  sect  dare  to 
endeavour  to  win  the  approbation  of  mankind  whilst  pre- 
senting an  example  of  clepravity  of  morals ;  and  that  in  no 
age,  among  no  people,  has  a  false  doctrine  ever  been  able  to 
lead  astray  any  number  of  men,  without  being  supported  by 
at  least  an  appearance  of  virtue. 

The  wisest  and  most  earnest  Christians  were  at  that 
period  desirous  of  a  reform  in  the  clergy.  "  But  there 
were,"  says  Bossuet,  "  vain  and  proud  minds,*  ftdl  of  bitter- 
ness, which,  struck  by  the  disorders  >  that  reigned  in  the 
Church,  and  more  particularly  among  its  ministers,  did  not 
believe  that  the  promises  of  its  eternal  duration  could 
possibly  subsist  amongst  these  abuses.  These,  become 
proud,  and  thence  weak,  yielded  to  the  temptation  which 
leads  to  a  hatred  of  the  Church  from  a  hatred  of  those  who 
preside  in  it ;  and  as  if  the  malice  of  man  could  annihilate 
the  work  of  God,  the  aversion  they  had  conceived  for  the 
teachers,  made  them  hate  at  the  same  time  both  the  doctrine 
they  taught  and  the  authority  they  had  received  from  God.** 

This  dusposition  of  men's  minds  gave  the  apostles  of  error 
a  most  deplorable  ascendancy,  and  multiplied  the  number  of 
their  disciples.  Among  the  new  Bcctarians,  the  most  remark- 
able were  the  Vaudois^  or  Poor  of  Z^ons,  who  devoted  them- 
selves to  a  state  of  idle  poverty,  and  despised  the  clergy, 
whom  they  accused  of  living  in  luKur^  and  voluptuousness  \ 
the  Apostoliques,  who  boasted  of  bemg  the  only  mystical 
body  of  Jesus  Christ ;  the  JPopelicains,  who  abnorred  the 
eucharist,  marriages,  and  the  other  sacraments ;  the  Aymer- 
iitesy  whose  teachers  announced  to  the  world  the  mture 

*  Bossaet,  HiHoire  deg  Variai.  toI.  ii.  L'Abbe  Paqaet,  in  his  2Xe- 
tionnaire  det  H^Aieii  and  Fleury,  in  hia  RUtwrtBeeJnMtiqm^  expreu 
the  aame  opinion. 


eBtablisliinent  of  a  purely  spiritual  worabip,  and  denied  &b' 
existence  of  a  hell  or  a  paradise,  persuaded  that  sin  finds  in 
itself  its  own  punishment,  and  virtue  its  own  reward. 

As  the  greater  part  of  these  heretics  exhibited  a  sovereign 
contempt  for  the  authority  of  the  Church,  which  was  then 
the  first  of  all  Kuthorities,  all  those  who  wished  to  shake  off 
the  yoke  of  divine  laws,  and  those  even  to  whom  their  pas- 
sions rendered  the  restraint  of  human  laws  intolerable,  came 
at  length  to  range  themselves  under  the  banners  of  these 
innovators,  and  were  welcomed  by  a  sect  anxious  to  increase 
and  strengthen  itself,  and  always  disposed  to  consider  as  its 
partisans  and  defenders,  men  whom  society  cast  from  its 
bosom,  who  dreaded  justice,  and  could  not  endure  established 
order.  Thus  the  pretended  reformers  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  whilst  themselves  affecting  austerity  of  manners, 
and  proclaiming  the  triumph  of  virtue  and  truth,  admitted 
into  their  bosom  both  corruption  and  licentiousness,  de- 
stroyed every  reffulation  of  authority,  abandoned  everything 
to  the  caprice  of  the  passions,  and  left  no  bond  to  society, 
no  power  to  morals,  no  check  upon  the  multitude. 

The  new  heresies  had  been  condemned  in  several  councils ; " 
but  as  violence  was  sometimes  employed  in  executing  the 
decisions  of  the  Church,  persecution  onlv  tended  to  soup 
men's  minds,  instead  of  brmging  them  back  to  truth.  Mis- 
sionaries and  papal  legates  were  sent  into  Lanraedoc,  to 
convert  the  misled  wanderers  from  the  flock;  but  their 
preaching  produced  no  fruit,  and  the  voice  of  falsehood 
prevailed  over  the  word  of  God.  The  preachers  of  the  faith, 
whom  the  heretics  reproached  with  their  luxury,  their  igno- 
rance, and  the  depravity  of  their  manners,  had  neither 
sufficient  resignation  nor  sufficient  humility  to  support  such 
outrages,  or  offer  them  as  a  sacrifice  to  Jesus  Christ,  whose 
apostles  they  were.  Exposed  to  the  scoffs  of  the  sectarians, 
and  gathering  nothing  m>m  the  labours  of  their  missions  but 
humdiation  and  contempt,  they  accustomed  themselves  to 
view  the  people  they  were  sent  to  convert  as  personal  ene- 
mies ;  and  a  spirit  of  vengeance  and  pride,  which  certainly 
came  not  from  heaven,  made  them  beheve  it  was  their  duty 
to  bring  into  the  right  rcMid,  by  force  of  arms,  all  who  had 
denied  their  power  or  resisted  their  eloquence.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff^  whose  mind  was  constantly  bent  upon  the 

HtSTOBT  01*  THE  GBVBADE0.  199 

Asiatic  war,  besitated  at  ordering  a  crusade  to  be  preacbed 
against  tbe  Albigeois ;  but  be  was  led  away  bj  tbe  opinions 
of  the  clergy,  perhaps  also  by  that  of  his  age,  and  at  last 
promised  to  all  Christians  who  would  take  up  arms  against 
the  Albigeois  the  same  privileges  as  those  granted  to  the 
Crusaders  against  tbe  Saracens.*    Simon  de  Montfort,  the 

*  Notwithstandiog  the  partiality  I  naturally  feel  for  an  author  whose 
work  I  am  translating,  and  to  which  task  I  was  led  by  my  admiration  of 
it,  I  cannot  allow  such  opinions  of  the  war  against  the  Albigeois  to  pass 
unnoticed.  A  very  sensible  French  historian  says  : — '*  The  inhabitants 
of  these  provinces  were  industrious,  intellectual,  and  addicted  to  com- 
merce, the  arts,  and  poetry ;  their  numerous  cities  flourished,  governed 
by  consuls  with  forms  approaching  to  republican ;  all  at  once  this  beauti- 
ful region  was  abandoneid  to  the  'furies  of  fanaticism,  its  cities  were  ruined, 
its  arts  and  its  commerce  destroyed,  and  its  language  cast  back  into  bar- 
barism. Tlie  preaching  of  the  first  religious  reform  gave  birth  to  the 
devastation  of  these  rid^  countries.  The  clergy  were  not  distinguished 
there,  as  in  France  or  tbe  northern  provinces,  by  their  ardour  to  improve 
themselves  and  diffuse  knowledge ;  they  signalized  themselves  by  gross 
disorders,  and  sank  daily  into  greater  contempt.  The  need  of  reform 
bad  been  long  felt  among  the  people  of  Provence  and  many  reformers 
had  already  appeared.  For  a  length  of  time  associations  had  existed  whose 
aim  it  was  to  purify  tbe  morals  and  the  doctrines  of  the  Church ;  such 
were  the  Paterins,  the  Catbarins,  and  the  Poor  of  Lyons ;  and  the  greater 
part  of  these  had  obtained  the  sanction  of  the  popes,  who  considered  them 
as  so  many  orders  of  monks,  highly  calculated  to  awaken  public  devotion. 
But  the  reforms  that  were  operated  extended  gradually ;  dogmas  even  were 
attacked,  ^priests  were  subjected  to  tbe  insults  of  the  people,  and  the 
domains  or  the  Church  were  invaded.  Such  was  the  state  of  things  when 
the  famous  Innocent  III.,  at  the  age  of  thirty -nine,  ascended  the  pontifical 
throne  in  1198.  To  his  great  task  he  brought  the  talents  of  an  ambitious, 
and  the  energy  of  a  violent  and  an  inflexible  character.  This  pontiff,  who 
dominated  over  Europe  by  indulgences  and  excommunications,  watched 
for  and  punished  with  severity  every  free  exercise  of  thought  in  religioui 
matters ;  he  was  the  fir^t  to  feel  how  serious  and  threatening  for  the 
Church  of  Rome  that  liberty  of  mind  must  be  that  had  already  degenerated 
into  revolt.  He  saw  with  great  inquietude  and  anger  the  new  tendency 
of  men's  minds  in  Provence  and  Languedoc,  and'proscribed  tbe  reformers, 
the  most  numerous  of  whom,  and  who  gave  their  name  to  all  the  others, 
were  known  under  the  names  of  Albigeois  and  Vaodois.  Some  among 
them  were  Manicbeans,  that  is  to  say,  admitted  the  two  principles;  bti 
the  greateit  number  of  them  pro/etned  doctrines  differing  but  very  little 
from  those  whtchi  three  centuries  later ^  were  preached  by  Luther,  They 
denied  transubstantiation  in  the  sacrament  of  the  Eucharist,  rejected  con- 
fession, and  tbe  sacraments  of  confirmation  and  marriage,  and  taxed  tbe 
worship  of  images  with  idolatry."  In  this  war  papacy  put  forth  all  its 
most  dreaded  powers;  indulgences  to  its  brutal,  mercenary  soldiers; 
heaven  for  wholesale  slaughterers  of  their  fellow-creatures ;  heU  for  all 


duke  of  Burgundy,  and  the  duke  of  Nerers  obeyed  tbe  ordeTS 
of  the  Holy  See :  the  hatred  which  this  new  sect  inspired, 
but  still  more  the  facility  of  gaining  indulgences  from  the 
sovereign  pontiff  without  quitting  Europe,  drew  a  great 
number  of  warriors  to  the  standajSs  of  this  crusade.  The 
Inquisition  owes  its  birth  to  this  war ;  an  institution  at  once 
fatal  to  humanity,  religion,  and  patriotism.  Piles  and  stakes 
appeared  on  all  sides ,  cities  were  taken  by  storm,  and  their 
inhabitants  put  to  the  sword.  The  violences  and  cruelties 
which  accompanied  this  unfortunate  war  have  been  described 
by  those  even  who  took  a  most  active  part  in  them  ;*  their 
recitals,  which  we  have  great}  difficulty  in  believing,  fre- 
quently resemble  the  language  of  falsehood  and  exaggera- 
tion. In  periods  of  vertigo  and  fury,  when  violent  passions 
come  in  to  mislead  both  opinions  and  consciences,  it  is  not 
rare  to  meet  with  men  who  exaggerate  the  excesses  to  which 

who  dared  to  think  when  they  worshipped,  or  to  hreatbe  a  word  against 
tbe  ▼eriest  nonsense  of  Romish  rites :  many  instances  occurred  in  which 
the  odious  doctrine  of  no  faiih  to  be  observed  with  heretics ^  was  unblush- 
iDgly  advanced  and  cruelly  acted  upon.  I  will  close  my  notice  of  this 
war  against  men  who  ventured  to  entertain  a  shade  of  difference  in  opinion 
from  their  fellow -Christians  and  the  head  of  the  Church,  by  a  quotation 
that  vividly  stamps  its  character.  *'  The  Crusaders  precipitated  them- 
•elves  in  a  mass  upon  the  lands  of  the  young  viscount  de  Beziers,  took 
his  castles  and  burnt  all  the  men,  violated  the  women  and  massacred  the 
children  they  found  in  them  ;  then,  turning  towards  Briers,  they  carried 
it  by  assault.  A  prodigious  number  of  the  inhabitants  of  tbe  circumjacent 
country  had  taken  refuge  in  this  city ;  the  abbot  of  Citeaux,  legate  of  the 
pope,  upon  being  consulted  by  the  knights  as  to  the  fate  of  these  unhappy 
beings,  a  part  of  whom  only  were  heretics,  replied  by  these  execrable  and 
ever-memorable  words :  *  Kill  away  !  kill  away  I  God  will  take  care  ^ 
hit  own  I*  "  The  crusade  against  the  Albigeois  is  one  of  the  blackest 
pages  in  the  history  of  mankind,  and  ought  to  be  described  as  sndi  by 
every  historian  whose  disagreeable  duty  it  is  to  name  it. — Trans. 

*  The  abbot  of  Vaux-de-Cemai,  who  signalized  himself  in  the  crusade 
against  the  Albigeois,  has  left  us  a  history  of  this  period,  in  which  he 
relates  with  an  air  of  triumph,  facts  which  passed  before  his  eyes,  at  whidi 
religion  as  well  as  humanity  ought  to  blush.  When  we  have  read  his 
account,  we  are  persuaded  of  two  things :  the  first,  that  he  was  sincere  in 
the  excess  of  his  fanatical  zeal;  the  second,  that  his  age  thought  as  he  did, 
and  did  not  disapprove  of  the  violences  and  persecutions  of  which  he  so 
candidly  exposes  the  history.  Le  P^  Langlois,  a  Jesuit,  has  written,  in 
French,  a  history  of  the  crusades  against  the  Albigeois.  The  Hietoire 
BeeUtiasHpie  of  Fleury,  and  VHiitoire  de  Us  Province  de  Lanffuedoe, 
may  be  consulted  with  advantage. 

HI0TOBT  OW  THS  CBU8U>X8.  201 

they  have  given  themaelTea  up,  and  boast  of  more  eyil  tlian 
they  have  committed. 

'^OT  ourselves,  the  disastrous  war  against  the  Albigeoia 
does  not  enter  into  the  plan  of  this  history,  and  if  we  have 
spoken  of  it  here,  it  was  only  the  better  to  describe  the 
situation  of  France  at  this  period,  and  the  obstacles  which 
then  opposed  themselves  to  all  enterprises  beyond  sea. 
Amidst  these  constantly  increasing  obstacles.  Innocent  III. 
was  deeply  afflicted  at  not  being  able  to  send  succours  to 
the  Christians  of  Palestine,  his  regret  being  the  &;reater 
from  the  circumstance  that  at  the  very  time  the  Albigeoia 
and  the  count  of  Thoulouse  were  subjected  to  this  fri^tful 
crusade,  the  Saracens  were  becoming  more  formidable  in 
Spain.  The  king  of  Castile,  threatened  by  an  innumerable 
army,  had  just  called  upon  all  Erenchmen  able  to  bear  arms 
to  come  to  his  assistance.  The  pope  himself  had  written  to 
all  the  bishops  of  France,  recommending  them  to  exhort  the 
faithful  of  their  dioceses  to  assist  in  a  great  battle  which  was 
to  be  fought  between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Moors,  about 
the  octave  of  Pentecost  (1212).  Innocent  promised  the 
warriors  who  would  repair  to  Spain,  the  usual  indulgences  of 
holy  wars ;  and  a  solemn  procession  was  made  at  Some,  to 
implore  of  God  the  destruction  of  the  Moors  and  Saracens. 
The  archbishops  of  Na]>bonne  and  Bordeaux,  the  bishop  of 
Nantes,  and  a  great  number  of  French  nobles,  crossed  the 
Pyrenees,  followed  by  two  thousand  knights  with  their 
squires  and  serjeants-at-arms.  The  Christian  army  met  the 
Moors  in  the  plains  of  Las  Navas  de  Tolosa,  and  fought  a 
battle,  in  which  more  than  two  hundred  thousand  infidels  lost 
either  their  lives  or  their  liberty.  The  conquerors,  loaded 
with  spoils  and  surrounded  by  the  dead,  sang  the  Te  Deum 
on  the  field  of  battle :  the  standard  of  the  leader  of  the 
Almoades  was  sent  to  Eome  as  a  trophy  of  the  victory 
granted  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christian  Church. 

On  learning  the  issue  of  the  battle  of  Tolosa,  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  amidst  the  assembled  inhabitants  of  Borne,  offered 
up  thanks  to  God  for  having  scattered  the  enemies  of  his 
people ;  and  at  the  same  time  prayed  that  Heaven  in  its 
mercy  would,  in  the  end,  deliver  the  Christians  of  Syria  as 
it  had  just  delivered  the  Christians  of  Spain. 

The  head  of  the  Church  renewed  his  exhortations  to  the 


fiuthful  for  tlie  defence  of  the  kingdom  of  Jesiu  Christ ;  but 
amidst  the  troubles  and  civil  wars  that  he  himself  had  ex- 
cited, he  could  gain  no  attention  to  the  complaints  of  Jem- 
aalem,  and  shed  tears  of  despair  at  the  indifference  of  the 
nations  of  the  West.  About  this  period  such  a  drcumstanoe 
was  beheld  as  had  never  occurred  even  in  times  so  abound- 
ing in  prodigies  and  extraordinary  events.  Fifty  thousand 
children,  in  France  and  Germany,  braving  paternal  authority, 
gathered  together  and  pervaded  both  cities  and  countries, 
singing  these  words : — ''  Lord  Jesus,  restore  to  us  your  holy 
cross!"  When  they  were  asked  whither  they  were  going, 
or  what  they  intended  to  do,  they  replied,  **  We  are  going 
to  Jerusalem,  to  deliver  the  sepulchre  of  our  Saviour." 
Some  ecclesiastics,  blinded  by  false  zeal,  had  preached  this 
crusade;  most  of  the  fiuthful  saw  nothing  m  it  but  the 
inspiration  of  Heaven,  and  thought  that  Jesus  Christ,  to 
show  his  divine  power,  and  to  confound  the  pride  of  the 
ereatest  captains,  and  of  the  wise  and  powerful  of  the  earth, 
had  placed  nis  cause  in  the  hands  of  simple  and  timid  infancy, 
]^ny  women  of  bad  character,  and  aishonest  men  insinu- 
ated themselves  amongst  the  crowd  of  these  new  soldiers  of 
the  cross,  to  seduce  and  plunder  them.  A  great  portion  of 
this  juvenile  militia  crossed  the  Alps,  to  embark  at  the  Italian 

Sorts ;  whilst  those  who  came  from  the  provinces  of  France, 
irected  their  course  to  Marseilles.  On  the  fiuth  of  a 
miraculous  revelation,  they  had  been  made  to  believe  that 
this  year  (1213)  the  drought  would  be  so  great  that  the 
Bim  would  dissipate  all  the  waters  of  the  sea,  and  thus  an 
easy  road  for  pilgrims  would  be  opened  across  the  bed  of 
the  Mediterranean  to  the  coasts  of  Syria.  Many  of  these 
youne  Crusaders  lost  themselves  in  forests,  then  so  abundant 
and  krge,  and  wandering  about  at  hazard,  perished  with 
heat,  hunger,  thirst,  and  fatigue ;  others  returned  to  their 
homes,  ashamed  of  their  imprudence,  saying,  they  really  did 
not  know  why  they  had  gone.  Among  those  that  embarked, 
some  were  shipwrecked,  or  given  up  to  the  Saracens,  against 
whom  they  haa  set  out  to  fight ;  many,  say  the  old  chro- 
nicles, gathered  the  palms  of  martyrdom,  and  offered  the 
infidels  the  edifying  spectacle  of  the  firmness  and  courage 
the  Christian  religion  is  capable  of  inspiring  at  the  most 
tender  age  as  well  as  at  the  more  mature. 


StLcli  of  these  cbildren  as  reached  PtolemfOB  must  hare 
created  terror  as  well  as  astonishment,  by  making  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  East  believe  that  Europe  had  no  longer  any 
government  or  laws,  no  longer  any  wise  or  prudent  men, 
either  in  the  councils  of  pnnces  or  those  or  the  Church. 
.  Nothing  more  completely  demonstrates  the  spirit  of  these 
times  than  the  indifference  with  which  such  oisorders  were 
witnessed.  No  authority  interfered,  either  to  stop  or  pre- 
vent the  madness ;  and  when  it  was  announced  to  the  pope 
that  death  had  swept  away  the  flower  of  the  youth  of  France 
and  Germany,  he  contented  himself  with  saying, — "  These 
children  reproach  us  with  having  fallen  asleep,  whilst  they 
were  flying  to  the  assistance  of  the  Holy  Land."  • 

The  sovereign  pontiff,  in  order  to  accomplish  his  designs, 
and  rekindle  the  enthusiasm  of  the  faithful,  found  it  neces- 
sary to  strike  the  imagination  of  the  nations  vividly,  and  to 
present  a  grand  spectacle  to  the  Christian  world.  Innocent 
resolved  to  assemble  a  general  council  at  Bome,  to  deli^rate 
upon  the  state  of  the  Church  and  the  fate  of  the  Christians 
01  the  East.  "The  necessi^  for  succouring  the  Holy 
Land,"  said  he  in  his  letters  of  convocation,  "  and  the  hope 
of  conquering  the  Saracens,  are  greater  than  ever ;  we  renew 
our  cries  and  our  prayers  to  you,  to  excite  you  to  this  noble 
enten)rise.  No  one  can  imagine,"  added  Innocent,  "  that 
God  has  need  of  your  arms  to  deliver  Jerusalem ;  but  he 
offers  you  an  opportunity  of  showing  your  penitence,  and 
proving  your  love  for  him.  Oh,  my  brethren,  how  many 
advantages  has  not  the  Christian  Church  already  derived 
from, the  scourges  that  have  desolated  her,  and  desolate  her 
still !  How  many  crimes  have  been  expiated  by  repentance  I 
How  many  virtues  revive  at  the  fire  of  charitv  f  How  many 
conversions  are  made  among  sinners  by  tne  complaining 
voice  of  Jerusalem !  Bless,  then,  the  ingenious  mercy,  the 
generous  artifice  of  Jesus  Christ,  who  seeks  to  touch  your 
hearts,  to  seduce  your  piety,  and  is  willing  to  owe  to  his  misled 
disciples  a  victory  which  he  holds  in  his  all-powerful  hand."t 

*  This  crusade  of  the  children  is  related  by  so  great  a  namber  of  con- 
temporary authors,  tliat  we  cannot  entertain  any  doubt  of  it.  We  will 
refer  to  our  Appendix  the  different  versions  of  the  ancient  chronicles  of 
this  singular  event. 

t  Vetus  est  hoc  artifidnm  Jesus  Christ!,  quod  ad  suomm  lalutem 
fideUum  diehns  istis  dignatas  est  innovare. — Epiit,  Innocent. 

204  HISTOBT  07  THE  CBrBAIttS. 

The  pope  afterwards  compares  Jesus  Christ  banished  from 
his  henta^,  to  one  of  the  kings  of  the  earth  who  might  be 
driven  from  his  dominions.  "Where  are  the  vaasals," 
added  he,  "  who  will  not  risk  their  fortunes  and  their  lives 
Uf  restore  their  sovereign  to  his  kingdom  ?  Such  of  the 
Bubiects  and  servants  of  the  monarch  as  shall  have  done 
nothing  for  his  cause,  ought  thej  not  to  be  ranked  with  the 
rebels,  and  be  subjected  to  the  punishment  due  to  revolt  and 
treason  P  It  is  thus  that  Jesus  Christ  will  treat  those  who 
remain  indifferent  to  the  insults  heaped  upon  him,  and  refuse 
to  take  up  arms  to  fight  against  his  enemies/' 

To  raise  the  hopes  and  the  courage  of  the  Christians,  the 
holy  father  terminated  his  exhortation  to  the  faithful,  by 
saying,  that  *'  the  power  of  Mahomet  drew  towards  its  end ; 
for  that  power  was  nothing  but  the  beast  of  the  Apocalypse, 
which  was  not  to  extend  beyond  the  number  of  six  hunitred 
years,*  and  already  six  centtiries  were  accomplished."  These 
last  words  of  the  pope  were  sustained  by  the  popular  pre- 
dictions which  were  spread  throughout  the  West,  and 
created  a  belief  that  the  destruction  of  the  Saracens  was  at 

As  in  preceding  crusades,  the  sovereign  pontiff  promised 
all  w^ho  should  take  arms  against  the  infidels,  the  remission 
of  their  sins  and  the  especial  protection  of  the  Church. 
Upon  so  important  an  occasion,  the  head  of  the  Christians 
laid  open  the  treasures  of  divine  mercjr  to  all  the  fia,ithful,  in 
proportion  to  their  zeal  and  their  gifts.  All  prelates  and 
ecclesiastics,  as  well  as  the  inhabitauts  of  cities  and  coun- 
tries, were  invited  to  raise  a  certain  number  of  warriors,  and 
support  them  for  three  years,  according  to  their  means.  The 
pope  exhorted  princes  and  nobles  who  would  not  take  the 
cross,  to  second  the  zeal  of  the  Crusaders  in  every  way  in 
their  power;  the  head  of  the  Church  demanded  of  all  the 
faithful,  prayers ;  of  the  rich,  alms  and  tributes ;  of  knights, 
an  example  of  courage ;  of  maritime  cities,  vessels ;  he  him- 
self engaging  to  make  the  greatest  sacrifices.     Processions 

♦  The  year  1263  answered  to  the  year  602  of  the  Hegyra. 

t  Montesquieu  foretells  the  fate  of  Mahometanism  ;  not  as  Innocent 
did,  hut  philosophically.  He  likewise  predicts  **  that  France  will  fall  hy 
the  sword  ;"  but  whether  the  sword  will  be  drawn  by  foreigners  or  her 
own  sons,  he  does  not  say. — ^Trans. 


were  to  be  made  everj  month  in  all  panBhes,  in  order  to 
obtain  the  benedictions  of  Heaven ;  all  the  efforts,  all  the 
TOWS,  all  the  thoughts  of  Christians  were  to  be  directed 
towards  the  object  of  the  holy  war.  That  nothing  might 
divert  the  faithiul  from  the  expedition  against  the  Saracens, 
the  H0I7  See  revoked  the  indulgences  granted  to  those  who 
abandoned  their  homes  to  ffo  and  fight  against  theAlbi- 
geois  in  Languedoc,  or  the  Moors  on  the  oQier  side  of^the 

It  is  plain  that  the  sovereign  pontiff  neglected  nothing 
that  could  render  the  success  of  the  holy  enterprise  more 
certain.  A  modem  historian  justly  remarks,  that  he  em- 
ployed every  means,  even  such  as  were  not  likely  to  suc- 
ceed ;  for  he  wrote  to  the  sultan  of  Damascus  and  Cairo, 
inviting  him  to  replace  the  holy  city  in  the  hands  of  the 
servants  of  the  true  God.  Innocent  said  in  his  letter,  that 
Qod  had  chosen  the  infidels  as  his  instruments  of  vengeance; 
that  he  had  permitted  Saladin  to  get  possession  of  Jerusalem, 
in  order  to  punish  the  sins  of  the  Christians ;  but  that  the 
day  of  deliverance  was  come,  and  that  the  Lord,  disarmed 
by  the  prayers  of  his  people,  was  about  to  restore  the  heritage 
of  Jesus  Christ.  The  sovereign  pontiff  counselled  the  sultan 
to  avoid  the  efinision  of  blood,  and  prevent  the  desolation  of. 
his  empire. 

This  was  not  the  first  time  that  the  head  of  the  Church 
had  addressed  prayers  and  warnings  to  the  Mussulman 
powers.  Two  years  before  he  had  written  to  the  sultan  of 
Aleppo,  in  the  hope  of  bringing  him  back  to  the  way  of 
evangelical  truth,  and  making  him  a  faithful  auxiliary  of  the 
Christians.  All  these  attempts,  which  ended  in  nothing, 
clearly  prove  that  the  pope  was  perfectly  imacquainted  witn 
the  spint  and  character  of  the  Mussuhnans.  The  sovereign 
pontiff  was  not  more  fortunate  when,  in  his  letters,  he  &- 
sired  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  to  use  his  utmost  endea- 
vours to  arrest  the  progress  of  corruption  and  licentiousness 
among  the  Christians  of  Palestine.  The  Christians  of  Syria 
made  no  change  in  their  morals,  and  aU  the  passions  main- 
tained their  reign  amount  them;  whilst  the  Mussulmans 
fortified  the  holy  city  uiat  was  demanded  of  them,  and 
employed  themselves  in  arming  against  the  attacks  of  the 
enemies  of  Islamism. 


Nothing  could  exceed  the  ardour  and  activity  of  the  BOfve- 
leign  pontiff.  Histoiy  can  scarcely  follow  him,  whilst  seek* 
ing  in  every  direction  enemies  against  the  Mussulmans; 
appealing,  by  turns,  to  the  patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and  An- 
tioch,  and  to  all  the  princes  of  Armenia  and  Syria.  His 
eye  took  in  at  one  view  both  East  and  West.  His  letters 
and  ambassadors  passed  unceasingly  throughout  Europe. 
He  sent  the  convocation  for  the  council  and  the  bull  of  the 
crusade  into  all  the  provinces  of  Christendom;  and  his 
apostolic  exhortations  resounded  from  the  shores  of  the 
Danube  and  the  Vistula  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and  the 

Commissaries  were  chosen  to  make  the  decisions  of  the 
Holy  See  known  to  all  Christians :  their  mission  was  to 
preach  the  holy  war,  and  reform  manners ;  to  invoke  at  the 
same  time  the  knowledge  of  the  learned  and  the  courage  of 
warriors.  In  many  provinces,  the  mission  of  preaching  the 
crusade  was  confided  to  the  bishops ;  Cardinal  Peter  Robert 
de  Cour9on,  who  was  then  in  France,  as  legate  of  the  pope, 
received  great  powers  from  the  Holy  See ;  and  travelled 
through  the  kingdom,  exhorting  Christians  to  take  up  the 
cross  and  arms. 

The  cardinal  de  Courcon  had  been  in  his  youth  the  dis- 
ciple of  Foulke  of  Neuilly,  and  had  gained  great  celebrity 
by  his  eloquence.  The  multitude  flodced  from  all  parts  to 
hear  so  distinguished  a  preacher  of  the  Word,  clothed  in  all 
the  splendour  of  Eomish  power.  **  The  legate,"  says  Fleury, 
**  had  the  power  of  regulating  everything  that  was  connected 
with  tournaments ;  and,  which  will  appear  more  singular, 
the  faculty  of  granting  a  certain  indulgence  to  those  who 
were  present  at  the  sermons  in  which  he  preached  the  cru- 

*  OSbbon  tays :  **  Some  deep  reasonen  have  aiupected  that  the  whola 
eaterpnae.  from  the  first  lynod  at  Placeotia,  was  contrived  and  executed 
by  the  policy  of  Rome.  The  aospicion  is  not  founded  either  in  matter  or 
fact.  The  successors  of  St.  Peter  appear  to  have  followtd,  rather  than 
guided  the  impulse  of  manners  and  prejudice."  With  great  respect  for 
our  iUustrious  historian,  I  cannot  quite  sgree  with  him ;  the  popes  were  in 
many  instances  jthe  first  to  kindle  the  flame,  and  were  always  anxious  to 
keep  it  burning!  In  the  part  of  our  history  now  before  us,  it  is  plain  it 
would  have  gone  out  but  for  the  great  exertions  of  Innocent.  The 
crusades  were  a  powerful  engine  in  the  hands  of  the  pop«a  |  they  could 
not  affoid  to  let  them  go  to  decay.— Taaws. 


pade."  raithfal  to  the  spirit  of  the  religion  of  Jems  Christ, 
the  cardioftl  de  €01119011  gave  the  cross  to  all  Christiana 
vho  asked  for  it,  without  reflecting  that  women,  children, 
old  men,  the  deaf,  the  blind,  the  lame,  could  not  make  war 
against  the  Saracens ;  or  that  an  army  could  not  be  formed 
as  the  Gospel  composed  the  feast  of  the  father  of  the  family. 
Thus  this  liberty  of  entering  into  the  holy  bands,  accorded 
without  distinction  or  choice,  onlv  disgusted  the  barons  and 
knights,  and  cooled  the  ardour  of  the  common  soldiers.* 

Among  the  orators  whom  the  pope  associated  with  the 
cardinal  de  Courfon,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  was  James 
of  Vitri,  whom  the  Church  had  already  placed  in  the  rank 
of  its  celebrated  doctors.  Whilst  he  preached  the  crusade 
in  the  different  provinces  of  France,t  the  feme  of  his  virtues 
and  talents  extended  even  to  the  East.  The  canons  of 
Ptolemais  demanded  him  of  the  pope  as  their  pastor  and 
bishop ;  and  the  the  wishes  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine 
were  immediately  granted.  James  of  Vitri,  after  having 
excited  the  warriors  of  the  West  to  take  arms,  became 
afterwards  a  witness  of  their  laboiurs,  and  related  them  in  a 
history  which  has  come  down  to  our  times. 

The  preaching  of  the  holy  war  awakened  everywhere  the 
eharity  of  the  feithful.  thilip  Augustus  gave  up  the 
fortieth  part  of  his  territorial  revenues  towards  the  expenses 
of  the  crusade,  and  a  great  number  of  nobles  and  prelates 
followed  his  example.f     As  boxes  had  been  placed  in  all 

♦  Tlie  cardinal  de  Couryon  wa«  an  Engliahman  by  fanfily.  He  had 
atudied  at  the  Uoivcrsity  of  Paris,  and  from  that  was  connected  with 
Lothaire,  who  became  pope  under  the  name  of  Innocent  III.  It  ista 
this  friendship  that  Peter  Robert  de  Cour^on  owed  his  elevation.  Ther© 
is  a  very  long  notice  of  this  person  by  the  late  M.  du  Theil,  in  Lh  Noiien 
det  ManuteriiM,  torn.  vi.  ,..       ,. .,  »i    * 

t  The  continuator  of  WUliam  of  Tyre  expresses  himself  Uius :— 11  ot 

Toyast  pour  estre  ^vesque  d'Acre ;  et  sachiex  s'il  n'en  east  le  commande- 
ment  I'apostolle,  il  ne  I'enst  mie  re9U,  mats  toutes  voies  passa-t-il  ontre- 
»er,  et  fust  ^yesque  grand  piece,  et  ^t  mult  de  biens  en  la  terre ;  mais 
mis  lesigna-t-il,  et  retouma  en  France,  et  puis  fat  il  cardinal  de  Kome« 
As  M.  Michaud  has  placed  this  note  all  in  the  text,  and  has  only  given 
t  to  show  the  cnrions  mode  of  expression,  I  have  followed  his  example. 
t  PhiUp  granted  this  fortieth,  without  referanoe  to  Hm  foture    mb§pie 


a08  HIBTOBT  07  TUX  OSrSADSfl. 

churches  to  receive  the  alms  of  the  charitable,  these  almd 
brought  considerable  sums  into  the  hands  of  the  cardinal 
de  Courcon,  who  was  accused  of  having  appropriated  to 
himself  toe  gifts  offered  to  Jesus  Christ.  These  accusations 
were  the  more  eagerly  received,  from  the  legate  having  taken 
upon  him  to  exercise,  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  See,  an 
authority  which  was  displeasing  to  both  the  monarch  and 
his  people.  The  cardinal,  without  the  approbation  of  the 
king,  levied  taxes,  enrolled  warriors,  forgave  debts,  lavished 
both  rewards  and  punishments,  and,  in  a  word,  usurped  all 
the  prerogatives  of  sovereignly.  The  exercise  of  such  an 
unbounded  power  was  the  cause  of  trouble  to  all  the  pro- 
vinces.* To  prevent  disorders,  Philip  Augustus  thought  it 
necessary  to  lay  down  regulations  which  should  lei^cifjr  to 
the  general  council,  the  individual  position  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  the  exemptions  and  privileges  they  were  to  enjoy. 

Whilst  the  cardinal  de  Cour^on  continued  to  preach  the 
crusade  throughout  the  provinces  of  France,  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury  was  earnestly  engaged  in  inciting  the  people 
of  England  to  take  up  arms  against  the  infidels.  Durine  a 
length  of  time,  the  kmgdom  of  England  had  been  troubled 
by  the  violent  contentions  of  the  commons,  the  barons,  and 
even  the  clergy,  who  had  taken  advantage  of  the  exoom- 
municationsf  hiunched  by  the  pope  against  King  John,  to 

€OUtuHudin€f  and  upon  condition  that  this  volantary  gift  shonld  be 
employed  wherever  the  king  of  England  and  the  barons  of  the  two  king* 
doms  should  think  best. — See  Le  Ree.  de»  Ord,  torn.  i.  p.  31. 

*  In  the  royal  regulations  of  Philip  Augustus,  there  is  an  order  relative 
to  the  debts  contracted  by  the  Crusaders  as  members  of  a  commune.  We 
think  our  readers  will  not  be  displeased  by  the  particulars  of  this  order. 
'*  As  to  the  Crusaders,  members  of  certain  communes,  we  order/'  says  the 
king,  **  that  if  the  commune  itself  be  charged  with  any  levy,  whether  for 
foot  or  horse  soldiers  (I'ost  et  la  chevauch^e),  the  inclosure  of  the  city, 
the  defence  of  the  city  in  the  event  of  a  siege,  or  for  any  debt  that  is 
due,  and  contracted  beifbre  they  took  the  cross,  tbey  shall  be  held  subject 
to  the  payment  of  their  proportion,  equally  with  the  other  inhabitants  who 
have  not  taken  the  cross ;  but  as  to  the  debts  contracted  after  the  period 
at  which  they  shall  have  taken  the  cross,  the  Crusaders  shall  remain 
eiempt,  not  only  until  their  approaching  departure,  but  until  their 
return." — See  the  Recueil  det  Ordormancei,  Dachefy^  and  the  sath  vol. 
of  the  Notiett  det  Manuteritt,  diaertation  d»  M,  du  Tkeil  wr  Robert 
de  Qnayon, 

t  In  the  charter  granted  by  King  John,  that  monardi  expraiily  atji 


obtain  a  confinnation  of  tbeir  liberties.  The  English  mo- 
narch, when  subscribing  the  conditions  that  had  been  dictated 
to  him,  had  yielded  much  more  to  necessity  and  force,  than 
to  his  own  inclinations ;  he  wished  earnestly  to  retract  what 
he  had  granted,  and  in  order  to  place  his  crown  under  the 
protection  of  the  Church,  he  took  the  cross,  and  swore  to  go 
and  fight  against  the  Saracens.  The  sovereign  pontiff  placed 
faith  in  the  submission  and  promises  of  the  king  of  England ; 
and  after  havinc;  preached  a  crusade  against  this  prince, 
whom  he  accused  of  being  an  enemy  of  the  Church,  ne  em- 
ployed the  whole  authority  of  the  Holy  See,  and  all  the 
thunders  of  religion  in  his  defence. 

King  John  had  no  other  motive  in  taking  the  cross  but  to 
deceive  the  pope,  and  obtain  the  protection  of  the  Church ; 
the  sign  of  the  Crusaders  was  assumed  by  him  only  as  a 
means  of  preserving  his  power ;  a  false  and  deceitful  policy, 
which  was  soon  unmasked,  and,  without  doubt,  assisted 
much  in  diminishing  the  public  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  war. 
The  barons  of  England,  in  their  turn  excommunicated  by 
the  pope,  employed  themselves  in  defending  their  liberties, 
and  paid  no  attention  to  the  holy  orators  who  called  upon 
them  to  embark  for  Asia. 

The  empire  of  Germany  was  not  less  disturbed  than  the 
kingdom  of  England.  Otho  of  Saxony,  after  having  been, 
dunng  ten  years,  the  object  of  all  the  predilections  of  the 
Holy  See,  drew  upon  hinfself  all  at  once  the  implacable 
hatred  of  Innocent,  by  putting  forth  some  claims  to  certain 
domains  of  the  Church,  and  to  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and 
Sicily.  Not  only  was  he  himself  excommunicated,  but  the 
cities  even  that  remained  faithful  to  him  were  placed  under 
an  interdict.  The  sovereign  pontiff  opposed  Frederick  II., 
son  of  Henry  VI.,  to  Otho,  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had 
opposed  Otho  to  Philip  of  Swabia.  Germany  and  Italy 
were  immediately  in  a  state  of  agitation  and  trouble. 
Frederick,  who  was  crowned  king  of  the  Bomans  at  Aix  la 
Chapelle,  took  the  cross,  from  a  sentiment  of  gratitude,  and 
with  the  hope  of  securing  the  support  of  the  Holy  See  in 
ascending  the  imperial  throne. 

Otho  meanwhile  neglected  no  means  of  preserving  the 

that  he  grurts  Uqs  charter  by  the  advice  ef  the  arohbiflhop  of  Canterbury, 
of  leveii  bishops,  and  the  pope's  nnncio. 

Vol.  II.— 10 

210  HISTOKT  07  THE   CBVSADX8. 

empire,  and  resisting  the  views  and  undertakings  of  the 
court  of  Home.  He  made  war  against  the  pope,  and  allied 
himself  with  all  the  enemies  of  Philip  Augustus,  who  had 
declared  for  Prederick.  A  formidable  league,  composed  of 
the  king  of  England  and  thfe  counts  of  Flanders,  Holland, 
and  Boulogne,  threatened  France  with  an  invasion.  The 
capital  and  provinces  of  that  kingdom  were  alreadjr  shared 
among  the  leaders  of  this  league,  when  Philip  gained  the 
celebrated  battle  of  Bouvines.  This  memorable  victory* 
secured  the  independence  and  honour  of  the  French  mo- 
narchy, and  restored  peace  to  Europe.  Otho,  conquered, 
lost  his  allies,  and  sunk  beneath  the  thunders  of  the 

The  period  was  now  arrived  at  which  the  council  sum- 
moned by  the  pone  was  to  meet.  From  all  parts  of  Europe, 
ecclesiastics,  nobles,  princes,  and  the  ambassadors  of  princes, 
repaired  to  the  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  The  deputies 
from  Antioch  ancf  Alexandria,  with  the  patriarchs  of  Con- 
stantinople and  Jerusalem,  came  to  Eome  to  implore  the 
support  of  the  nations  of  Christendom ;  the  ambassadors  of 
Frederick,  Philip  Augustus,  and  the  kings  of  England  and 
Hungary,  in  the  names  of  their  sovereigns,  came  to  take 
their  places  in  the  council.  This  assembly,  whi<?h  repre- 
sented the  universal  Church,  and  in  whidi  were  nearly  five 
hundred  bishops  and  archbishops,  and  more  than  a  hundred 
abbots  and  prelates  from  all  the  provinces  of  the  East  and 
"West,  took  place  in  the  church  of  the  Lateran,t  and  was 
presided  over  by  the  sovereign  pontiff.  Innocent  opened 
the  council  by  a  sermon,  in  which  he  deplored  the  errors  of 
his  age  and  the  misfortunes  of  the  Church.  After  having 
exhorted  the  clergy  and  the  faithful,  to  sanctify  by  their 
morals,  the  measures  he  was  about  to  take  against  heretics 
and  the  Saracens,  he  represented  Jerusalem  as  clothed  in 

*  TbU  yictoryof  BoaTines,  which  had  such  happy  resolts  for  the  French 
monarchy,  will  be  worthily  celebrated  in  the  poem  of  PAiiip  Aufftute,  by 
M.  Perceval  de  Grand-maison :  we  cannot  sufficiently  praiM  our  poets 
who  take  their  subjects  from  the  greatest  periods  of  our  annals. 

t  Upon  the  holding  of  this  council,  the  Chronicle  of  Opaberg,  tho 
monk  Godfrey,  Matthew  Paris,  Albert  Stadensis,  the  Chronicle  of  Fassano, 
and  particularly  the  collection  of  the  couocils,  may  be  consulted.  Fleury 
enters  into  very  copious  detaila.^See  the  sixteenth  vol.  of  the  Hiiinrt 


mouming,  exhibiting  the  chains  of  her  captivitj,  and  calling 
upon  all  the  prophets  to  lend  their  voices  to  reach  the  hearts 
of  the  Christians. 

"  Oh!  ye,"  said  Jerusalem  by  the  mouth  of  the  pontiff,  "who 
pass  along  the  public  roads,  behold,  and  see  if  ye  have  ever 
witnessed  grief  like  mine.  Hasten  then  all,  O  ye  that  love 
me,  to  deliver  me  from  the  depth  of  mv  miseries !  I,  who 
was  the  queen  of  all  nations,  am  now  subjected  to  a  tribute ; 
I,  who  was  formerly  filled  with  people,  am  now  left  deso- 
late and  almost  alone  !  The  roads  of  Sion  mourn,  because 
no  one  comes  to  my  solemnities.  My  enemies  have  crushed 
down  my  head ;  all  my  sacred  places  are  profaned ;  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  once  so  splendid,  is  covered  with  disgrace ;  there, 
where  of  late  the  Son  of  God  was  adored,  worship  is  now 
offered  up  to  the  son  of  perdition  and  hell.  The  children 
of  the  stranger  load  me  with  outrages,  and,  pointing  to  the 
cross  of  Jesus,  say  to  me.  Thou  hut  placed  thy  trust  in  vile 
wood ;  we  shall  see  whether  this  wood  can  save  thee  in  the 
hour  of  danger. ^^* 

Innocent  after  having  thus  made  the  mourning  Jerusalem 
eloquent,  conjured  the  faithful  to  take  pity  on  her  misfor- 
tunes, and  arm  for  her  deliverance.  He  terminated  his  ex- 
hortation by  these  words,  which  breathe  both  his  grief  and 
his  ardent  zeal : — "  My  beloved  brethren,  I  give  myself  up 
entirely  to  you ;  if  you  think  it  best,  I  promise  to  go  in 
person  with  the  kings,  princes,  and  nations ;  you  shall  see  if, 
by  my  cries  and  my  prayers,  I  shall  be  able  to  excite  them 
to  fight  for  the  Lord,  to  avenge  the  insults  of  the  crucified, 
whom  our  sins  have  banished  from  the  land  wetted  with  his 
blood,  and  sanctified  with  the  mystery  of  our  redemption." 

The  discourse  of  the  pontifi'  was  listened  to  in  religious 
silence;  but  as  Innocent  spoke  of  several  objects  at  the 
same  time,  and  as  his  oratory  was  full  of  allegoties,  he  did  not 
at  all  succeed  in  awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  the  assembly. 
The  fathers  of  the  council  appeared  to  be  not  less  affected 
by  the  abuses  introduced  into  the  Church,  than  by  the  re- 
verses of  the  Christians  of  the  East ;  in  the  first  place  the 
assembly  employed  itself  in  endeavouring  to  find  means  to 

*  The  discourse  of  the  pope  is  preseired  in  its  entirety  in  the  ooliection 
oT  the  ooaaoUi.— e«e  tiia  fourth  Coaacfl  of  the  Lateraa. 


reform  ecclesiastical  discipline,  and  check  the  progress  of 

In  a  declaration  of  faith,  the  council  explained  the  doc- 
trine of  Christians,  and  recalled  to  their  minds  the  sym- 
bol of  evangelical  belief.  They  opposed  truth  to  error, 
persuasion  to  violence,  and  the  virtues  of  the  G-ospel  to  the 
passions  of  sectarians  and  innovators :  happy  would  it  then 
have  been  for  the  Christian  church,  if  the  pope  had  followed 
this  example  of  moderation ;  and  if,  whilst  defending  the 
rights  of  religion,  he  had  not  forgotten  the  rights  of  sove- 
reigns and  humanity.  By  an  apostolic  decree,  proclaimed 
amidst  the  council,  Innocent  deposed  the  count  of  Thou- 
louse,  who  was  considered  the  protector  of  heresy,  and  gave 
his  states  to  Simon  de  Montfort,  who  had  fought  again^,  or 
rather  slaughtered  the  Albigeois. 

Innocent  could  not  pardon  the  count  of  Thoulouse  for 
having  provoked  a  war  which  had  agitated  Christendom,  and 
suspended  the  execution  of  his  designs  for  the  Eastern  cru- 
sade. The  violent  policy  of  the  ^sovereign  pontiff  aimed  at 
striking  terror  into  all  heretics,  and  encouraging  Christians 
to  arm  for  the  cause  of  Jesus  Christ  and  that  of  his  vicar 
upon  earth. 

After  having  condemned  the  new  errors,  and  pronounced 
the  anathemas  of  the  Church  against  all  who  strayed  from 
the  way  of  the.  faith,  the  pontiff  and  the  fathers  of  the 
council  gave  their  attention  to  the  Christians  of  the  East, 
and  the  means  of  promptly  succouring  the  Holy  Land.  All 
the  dispositions  expressed  in  the  bull  of  convocation  were 
confirmed ;  it  was  decreed  that  all  ecclesiastics  should  pay 
the  twentieth  of  their  revenues  towards  the  expenses  of  the 
crusade ;  that  the  pope  and  the  cardinals  should  pay  the 
tenth  of  theirs,  ana  that  there  should  be  a  truce  of  four 
years  among  all  Christian  princes.  The  council  launched 
the  thunders  of  excommunication  against  all  princes  that 
should  molest  the  march  of  pilgrims,  and  against  all  that 
should  furnish  infidels  with  provisions  or  arms :  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  promised  to  dii'ect  the  preparations  for  the 
war,  to  contribute  three  thousand  silver  marks,  and  to  sup- 
ply, at  his  own  expense,  several  vessels  for  the  transport  of 
the  Crusaders. 

The  decisions  of  the  council  and  the  speeches  of  the  pop^ 


made  a  profound  impresBion  upon  the  minds  of  the  western 
Christians.  All  the  preachers  of  the  holy  war  were  formally 
directed  to  recall  the  faithful  to  a  sense  of  penitence,  and 
to  prohibit  dances,  tournaments,  and  public  sports ;  to  re- 
form morals  and  to  revive  in  all  hearts  the  love  of  religion 
and  virtue.  They  were  commanded,  after  the  example  of 
the  sovereign  pontiff,  to  make  the  complaints  of  Jerusalem 
resound  in  the  palaces  of  princes ;  and  to  earnestly  solicit 
monarchs  and  nobles  to  assume  the  cross,  so  that  the  people 
might  be  induced  to  do  so  likewise. 

The  decrees  concerning  the  holy  wars  were  published  in  all 
the  churches  of  the  "West ;  in  several  provinces,  particularly 
in  the  north  of  Europe,  the  prodigies  and  miraculous  appa- 
ritions that  had  excited  enthusiasm  at  the  period  of  the  ^nt 
crusades,  again  became  common  ;  luminous  crosses  appeared 
in  the  heavens,  and  made  the  inhabitants  of  Cologne  and 
the  cities  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Ehine  believe  that  God 
favoured  the  holy  enterprise,  and  that  the  divine  power  pro- 
mised the  defeat  and  rum  of  the  infidels  to  the  arms  of  the 

The  orators  redoubled  their  ardour  and  zeal  to  engage 
the  faithful  to  take  a  part  in  the  holy  war.  From  the 
pulpits  imprecations  were  poured  forth  against  the  Saracens, 
always  accompanied  by  a  repetition  of  the  words  of  Christ : 
"  I  am  come  to  establish  war."  The  eloquence  of  prelat^es, 
bishops,  and  pastors  had  no  other  aim  than  summoning  all 
Christian  warriors  to  arms.  The  voices  of  preachers  were 
not  the  only  trumpet-calls ;  poetry  herself,  who  had  but  re- 
cently revived  in  the  southern  provinces  of  France,  chose 
the  holy  expeditions  as  the  themes  of  her  songs ;  and  the 
profane  muse  of  the  troubadours  mingled  their  notes  with 
the  animated  words  of  the  sacred  orators.  The  Pierres 
d'Auvergne,  the  Ponces  de  Capdeuil,  the  Folquets  de 
Eomano,  ceased  to  sing  the  love  of  ladies  and  the  courtesy 
of  knights,  to  celebrate  in  their  verses,  the  sufferings  of 
Clirist  and  the  captivity  of  Jerusalem.  "  The  times  are 
come,"  said  they,  "  in  which  it  will  be  seen  who  are  the  men 
worthy  of  serving  the  Eternal.  God  now  calls  upon  the 
valiant  and  chivalrous ;  they  shall  be  his  soldiers  for  ever, 
who,  knowing  how  to  suffer  for  their  faith,  and  fight  for  God, 
shall  prove  themselves  frank,  generous,  loyal,  and  brave ;  let 


the  base  lovers  of  life  or  seekers  for  gold  remain  behind ; 
Grod  now  only  calls  upon  the  good  and  brave.  It  is  his  will 
that  his  faithful  ^servants  should  secure  salvation  bv  noble 
feats  of  arms ;  and  that  glory  obtained  in  fight  should  open 
to  them  the  gates  of  heaven."* 

One  of  the  minstrels  of  the  holy  war  celebrates  in  his 
verses  the  seal,  the  prudence,  and  courage  of  the  head  of  the 
Church;  and  to  induce  the  faithful  to  assume  the  cross, 
sings :  *'  We  have  a  sure  and  valorous  guide,  the  sovereign 
fontiff  Innocent^ 

It  then  began  to  be  hoped  that  the  father  of  the  Chris- 
tians would  himself  lead  the  Crusaders,  and  sanctify  the 
Asiatic  expedition  by  his  presence.  The  pope,  in  the  coun- 
cil of  the  Lateran,  had  expressed  a  desure  to  assume  the 
cross,  and  to  go  in  person  to  take  possession  of  the  heritage 
of  Christ ;  but  the  state  of  Europe,  the  progress  of  heresy, 
and,  doubtless,  also,  the  advice  of  the  bishops  and  cardinals, 
prevented  the  accomplishment  of  his  design. 

As  germs  of  dissension  still  subsisted  between  several 
European  states,  these  discords  might  be  prejudicial  to  the 
success  of  the  holy  war ;  and  the  pope  sent  forth  emissaries 
to  act  as  angels  of  peace ;  he  himself  repairing  to  Tuscany, 
to  appease  the  quarrels  that  had  broken  out  between  the 
Pisans  and  Genoese.  His  words  soothed  down  all  angry 
passions ;  at  his  voice  the  most  implacable  enemies  swore  to 
forget  their  disputes,  and  unite  to  combat  against  the  Sara- 
cens. His  most  ardent  wishes  appeared  about  to  be  fulfilled, 
and  the  whole  West,  obedient  to  his  sovereign  will,  was 
ready  to  precipitate  itself  upon  Asia,  when  he  fell  suddenly 
ill,  and  died,  leaving  to  his  successors  the  care  and  honour 
of  finishing  so  great  an  enterprise. 

Like  all  men  who  have  exercised  great  power  amidst  poli- 
tical tempests,  Innocent,  after  his  death,  was,  by  turns, 
praised  and  blamed  with  all  the  exaggeration  of  love  and 
hatred.  Some  said  he  had  been  summoned  to  the  heavenly 
Jerusalem,  as  God  wished  to  reward  his  zeal  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  the  holy  places ;  whilst  others  had  recourse  to  mira- 

*  M.  Raynourd,  who  has  made  profound  resrarches  into  the  language 
and  poetry  of  the  troubadoore,  communicated  to  us  this  piece  of  Pierre  of 
AuTergne,  with  several  others  whidi  appear  to  us  of  great  interest,  and 
which  we  will  insert  in  our  Appendix. 

HI8T0BT  07  THE  CBUSABES.  316 

eulouB  apparitions,  and  made  saints  speak  in  condemnation 
of  his  memory  ;  sometimes  he  was  seen  pursued  by  a  dragon, 
whose  pui*pose  was  to  inflict  justice  upon  him;  and  at 
others  he  appeared  surrounded  by  the  flames  of  purgatory. 
Europe  had  oeen  in  a  constant  state  of  trou'ble  during  his 
pontificate  ;  there  was  scarcely  a  kingdom  upon  which  the 
wrath  of  the  pontiff  had  not  been  poured  out ;  and  so  many 
excesses,  so  many  misfortunes  had  embittered  men^s  minds, 
that  it  was  natural  they  should  take  a  pleasure  in  believing 
that  the  vicar  of  Christ  upon  earth  was  expiating  in  another 
life  the  crimes  of  this.     Innocent,  nevertheless  was  irre- 

§  reachable  in  his  manners ;  ^t  first  he  had  evinced  some 
egree  of  moderation ;  he  loved  truth  and  justice ;  but  the 
unhappy  condition  of  the  Church,  the  obstacles  of  all  kinds 
which  ne  met  with  in  his  spiritual  *  government,  irritated 
his  character,  and  drove  him  to  the  excesses  of  a  violent 
policy ;  at  length,  preserving  no  propriety  or  self-command, 
he  burst  forth  with  the  ever-memorable  and  reprehensible 
words :  "  Swardy  stoord,  spring  from  the  9cahhard,  and  gharpen 
ihvself  to  kiU"f  As  he  had  undertaken  far  too  much,  he 
len;  serious  embarrassments  to  those  who  might  assume  the 
reins  of  power  after  him ;  and  such  was  the  situation  in 
which  his  policy  had  placed  the  Holy  See,  that  his  succes- 
sors were  obliged  to  follow  up  his  maxims-,  and  complete  both 
the  good  and  the  evil  he  had  begun.  From  this  period,  the 
history  of  the  crusades  will  be  incessantly  interrupted  by 
the  quarrels  of  popes  and  princes,  and  we  shall  follow  the 
j)ilgnms  to  the  Holy  Land  amidst  the  clashing  of  the  thun- 
ders launched  by  the  various  heads  of  the  Church. 

Censius  Savelli,  cardinal  of  St.  Lucia^  was  chosen  by  the 
conclave  to  succeed  Innocent,  and  governed  the  Church 
under  the  name  of  Honorius  III.     On  the  day  after  his 

*  In  a  dissertation  upon  the  cardinal  de  Coar9on,  M.  du  Tbeil  has 
undertaken  to  make  the  apology  of  Innocent  III.  We  have  the  greatest 
respect  for  this  savant;  hut  he  evinces  too  strong  an  inclination  to  justify 
Innocent  in  all  respects;  and  an  application  of  the  common  proverhi 
**  He  who  proves  too  much  proves  nothing^**  is  quite  in  place  here. 

t  Innocent  pronounced  these  words  against  Louis,  the  son  of  Philip 
Augustus,  whom  he  had  induced  to  make  war  against  tbe  king  of  England ; 
and  whom  he  afterwards  wished  to  excommunicate,  because  this  prinoo 
persisted  in  continuing  a  war  begun  by  the  commands  and  advice  of  the 
Holy  See. 

216  HI8T0ET  07  THX  CBTTSADES. 

coronation,  the  new  pope  nn^te  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  to 
announce  his  elevation,  and  to  revive  the  hopes  of  the  Chiis- 
tians  of  Syria.  "  Let  not  the  death  of  Innocent,"  said  he, 
"  depress  your  courage ;  although  I  am  far  from  being  his 
eaual  in  merit,  I  will  show  the  same  zeal  for  the  deliverance 
of  the  Holy  Land ;  and  when  the  season  shall  arrive,  will  do 
everything  in  my  power  to  assist  you."  A  pontifical  letter, 
addressed  to  all  bishops,  exhorted  them  to  continue  to 
preach  the  crusade. 

In  order  to  secure  success  to  the  Oriental  expedition. 
Innocent  had  first  endeavoured  to  re-establish  peace  in 
Europe;  and  certainly  the 'necessity  in  which  the  popes 
found  themselves  at  such  times,  to  promote  concord  among 
nations,  was  one  of  the  greatest  benefits  of  the  holy  wars. 
Honorius  followed  the  example  of  his  predecessor,  and  was 
desirous  of  calming  all  discords,  even  such  as  owed  their 
origin  to  the  pretensions  of  the  Eomish  see.  Louis  VIII., 
son  of  Philip  Augustus,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  pontifi[^  had 
taken  arms  against  England,  and  was  not  willing  to  renounce 
the  project  of  invading  a  kingdom  so  long  subjected  to  the 
anger  of  the  Church.  The  pope  even  stooped  to  supplica- 
tions to  disarm  the  redouotable  enemy  of  the  kmg  of 
England.  He  hoped  that  England  and  France,  after  having 
suspended  their  hostilities,  would  unite  their  efibrts  for  the 
dehverance  of  the  holy  places ;  but  these  hopes  were  never 
accomplished.  Henry  III.  ascended  the  throne  of  England 
after  the  death  of  John,  and  took  the  cross  to  secure  the 
favour  of  the  sovereign  pontiff;  but  he  had  no  idea  of 
quitting  his  kingdom.  The  king  of  France,  constantly 
occupied  with  the  war  against  the  Albigeois,  and  perhaps 
also  with  the  secret  designs  of  his  ambition,  satisfied  himself 
with  expressing  the  greatest  respect  for  the  authority  of  the 
Holy  See,  but  took  no  part  in  the  crusade.* 

*  I  have  observed  more  than  once,  that  our  author  ia  so  absorbed  in 
the  history  he  has  undertaken,  that  he  is  somewhat  loose  in  his  remarks 
upon  that  of  the  nations  nearest  to  him .  1 1  was  not  likely  that  Henry  III., 
a  boy  of  nine  years  old,  should  take  the  cross,  or  that  the  prudent  Pem- 
broke and  bis  other  counsellors  would  allow  the  forces  of  an  unsettled 
kingdom  to  be  wasted  upon  such  a  scheme.  The  king  of  France  again, 
who  he  says  was  constantly  occupied  in  the  war  against  the  Albigeois, 
had  absolutely  nothing  to  do  with  that  war.  The  southern  provinces 
subjected  to  this  calamity  were  fiefs  of  the  crown  of  Axagon,  and  did  not 


Most  of  the  bishops  and  prelates  of  tbe  kingdom,  whom 
the  sovereign  pontiff  had  entreated  to  present  an  example  of 
devotedness,  exhibited  much  greater  eagerness  and  zeal  on 
this  occasion  than  the  barons  and  knights ;  manj  of  them 
took  the  cross,  and  prepared  to  set  out  for  the  East.  Frede- 
rick, who  owed  the  miperial  crown  to  the  protection  of  the 
Cliurch,  renewed,  in  two  solemn  assemblies,  his  oath  to  make 
war  against  the  Saracens.  The  example  and  promises  of 
the  emperor,  whatever  doubt  might  be  entertained  of  their 
sincerity,  had  a  powerful  effect  over  the  princes  and  people 
of  Germany.  The  inhabitants  of  the  banks  of  the  lihine, 
those  of  Fnesland,  Bavaria,  Saxony,  and  Norway  ^  the  dukes 
of  Austria,  Moravia,  Brabant,  and  Lemburg ;  the  counts  of 
Juliers,  Holland,  De  Wit,  and  Loo ;  with  the  archbishop  of 
Mayence  and  the  bishops  of  Bamberg,  Passau,  Strasburg, 
.  Munster,  and  Utrecht,  emulatively  ranged  themselves  under 
the  banners  of  the  cross,  and  prepared  to  quit  the  West. 

Among  the  princes  who  took  the  oath  to  fight  against  the 
Mussulmans,  was  Andrew  II.,  king  of  Hungary.  Bela,  the 
father  of  the  Hungarian  monarch,  had  made  a  vow  to  go  to 
the  Holy  Land ;  but  not  having  been  able  to  undertake  the 
pilgrimage,  he  had,  on  his  death-bed,  required  his  son  to 
accomplish  his  oath.  Andrew,  afler  having  taken  the  cross, 
was  for  a  lon^  time  detained  in  his  states  by  the  troubles  to 
which  his  ambition  had  given  birth,  and  which  he  had  great 
difficulty  in  suppressing.  Gertrude,  whom  he  had  married 
before  the  fifth  crusade,  made  enemies  of  the  whole  court 
and  nobility  by  her  pride  and  her  intrigues.  This  imperious 
princess*  committed  such  extraordinary  insults  against  the 
magnates  of  the  kingdom,  and  inspired  them  with  so  violent 
a  hatred,  that  they  formed  conspiracies  against  her  life,  and 

belong  at  that  time  to  France  in  any  way.  Whilst  these  wan  were  raging, 
Philip  was  pradently  extending  his  dominions  to  the  north  and  north-east. 
— ^Tkans. 

•  Boniinius,  the  historian  of  Hungary,  wjb  that  Gertmde  gave  np  the 
wife  of  Banc,  the  chancellor  of  the  kingdom,  to  the  criminal  desires  of 
her  brother.  He  adds  that  Banc  killed  tbe  queen  to  avenge  this  injury ; 
but  this  assertion  is  contradicted  by  all  historians.  The  same  author 
■ays  that  the  wife  of  Andrew  was  assassinated  during  his  voyage  to  the 
Holy  Land ;  but  this  assertion  is  as  false  as  the  first.  Gertrude  was 
assassinated  on  the  18th  of  September,  1213.~See  Palma,  NotUia  Rer, 
Htmg.  U  i. 



introduced  murderers  eyen  into  her  palace.  Disorders  and 
misfortunes  without  number  followed  these  crimes,  the 
greatest  of  which,  doubtless,  was  the  impunity  of  the  guHtj. 

In  such  circumstances  policy  would  oertainly  haye  pointed 
it  out  to  the  king  of  Hungary,  as  his  duty,  to  remain  in  his 
oym.  states ;  but  the  spectacle  of  so  many  unpunished  crimes, 
without  doubt,  alarmed  his  wealcness,  and  strengthened  his 
desire  of  getting  at  a  distance  from  a  court  filled  with  his 
enemies.  Like  his  mother,  the  widow  of  Bela,*  he  expected 
to  find  in  the  places  consecrated  by  the  sufferings  of  Christ, 
an  asylum  agamst  the  griefs  which  beset  his  life ;  the  Hun- 
garian monarch  might  likewise  think  that  the  holy  pilgrimage 
would  make  him  more  respected  by  his  subjects,  and  that 
the  Church,  ever  armed  in  lavour  of  royal  crusaders,  would 
defend  the  rights  of  his  crown  better  than  he  himself  could. 
He  resolved  at  length  to  perform  the  vow  he  had  made, 
before  his  dying  father,  and  earnestly  set  about  preparations 
for  his  departure  for  Syria. 

Andrew  then  reigned  over  a  vast  kingdom, — Hungary, 
Dalmatia,  Croatia,  Bosnia,  Galicia,  and  the  province  of 
Lodomira  obeyed  his  laws,  and  paid  him  tnbute;  and 
throug:hout  all  these  provinces,  so  lately  enemies  to  the 
Christians,  the  crusades  were  preached.  Hordes  wandering 
amidst  forests,  listened  to  the  complaints  of  Sion,  and  swore 
to  fight  against  the  infidels.  Among  the  nations  of  Hun- 
gary, who,  a  century  before,  had  been  the  terror  of  the  pil- 
grim companions  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  a  crowd  of  warriors 
eagerly  took  the  cross,  and  promised  to  follow  their  monarch 
to  the  Holy  Land. 

Vessels  and  fleets  for  the  transport  of  the  Crusaders  were 
equipped  in  all  the  ports  of  the  Baltic,  the  ocean,  and  the 
Mcaiterranean ;  and  yet,  at  the  very  same  time,  a  crusade 
was  being  preached  against  the  inhabitants  of  Prussia,  who 
still  remained  in  the  darkness  of  idolatry.  Poland,  Saxony, 
Korway,  and  Livonia  armed  their  warriors  to  overthrow  the 
idols  of  paganism  on  the  banks  of  the  Oder  and  the  Vistula, 
whilst  the  other  nations  of  the  "West  were  preparing  to  make 
war  against  the  Saracens  in  the  plains  of  Judroa  and  Syria. 

The  still   savage  people  of  Prussia,  separated  by  their 

*  Margaerite,  qaeeo  of  Hangarj,  let  out  for  Phlestim  after  the  dmXh 
of  Bela,  her  husband. — See  the  niath  book  of  this  History. 


religion  and  their  customs  from  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Europe,  presented  in  the  centre  of  Christendom,  in  the 
thirteenth  century,  a  living  picture  of  ancient  paganism,  and 
of  the  superstitions  of  the  old  nations  of  the  North.  Their 
character  and  their  manners  are  worthy  of  iixing  the  atten- 
tion of  both  the  historian  and  his  readers,  fatigued,  perhaps, 
by  the  constant  repetition  of  the  preaching  of  holy  wars, 
and  the  distant  expeditions  of  the  Crusaders. 

Much  discussion  has  taken  place  concerning  the  origin  of 
the  ancient  inhabitants  of  Prussia,  and  we  have  nothing  on 
this  head  but  conjectures  and  systems.  The  Prussians  were, 
in  person,  like  the  Gennans;*  blue  eyes,  a  spirited  and 
lively  look,  ruddy  cheeks,  a  lofly  stature,  a  robust  form,  and 
light  hair :  this  resemblance  to  the  Germans  was  produced 
by  climate,  and  not  by  the  mixture  of  the  nations ;  the  inha- 
bitants of  Prussia  had  more  affinity  with  the  Lithuanians, 
whose  language  they  spoke,  and  whom  they  imitated  in  their 
dress.  They  lived  by  the  chase,  fishing,  and  the  flesh  of 
their  flocks;  agriculture  was  not  unknown  to  them;  their 
mares  furnished  them  with  milk,  their  sheep  with  wool,  their 
bees  with  honey ;  in  commercial  transactions  they  had  very 
little  to  do  with  money :  to  prepare  flax  and  leather,  to  split 
stones,  to  sharpen  their  arms,  and  to  fashion  yellow  amber, 
constituted  the  whole  of  their  industry.  They  marked  time 
hj  knots  tied  in  thongs,  and  the  hours  by  the  words  twilight^ 
Itffht,  daum^  sunrise,  evening,  the  first  sleep,  &c.  The 
appearance  of  the  Pleiades  durected  them  in  their  labours. 

The  months  of  the  year  bore  the  names  of  the  productions 
of  the  earth,  and  of  the  objects  presented  to  their  eyes  by 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Peter  Darburg,  a  priest  of  the  Teutonic  order,  may 
be  consulted  on  the  manners  and  religion  of  the  ancient  Prnssians.  This 
chronicle,  whoM  pai^ose  is  to  describe  the  conquests  of  the  Teutonio 
knights,  contains  seTeral  historical  dissertations,  which  appear  to  us  to 
have  great  merit ;  the  most  curious  are,  Diuerimiio  de  Diu  Veterum 
Pru»9orum ;  Dittertatio  de  Saeerdoiilnu  Veterum  Prusnorutn ;  Dittertatio 
de  CuiiuDeorum,  de  Nuptiit^  de  Funeributt  de  Loci*  Divino  Culiui  dicatis, 
&c.  &c.  A  Latin  dissertation,  De  Moribug  Tartarorum,  lAthuanormm, 
ei  Motehorumt  may  likewise  be  consulted.  This  work  contains  curiooa 
details  upon  the  worship  and  manners  of  Lithuania  and  Samogitia,  which 
bore  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  worship  and  manners  of  the  Prussians. 
M.  Kotzbue,  in  his  history  of  the  Teutonic  knights,  has  thrown  great 
Ii<$hc  upon  the  origin  of  the  legislation,  and  the  customs  and  religion  "of 
I  lie  ancient  inhabitants  of  Prussia. 


each  season ;  they  knew  the  month  of  crows,  the  month  of 
pigeons,  that  of  cuckoos,  of  the  green  birch-trees,  of  the 
finden-trees,  of  cpm,  of  the  departure  of  the  birds,  of  the 
fall  of  leaves,  &c.  Wars,  the  conflagrations  of  great  forests, 
hurricanes,  and  inundations,  formed  the  principal  epochs  of 
their  history. 

The  people  dwelt  in  huts  built  of  earth,  the  rich  in  houses 
constructed  of  oak  timber ;  there  was  not  a  city  in  Prussia. 
Some  strong  castles  appeared  upon  the  hills.  This  nation, 
though  savage,  recogmsed  princes  and  nobles ;  he  who  had 
conquered  enemies,  and  he  who  excelled  in  taming  horses, 
attained  nobility.  The  lords  held  the  right  of  life  and  death 
over  their  vassals ;  the  Prussians  made  no  wars  for  the  pur- 
pose of  conquering  an  enemy's  coimtry,  but  solely  to  defend 
their  homes  and  their  &;ods.  Their  arms  consisted  of  the 
lance  and  the  javelin,  which  they  handled  with  much  skill. 
The  warriors  named  their  chief,  who  was  blessed  by  the  high 
priest ;  before  going  to  battle,  the  Prussians  selected  one  of 
their  prisoners  of  war,  fastened  him  to  a  tree,  and  transfixed 
him  "with  arrows.*  They  believed  in  omens ;  the  eagle,  the 
white  pigeon,  the  crow,  the  stork,  the  bustard,  promised 
victory ;  the  stag,  the  wolf,  the  lynx,  the  mouse,  the  sight  of 
a  sick  person,  or  even  of  an  old  woman,  announced  defeats 
or  reverses ;  when  presenting  their  hand,  they  offered  peace ; 
when  swearing  to  treaties,  they  placed  one  hand  upon  their 
breast  and  the  other  upon  the  sacred  oak.  When  victorious, 
they  tried  their  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  most  distinguished 
among  them  expired  at  the  stake, — a  sacrifice  to  the  gods  of 
the  country. 

Amidst  all  their  barbarous  customs,  the  Prussians  had 
the  reputation  of  respecting  the  laws  of  hospitality.  The 
stranger  and  the  shipwrecked  mariner  were  sure  to  find  an 
asylum  and  succour  among  them ;  intrepid  in  war,  simple 
and  mild  in  peace,  grateful  but  vindictive,  respecting  misror- 

*  A  letter  from  Pope  Honorius  to  the  archbishop  of  Maience,  says  that 
there  is  in  Prussia  a  nation  of  barbarians,  of  whom  it  is  said  that  they  kill 
all  the  girls  but  one  bom  of  each  mother;  that  they  prostitute  their 
daughters  and  wiTes,  immolate  captives  to  their  gods,  and  bathe  their 
•words  and  lances  in  the  blood  of  these  victims,  to  bring  them  success  in 
battle. — See  Raynal,  1218.  We  refer  our  readers  to  our  Appendix,  for 
■ome  detaiL^  upon  the  manners  of  the  Prussians. 


tunc,  tliey  had  more  virtues  than  vices,  and  were  onlr 
comipted  bj  the  excess  of  their  superstition. 

The  Prussians  believed  in  another  life ;  thej  called  hell, 
IPeckla ;  chains,  thick  darkness,  and  fetid  waters  constituted 
the  punishment  of*the  wicked.  In  the  Elysian  fields,  which 
they  called  Bopu9,  beautiful  women,  banquets,  delicious 
drink,  dances,  soft  couches,  and  fine  clothes  were  the  rewards 
of  virtue. 

In  a  place  called  Remove^  arose  a  flourishing  oak,  which 
had  witnessed  the  passage  of  a  hundred  generations,  whose 
colossal  trunk  contained  three  images  of  their  principal  gods  ; 
the  foliage  daily  dripped  with  the  blood  of  immolatea  victims; 
there  the  high  priest  had  established  his  abode,  and  there 
administered  justice.  The  priests  alone  ventured  to  approach 
this  holy  place  ;  the  guilty  slunk  from  it  trembling.  Per' 
kunas,  the  god  of  thunder  and  fire,  was  the  first  among  the 
deities  of  the  Prussians ;  he  had  the  countenance  of  an 
angry  man,  his  beard  was  curled,  and  his  head  was  siuroimded 
with  flames.  The  people  called  claps  of  thunder,  the  march 
or  steps  of  Perkunas.  iN'ear  the  grove  of  Eemove,  on  the 
banks  of  a  8ulphiu*eous  spring,  an  eternal  fire  burned  in 
honour  of  the  god  of  thunder. 

Near  Perkunas,  Foirimptu  appeared,  in  the  form  of  a 
young  man,  wearing  a  crown  of  wheat-cars  ;  he  was  adored 
as  the  god  of  waters  and  rivers ;  he  preserved  mankind 
from  the  scourge  of  war,  and  presided  over  the  pleasures  of 
peace.  By  a  strange  contradiction,  they  offered  up  to  this 
pacific  divinity,  the  blood  of  animals,  and  that  of  the  captives 
slaughtered  at  the  foot  of  the  oak ;  sometimes  children  were 
sacrificed  to  him  ;  the  priests  consecrated  the  serpent  to  him, 
as  eymbplical  of  fortime. 

Beneath  the  shade  of  the  sacred  tree,  was  still  another 
idol,  called  Fi/collos,  the  god  of  the  dead ;  he  bore  the  form 
of  an  old  man,  with  grey  hair,  hollow  eyes,  and  a  pale  coun- 
tenance, his  head  enfolded  in  a  shroud ;  his  altars  were  heaps 
of  human  bones ;  the  infernal  deities  were  obedient  to  his 
laws ;  he  inspired  both  grief  and  terror. 

A  fourth  divinity,  Curko,  whose  image  ornamented  the 
branches  of  the  oak  of  Eemove,  furnished  mankind  with  the 
necessaries  of  life.  Every  year,  at  autumnal  seed-time,  his 
image  was  renewed ;  it  consisted  of  a  goat-skin,  elevated 


upon  a  pole  eigbt  feet  high,  crowned  with  blades  of  com ; 
the  priest  sacrSced  upon  a  stone,  honey,  milk,  and  the  fruits 
of  the  earth,  whilst  the  youth  of  both'  sexes  formed  a  circle 
round  the  idol. 

The  Prussians  celebrated  several  other  festivals  during 
ppring  and  summer,  in  honour  of  the  same  god ;  at  the 
spring  festival,  which  took  place  on  the  22Dd  of  March, 
they  addressed  Curko  in  these  words :  "  It  is  thou  who  hast 
chased  away  winter,  and  brought  fair  and  fine  days  back  to 
us ;  by  thee  the  gardens  and  the  fields  rebloom ;  by  thee 
the  forests  and  the  woods  resume  their  verdure."  The  in- 
habitants of  Prussia  had  a  crowd  of  other  gods,  whom  they 
invoked  for  their  fiocks,  their  bees,  the  forests,  the  waters, 
harvest,  commerce,  the  peace  of  fiunilies,  and  conjugal  hap- 
piness ;  a  divinity  with  a  hundred  eyes  watched  over  the 
threshold  of  houses  ;  one  god  guarded  the  yard,  another  the 
stable  ;  the  hunter  heard  the  spirit  of  the  forest  howl  amidst 
the  tree-tops  ;  the  mariner  recommended  himself  to  the  god 
of  the  sea.  Laimele  was  invoked  by  women  in  labour,  and 
spun  the  fives  of  mankind.  Tutelary  divinities  arrested  the 
progress  of  conflagrations,  caused  the  sap  of  the  birch-trees 
to  flow,  guarded  roads,  and  awakened  workmen  and  labourers 
before  the  dawn  of  day.  The  air,  the  earth,  the  waters  were 
peopled  bv  gnomes  or  little  gods,  and  with  ghosts  and 
goblins,  which  they  called  arvant.  It  was  believed  by  all 
that  the  oak  was  a  tree  dear  to  the  gods,  and  that  its  shade 
oifered  an  asylum  a^inst  the  violeuce  of  men  or  the  assaults 
of  destiny.  In  addition  to  the  oak  of  Bemov^,  the  Prussians 
had  several  other  trees  of  the  same  kind,  which  they  con- 
sidered the  sanctuaries  of  their  divinities.  They  consecrated 
also  linden-trees,  firs,  maples,  and  even  whole  forests ;  they 
held  in  reverence  fountains,  lakes,  and  mountains ;  they 
adored  serpents,  owls,  storks,  and  other  animals :  in  short, 
in  the  countries  inhabited  by  the  Prussians,  all  nature  was 
filled  with  divinities,  and,  up  to  the  fourteenth  century,  it 
might  be  said  of  a  European  nation,  as  Bossuet  saioi  of 
ancient  paganism,  "  Everything  there  was  god^  except  God 

A  long  time  before  the  crusades,  St..  Adalbert  had  left  his 
native  countiy,  Bohemia,  to  penetrate  into  the  forests  of 
Prussia,  and  endeavour  to  convert  the  Prussians  to  Chris- 

HiaTOBT  OF  THS  CBU8ADE8.  22$ 

tianity ;  but  his  eloquence,  his  moderation,  or  bis  cbarify, 
could  not  disarm  the  fury  of  tbe  priests  of  Perkunas. 
Adalbert  died,  pierced  with  arrows,  and  received  the  palm 
of  martyrdom;  other  missionaries  shared  the  same  fate; 
their  blood  arose  against  their  murderers,  and  the  report  of 
their  death,  together  with  an  account  of  the  cruelties  of  a  ' 
barbarous  people,  everywhere  cried  aloud  upon  the  Christians 
of  the  North  for  vengeance.  The  neighbouring  nations 
were  constantly  entertaining  the  resolution  to  take  arms 
against  the  idolaters  of  PrusHia.  An  abbot  of  the  monastery 
of  Oliva,  more  able,  and  still  further,  more  fortunate  than 
his  predecessors,  undertook  the  conversion  of  the  pagans  of 
the  Oder  and  the  Vistula,  and  succeeded,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  Holy  See,  in  getting  up  a  crusade  against  the  wor- 
shippers of  fals6  gods ;  a  great  number  of  Christians  took 
the  cross,  at  the  summons  of  the  pope,  who  promised  them 
eternal  life  if  they  fell  in  fight,  and  lands  and  treasures  if 
they  triumphed  over  the  enemies  of  Christ.  The  knights  of 
Christ  and  the  knights  of  the  sword,  instituted  to  subdue 
the  pagans  of  Livonia,  with  the  Teutonic  knights,  who  in^ 
Palestine  rivalled  in  power  and  glory  the  two  other  orders 
of  the  Temple  and  the  Hospital,  at  the  first  signal  flocked  to 
the  standards  of  the  army  assembled  to  invade  Prussia,  and 
convert  its  inhabitants :  this  war  lasted  more  than  two  cen- 
turies. In  this  sanguinary  struggle,  if  the  Christian  religion 
sometimes  inspired  its  combatants  with  its  virtues,  the  leaders 
of  this  long  crusade  were  much  more  frequently  influenced 
by  vengeance,  ambition,  and  avarice.  The  knights  of  the 
Teutonic  order,  whose  bravery  almost  always  amounted  to 
heroism,  remained  masters  of  the  country  conquered  by  their 
arms.  These  victorious  monks  never  edified  the  people  they 
subdued,  either  by  their  moderation  or  their  charity ;  and 
were  often  accused  before  the  tribunal  of  the  head  of  the 
Church,  of  having  converted  the  Prussians,  not  to  make  them 
servants  of  Christ,  but  to  increase  the  number  of  their  o\N'n 
subjects  aijd  slaves. 

We  have  only  spoken  of  the»  people  of  Prussia,  and  of  the 
wars  made  against  them,  to  exhibit  to  our  readers  a  nation 
and  customs  almost  unknown  to  modem  scholars  even ;  and 
to  show  how  far  ambition  and  a  thirst  of  conquest  was  able 
to  abuse  the  spirit  of  the  crusades :  we  hasten  to  return  to 


tbe  expedition  that  was  being  prepared  against  the 

Germany  considered  Frederick  II.  as  the  leader  of  the 
war  about  to  be  made  in  Asia ;  but  the  new  emperor,  seated 
on  a  throne  for  a  long  time  shaken  by  civil  wars,  dreading 
the  enterprises  of  the  Italian  republics,  and  perhaps  those 
of  the  popes  their  protectors,  thought  it  prudent  to  defer 
his  departure  for  Palestine. 

The  zeal  of  the  Crusaders,  however,  did  not  abate,  and  in 
their  impatience  they  turned  their  eyes  towards  the  king  of 
Hungary  to  take  the  command  in  the  holy  war.  Andrew, 
accompanied  by  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  the  duke  of  Austria^ 
and  the  Grerman  nobles  who  had  taken  the  cross,  set  out  for 
the  East,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army,  and  repaired  to 
Spalatro,  where  Vessels  from  Venice,  Zara,  Ahcona,  and  other 
cities  of  the  Adriatic,  awaited  the  Crusaders,  to  transport 
them  into  Palestine. 

In  all  the  countries  through  which  he  marched,  the  king 
of  Hungary  was  followed  hj  the  benedictions  of  the  people. 
When  he  approached  the  city  of  Spalatro,  the  inhabitants 
and  the  clergy  came  out  in  procession  to  meet  him,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  their  principal  church,  where  all  the  faithful 
were  assembled  to  call  down  the  mercy  of  Heaven  upon  the 
Christian  warriors.  A  few  days  after,  the  fleet  of  the  Cru- 
saders left  the  port*  of  Spalatro,  and  set  sail  for  the  island 
of  Cyprus,  at  which  place  were  met  the  deputies  of  the  king 
and  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  of  the  orders  of  the  Temple 
$  and  St.  John,  and  of  the  Teutonic  knights. 

A  crowd  of  Crusaders,  who  had  embarked  at  Brindisi,  at 
Cknoa,  and  at  Marseilles,  preceded  the  king  of  Hungary  and 
his  army.  Lusignan,  king  of  Cyprus,  and  the  greater  part 
of  his  barons,  influenced  by  the  example  of  so  many  illus- 
trious princes,  took  the  cross,  and  promised  to  follow  them 
into  the  Holy  Land.  All  the  Crusaders  embarked  together 
at  the  port  of  Lemisso,  and  landed  in  triumph  at  Ptolemais. 

*  Le  Pere  Maimbourg  and  most  historians  make  the  king  of  Hangary 
embark  at  Venice  ^  but  they  are  Mnacquainted  with  the  Chronicle  of 
Thomas,  deacon  of  Spalatro,  who  furnishes  the  fullest  details  of  the  passage 
of  Andrew  II.  into  the  Holy  Land,  and  his  return  to  his  dominions.  This 
Chronicle,  it  is  true,  contains  many  doubtful  things  concerning  the  crusade, 
and  the  kingdom  of  Hungary  on  the  return  of  Andrew ;  but  it  is  quite 
wt-rthy  of  confidence  in  all  that  passed  at  Spalatro. 

niBTOBT  OF  THE  CSir8iJ>£8.  225 

An  Arabian  historian  says,  that  since  the  time  of  Saladin 
the  Christians  had  never  had  so  numerous  an  army  in  Syria.* 
Thanks  to  Heaven  were  offered  up  in  all  the  churches,  for 
the  powerful  aid  it  had  sent  to  the  Holy  Land ;  but  the  joy 
of  the  Christians  of  Palestine  was  auickly  troubled  by  the 
serious  difficulty  in  which  they  founa  themselves  to  procure 
provisions  for  such  a  multitude  of  pilgrims. 

This  year  (1217)  had  been  barren  throughout  the  richest 
countries  of  Syria  ;t  and  the  vessels  from  the  West  had 
only  been  laden  with  machines  of  war,  arms,  and  baggage. 
Deficiency  of  food  was  soon  felt  among  the  Crusaders,  and 
led  the  soldiers  to  license  and  robbery ;  the  Bavarians  com- 
mitted the  greatest  disorders;  pillaging  houses  and  monas- 
teries, and  devastating  the  neighoounng  country ;  the  leaders 
had  no  other  means  of  reestablishing  order  and  peace  in  the 
arm/,  but  by  giving  the  signal  for  war  against  the  Saracens ; 
and,  to  save  the  lands  and  dwellings  of  the  Christians,  they 
proposed  to  their  soldiers  to  ravage  the  cities  and  territories 
of  the  infidels. 

The  whole  army,  con^manded  by  the  kinss  of  Jerusalem, 
Cyprus,  and  Hungaij,  encamped  on  the  banks  of  the  torrent 
of  Cison.  The  patriarch  of  the  holy  city,  in  order  to  strike 
the  imagination  of  the  Crusaders,  and  prevent  their  for- 
getting the  object  of  their  enterprise,  repaired  to  the  camp, 
bringing  with  him  a  portion  of  the  wood  of  the  true  cross, 
which  he  pretended  to  have  been  saved  at  the  battle  of 
Tiberias.  The  kings  and  princes  came  out,  barefooted,  to 
meet  him,  and  received  with  respect  the  sign  of  redemption. 
This  ceremony  rekindled  the  zeal  and  enthusiasm  of  the 
Crusaders,  whose  ardent  desire  now  was  to  fight  for  Christ. 

*  '*Tfai^  year/'  614  of  the  Hegyra,  says  the  continnatorof  Tabary,  **  the 
Franks  received  sacooun  by  sea  from  Rome  the  great,  and  other  countries 
of  the  Franks,  bQth  west  and  north.  It  was  the  chief  of  Rome,  a  prelate 
much  revered  among  the  Christians,  who  directed  them ;  he  sent  troops 
from  his  own  country  under  various  commanders,  and  he  ordered  the  other 
Frank  kings  either  to  march  in  person  or  send  their  troops." 

t  A  letter  from  the  master  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Temple,  addressed  to 
Honorius  III.,  enters  into  several  details  respecting  the  situation  of  the 
Holy  Land  at  this  period.  This  letter  speaks  of  the  scarcity  experienced 
in  Syria ;  the  master  of  the  Templars  adds,  that  they  could  procure  no 
horses.  *'  ForXhis  reason,*'  said  he  to  the  pope,  "exhort  all  who  have 
taken  the  cross,  or  intend  to  take  it,  to  ramish  themselves  with  such 
things  as  they  cannot  procure  here." 


The  army  crossed  the  torrent,  and  advanced  towards  the 
valley  of  Jesrael,  between  Mount  Hermon  and  Mount 
Qelboe,  without  meeting  an  enemy.  The  leaders  and  sol- 
diers bathed  in  the  Jordan,  and  passed  over  the  plain  of 
Jericho,  and  along  the  shores  of  the  great  lake  of  G«nesareth. ' 
The  Christian  army  marched  singing  spiritual  songs ;  religion 
and  its  remembrances  had  restored  discipline  and  peace 
among  them.  Every  obje€t  and  place  they  beheld  around 
them  filled  them  with  a  pious  veneration  for  the  Holy  Land. 
In  this  campaign,  which  was  a  true  pilgrimage,  they  made  a 
great  number  of  prisoners  without  fighting  a  battle,  and  re- 
turned to  Ptolemais  loaded  with  booty. 

At  the  period  of  this  crusade,  Malek-Adel  no  longer 
reigned  over  either  Syria  or  Egypt.  After  having  mounted 
the  throne  of  Saladin  by  injustice  and  violence,  he  had  de- 
scended from  it  voluntarily ;  the  conqueror  of  all  obstacles, 
and  having  no  longer  a  wish  to  form,  he  became  sensible  of 
the  emptiness  of  human  grandeur,  and  gave  up  the  reins  of 
an  empire  that  nobody  had  the  power  to  dispute  with  him. 
Melik  Elamel,  the  eldest  of  his  sons,  was  sultan  of  Cairo ; 
and  Corradin*  was  sultan  of  Damascus.  His  other  sons 
had  received,  as  their  shares  of  the  empire,  the  principalities 
of  Bosra,  Baalbec,  Mesopotamia,  &c.  Malek-Adel,  relieved 
from  the  cares  of  government,  visited  his  children  by  turns, 
and  preserved  peace  among  them.  All  he  had  reserved  of 
his  past  power  was  the  ascendancy  of  a  great  renown,  and 
of  a  glory  acquired  by  numberless  heroic  exploits ;  but  this 
ascendancy  held  princes,  people,  and  army  in  subjection.  In 
moments  of  peril,  his  counsels  became  laws :  the  soldiers 
still  considered  him  as  their  leader ;  his  sons  as  their  sove- 
reign arbiter;  and  all  Mussulmans  as  their  defender  and 

The  new  crusade  had  spread  terror  among  the  infidels, 
but  Malek-Adel  calmed  their  fears  by  assuring  them  that  the 
Christians  would  soon  be  divided  amongst  themselves,  and 
by  telling  them  that  this  formidnble  expedition  resembled 
the  storms  which  howl  over  Mount  Libanus,  and  which  dis- 
perse of  themselves :  neither  the  armies  of  Egypt,  nor  the 
armies  of  Syria,  made  their  appearance  in  Judtea ;  and  the 

*  This  prince  was  named  Cheref-Eddin  Melik  Moaddhan. 


Crosaden  assembled  at  PtolemaSs  were  astonished  at  meet- 
ing no  enemy  to  contend  with.  The  leaders  of  the  Christian 
army  had  resolved  to  direct  their  march  towards  the  banks 
of  the  ^ile ;  but  winter,  which  was  about  to  commence, 
would  not  permit  them  to  imdertake  so  distant  an  enter* 
prise.  ,  To  employ  the  soldiers,  whom  idleness  always  seduced 
into  license,  it  was  determined  to  make  an  attack  upon 
Mount  Tabor,  where  the  Mussulmans  had  fortified  them- 

Mount  Tabor,  so  celebrated  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ment, arises  like  a  superb  dome  amidst  the  vast  plain  of 
Galilee.  The  declivity  of  the  mountain  is  covered  with 
floM'ers  and  odoriferous  plants ;  from  the  summit  of  Tabor, 
which  forms  a  level  of  a  league  in  extent,  may  be  seen,  tra- 
vellers say,  all  the  banks  of  the  Jordan,  the  Lake  of  Tiberias, 
the  Sea  of  Syria,  and  most  of  the  places  in  which  Christ 
performed  his  miracles. 

A  church,  the  erection  of  which  was  due  to  the  piety  of 
St.  Helena,  stood  on  the  very  spot  where  the  transfiguration 
of  Christ  took'  place  in  presence  of  his  disciples,  and  for  a 
length  of  time  attracted  crowds  of  pilgrims.  Two  monas- 
teries, built  at  the  summit  of  Tabor,  recalled  for  centuries 
the  memory  of  Moses  and  Elias,  whose  names  they  bore ;  but, 
from  the  reign  of  Saladin,  the  standard  of  Mahomet  had 
floated  over  this  holy  mountain ;  the  church  of  St.  Helena 
and  the  monasteries  of  Moses  and  Elias  had  been  demolished, 
and  upon  their  ruins  was  raised  a  fortress,  from  which 
the  Mussulmans  constantly  threatened  the  territories  of 

It  was  impossible  to  ascend  Mount  Tabor  without  en- 
countering a  thousand  dangers ;  but  nothing  intimidated 
the  Christian  warriors:  the  pahiarch  of  Jerusalem,  who 
marched  at  their  head,  showed  them  the  true  cross,  and 
animated  them  by  his  example  and  his  eloquent  words. 
Enormous  stones  rolled  from  the  heights  occupied  by  the 
infidels,  who  poured  down  an  endless  shower  of  javelins  and 
arrows  upon  all  the  roads  which  led  to  the  top  of  the  moun- 
tain. The  valour  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross  braved  all  the 
efforts  of  the  Saracens ;  the  king  of  Jerusalem  distinguished 
himself  by  prodigies  of  bravery,  and  killed  two  emirs  with 
his  own  liand.    G^ie  summit  of  the  mountain  being  attained. 


the  Crusaders  dispersed  the  Mussulmans,  and  pursued  them 
to  the  gates  of  their  fortress:  nothing  could  resist  their 
arms.  But  all  at  once  several  of  tfie  leaders  began  to  enter- 
tain suspicions  regarding  the  intentions  of  the  sultan  of 
Damascus;  and  the  fear  of  a  surprise  acted  the  more 
strongly  on  their  minds  &om  no  one  having  foreseen  it. 
"Whilst  the  Mussulmans  retired  filled  with  terror  behind 
their  ramparts,  a  sudden  panic  seized  the  conquerors :  the 
Crusaders  renounced  the  attack  of  the  fortress,  and  the 
whole  Christian  army  retreated  without  effecting  anvthmg; 
as  if  it  had  only  ascended  Mount  Tabor  to  contemplate  the 
spot  rendered  sacred  by  the  transfiguration  of  the  Saviour. 

We  could  scarcely  yield  faith  to  the  account  of  this  pre- 
cipitate flight,  without  the  evidence  of  contemporary  histo- 
rians;* the  ancient  chronicles,  according  to  their  custom, 
do  not  fail  to  attribute  to  treachery  an  event  they  cannot 
comprehend ;  it  appears  to  us,  however,  much  more  natural 
to  suppose  that  the  retreat  of  the  Crusaders  was  produced 
by  the  discord  and  want  of  foresight  which  prevailed  in  all 
their  undertakings. t 

This  retreat  had  most  fatal  results ;  whilst  the  leaders  re- 
proached each  other  with  the  disgrace  of  the  army  and  the 
egregious  error  they  had  committed,  the  knights  and  sol- 
diers sank  into  a  state  of  discouragement.  The  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  refused  from  that  time  to  bear  the  wood  of  the 
true  cross  in  the  van  of  the  Crusaders,  as  he  found  the  sight 
of  it  tsould  neither  revive  their  piety  nor  reanimate  their 
courage.  The  kings  and  princes  who  directed  the  crusade, 
wishing  to  retrieve  so  shameful  a  reverse  before  they  returned 
to  Palestine,  led  the  army  towards  Phoenicia.     In  this  new 

*  It  is  oar  duty  to  quote  here  what  is  met  with  in  the  continuator  of 
Tabary,  or  the  false  Tabary,  relative  to  this  expedition  of  the  Christians : 
*'  They  undertook  to  besiege  the  castle  of  Thour  (Tabor),  and  reached 
the  top  of  the  mountain  and  the  foot  of  the  walls.  They  were  very  near 
becoming  masters  of  it ;  but  one  of  their  princes  being  dead,  they  retired, 
after  having  remained  seventeen  days  before  the  fort."  This  account  is 
quite  contrary  to  that  of  the  western  historians,  and  otherwise  bears  no 
mark  of  probability.  It  is  true  that  the  king  of  Cyprus  died  daring  this 
campaign  of  the  Crusadrrs ;  but  he  died  at  Tripoli,  and  more  than  a  month 
after  the  expedition  of  Mount  Tabor. 

t  According  to  the  chronicles  of  the  times,  and  the  report  of  travellers, 
there' is  no  water  on  Mount  Tabor.  It  is  probable  that  the  want  of  water 
prevented  the  Cnuaders  from  undertaking  the  siege  of  the  fbrtren. 

HI8T0BT  OP  THE   CBU8ABE8.  229 

campaign  no  exploit  signalized  their  arms ;  being  winter,  a 
great  number  of  the  soldiers,  overcome  by  cold,  remained 
abandoned  on  the  roads,  whilst  others  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  Bedouin  Arabs.  On  Christmas  eve,  the  Crusaders,  who 
were  encamped  between  Tyre  and  Sarphat,  were  surprised 
by  a  violent  tempest ;  wind,  rain,  hail,  whirlwinds,  incessant 
peals  of  thunder  killed  their  horses,  carried  away  their  tents, 
and  scattered  their  baggage.  This  disaster  completed  their 
despondency,  and  created  a  belief  that  Heaven  refused  them 
its  support. 

As  tney  were  in  serious  want  of  provisions,  and  the  whole 
army  could  not  subsist  in  one  place,  they  resolved  to  divide 
themselves  into  four  diiferent  bodies  till  the  end  of  winter. 
This  separation,  which  was  made  amidst  mutual  complaints, 
appeared  to  be  the  work  of  discord  much  more  than  of 
necessity.  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  duke  of  Austria,  and 
the  grand  master  of  St.  John  encamped  in  the  plains  of 
Csesarea ;  the  king  of  Hungary,  the  king  of  Cyprus,  and 
Baymond,  son  of  tne  prince  of  Antioch,  retired  to  Tripoli  ;• 
the  grand  masters  of  the  Templars  and  the  Teutonic  knights, 
and  Andrew  d'Avesnes,  with  the  Flemish  Crusaders,  went 
to  fortify  a  castle  built  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Carmel ;  the 
other  Crusaders  retired  to  Ptolemais  with  the  intention  of 
going  back  to  Europe. 

The  king  of  Cyprus  fell  ill  and  died  just  as  he  was  upon 
the  point  of  embarking  for  his  own  kingdom.  The  king  of 
Hungary  was  discouraged,  and  began  to  despair  of  the  suc- 
cess of  a  war  so  unfortunatelv  commencedf.  This  prince, 
after  a  sojourn  of  three  months  in  Palestine,  thought  his 
vow  accomplished,  and  resolved,  all  at  once,  to  return  to  his 

The  West  had  doubtless  been  surprised  to  see  Andrew 
abandon  his  kingdom,  torn  by  factions,  to  repair  to  Syria ; 
and  the  Eastern  Christians  were  not  less  astonished  at  see- 
ing this  prince  leave  Palestine  without  having  done  any- 
thmg  for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places.  The  patriarch 
of  Jerusalem  reproached  him  with  inconstancy,  and  employed 
his  utmost  efforts  to  retain  him  beneath  the  banners  of  the 

*  Tbo  animportaot  accounts  of  this  period  are  to  be  found  in  the  con- 
ttnnator  of  William  of  Tyre  and  in  James  of  Vitri,  who  was  then  bishop 
of  Ptolemais. 


cross ;  but  finding  Andrew  would  not  yield  to  bis  prayei  , 
be  had  recourse  to  threats,  and  displayed  the  formidab.^ 
train  of  the  weapons  of  the  Church.  Nothing,  however, 
could  shake  the  resolution  of  the  king  of  Hungary,  who 
satisfied  himself  with  not  appearing  to  desert  the  cause  of 
Christ  by  leaving  half  bis  troops  under  the  command  of  the 
kmg  of  Jerusalem. 

After  having  quitted  Palestine,  Andrew  remained  for  a 
lon^  time  in  Armenia,  appearing  to  forget  his  own  enemies, 
as  he  had  forgotten  those  of  Christ.  He  came  back  into 
Europe  through  Asia  Minor,  and  beheld,  whilst  passing  Con- 
stantinople, the  wreck  of  the  Latin  empire,  which  ought  to 
have  roused  him  from  bis  pious  indolence,  and  have  reminded 
him  of  his  own  dangers.  The  Hungarian  monarch,  who  had 
left  his  army  in  Syria,  took  back  with  him  a  number  of  relics ; 
such  as  the  head  of  St.  Peter,  the  right  hand  of  the  apostle 
Thomas,  and  one  of  the  seven  vases  in  which  Clirist  changed 
water  into  iR-ine  at  the  marriage  in  Cana :  his  confidence  in 
these  revered  objects  made  him  negligent  of  the  means  of 
human  prudence ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  a  contemporary 
chronicle,*  when  he  returned  into  Hungary,  the  relics 
which  he  brought  from  the  Holy  Land  sufficed  for  the  sup- 
pression of  all  the  troubles  of  his  states,  and  caused  peace, 
the  laws,  and  justice,  to  flourisb  throughout  his  provinces. 
The  greater  part  of  the  Hungarian  historians,  however,  hold 
quite  another  language,t  and  reproach  their  monarch  ^itb 
having  dissipated  nis  treasures  and  his  armies  in  an  impru- 
dent and  an  unfortunate  expedition ;  the  nobility  and  people 
took  advantage  of  his  long  absence  to  impose  laws  upon 
him,  and  obtain  liberties  and  privileges  which  weakened  the 
royal  power,  and  scattered  the  germs  of  a  rapid  decay  in  the 
kingdom  of  Hungary. 

*  The  archdeacon  Thomas  describes  with  great  simplicity  the  miracles 
effected  by  the  relics  of  the  king  of  Hnngaiy. 

t  One  of  these  bistprians,  Palma,  expresses  himself  thus: — Hno 
eadem  expeditio  Hierosolymitana  adeo  neiros  omnes  monarchite  Hnn- 
garics  absttmpdt,  at  unins  propemodum  seculi  spatio  ad  pristinam  opa- 
lentiam  viresque  redire  neqaiverit.  Another  historian  adds,  that  the 
long  absence  of  Andrew,  and  the  imbecility  of  his  son,  so  completely 
alienated  the  minds  of  his  subjects,  that  his  return  created  no  joy,  and 
that  Benedict,  the  chancellor  of  Queen  Yollande,  had  difficulty  in  p«r- 
toading  a  few  prelates  to  go  out  and  meet  him. 


After  the  departure  of  the  king  of  Hungary,  a  mat 
number  of  Crusaders  arrired  from  the  ports  of  HoUand, 
Ji-ance,  and  Italjr.  The  CruBaders  from  Friesland,  Cologne, 
and  the  banks  of  the  Khine  had  stopped  on  the  coast  of 
FortugaljTchere  they  had  conquered  the  Moors  in  several  great 
battles,  killed  two  Saracen  princes,  and  mounted  the  ban- 
ners of  the  cross  upon  the  walls  of  Alcazar.  They  described 
the  miracles  by  which  Heaven  had  seconded  their  valour, 
and  the  apparition  oF  angels,  clothed  in  resplendent  armour, 
who  had  fought  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus,  in  the  ranks  of 
the  soldiers  of  Christ  *  The  arrival  of  these  warriors,  with 
the  account  of  their  victories,  revived  the  courage  of  the 
Crusaders  who  had  remained  in  Palestine  under  the  com- 
mand of  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria;  with  such  a  powerful 
reinforcement,  nothing  was  talked  of  but  renewing  the  war 
against  the  Mussulmans. 

The  project  of  conquering  the  banks  of  the  Nile  often 
occupied  the  thoughts  of  the  Christians ;  since  the  idea  of  a 
war  m  Egypt  had  been  put  forth  bv  the  pope  himself  amidst 
the  council  of  the  Lateran,  it  had  been  considered  as  an  in- 
spiration &om  Heaven ;  they  only  thought  of  the  advantages 
of  a  rich  conquest,  and  the  perils  of  so  difficult  an  enterprise 
appeared  of  no  importance  m  the  eyes  of  the  soldiers  of  the 

The  Christian  army,  commanded  by  the  king  of  Jerusa- 
lem, the  duke  of  Austria,  and  William,  count  of  Holland, 
embarked  at  the  port  of  Ptolemais,  and  landed  within  sight 
of  Damietta,  on  the  northern  bank  of  the  second  mouth  of 
the  Nile.     The  city  of  Damietta,t  situated  at  the  distance 

*  The  register  of  HonorioB  in  Rioaldi,  and  particularly  the  letter  written 
by  William  of  Holland  to  the  pope,  may  be  consulted  for  the  details  of 
this  campiign  against  the  Moon.  William  asks  permission  of  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  to  remain  in  Portugal  a  year ;  but  this  permission  was  refused 
him  by  the  Holy  See,  at  that  time  only  interested  in  the  crusade  beyond 
the  sea.  Some  details  concerning  the  expedition  of  the  Crusaders  in 
Portugal  may  be  found  in  James  of  Yitri,  and  in  the  monk  Godfrey. 

t  Savary  has  rectified  an  error  committed  bj  several  learned  modems^ 
who  have  confounded  the  dty  of  Damietta,  which  existed  in  the  times  of 
the  crusades,  and  which  is  called  TAamiatU  by  Stephen  of  Bysantium, 
with  the  city  of  that  name  which  exists  at  present.  Abonlfeda  informs  us 
that  the  ancient  Damietta  was  set  fire  to  and  demolished  in  the  year  648 
of  the  Uegyra,  after  the  cruaadeof  St.  Louis,  and  that  aiMitbar  dty,  voder 

282  HI8T0BT  OF  THB  CEV8AJ>£8. 

of  a  mile  from  the  sea,  had  a  double  rampart  on  the  river 
side,  and  a  triple  wall  on  the  land  side ;  a  tower  arose  in  the 
middle  of  the  Nile,  and  an  iron  chain,  which  reached  from 
the  city  to  the  tower,  prevented  the  passage  of  vessels.  The 
citv  contained  a  numerous  garrison,  with  provisions  and 
munitions  of  war  for  a  long  siege.  Damietta  had  already 
several  times  resisted  formidable  attacks  of  the  Christians. 
Eoger,  king  of  Sicily,  had  made  himself  master  of  it  in  the 
.  preceding  centur>%  out  he  was  not  able  to  retain  and  defend 
it,  against  the  umted  forces  of  the  Mussulmans. 

The  Crusaders  arrived  before  Damietta  early  in  April ; 
having  pitched  their  tents  in  a  vast  plain,  they  had  beoind 
them  lakes  and  pools  abounding  in  fish  of  all  kmds  ;*  before 
them  the  Nile,  covered  with  their  vessels ;  a  thousand  canals, 
crowned  with  evergreen  papyrus  and  reeds,  intersected  the 
lands,  and  spread  treshness  and  fertility  around  them.  In 
the  fields  which  had  so  lately  been  the  theatre  of  sanguinary 
contests,  no  traces  of  war  were  to  be  seen ;  harvests  of  rice 
covered  the  plains  in  which  Christian  armies  had  perished 
by  famine ;  groves  of  oranges  and  citrons  loaded  with  flowers 
and  fruit ;  woods  of  palms  and  sycamores,  thickets  of  jas- 
mines and  odoriferous  shrubs,  with  a  crowd  of  plants  and 
wonders,  unknown  to  the  pilgrims,  created  the  image  of  an 
earthly  paradise,  and  made  them  fancy  that  Damietta  must 
have  been  the  first  dwelling  of  man  in  his  state  of  innocence. 
The  aspect  of  a  beautiful  sky  and  a  rich  climate  intoxicated 
them  with  joy,  kept  hope  alive  in  their  hearts,  and  held  out 
to  them  the  accomplishment  of  all  the  divine  promises.  In 
their  religious  and  warlike  enthusiasm,  they  believed  they 
saw  Providence  prodigal  of  its  miracles  for  the  success  of 
their  arms ;  scarcely  had  they  established  their  camp  on  the 
bank  of  the  Nile,  when  an  eclipse  of  the  moon  covered  the 
horizon  vrith  darkness ;  and  even  this  phenomenon  inflamed 
their  courage,  as  it  appeared  to  them  a  presage  of  the  greatest 

the  same  name,  was  constnicted  at  two  leagues  from  the  sea.    The  asser- 
tion of  Aboulfeda  agrees  in  this  point  with  the  description  of  Macnzi. 

*  James  of  Yitri  gives  a  sufficientljpartiealar  description  of  Egypt  and 
its  productions ;  this  portion  of  his  history  is  not  unworthy  of  the  pemsal 
of  the  learned,  and  may  give  a  jnst  idea  of  the  knowledge  of  geogtaphy 
and  datnral  history  of  the  thirteenth  oentary. 


The  first  attacks*  were  directed  against  tHe  tower  built  in 
the  middle  of  the  Nile ;  vessels,  in  which  were  placed  towers, 
ladders,  and  drawbridges,  approached  the  walls.  The  soldiers 
who  manned  them,  braving  the  arrows  and  murderous 
machines  of  the  Mussulmans,  made  several  assaults ;  but 
prodigies  of  strength,  courage,  and  skill  were  useless.  The 
most  intrepid  of  the  Crusaders,  victims  of  their  own  rasb 
bravery  and  devotedness,  perished,  swallowed  up  by  the 
waves,  without  being  able  to  be  succoured  or  avenged  by 
their  companions.  In  all  the  attacks,  nothing  could  equal 
the  impetuous  valour  of  the  Western  warriors;  but  this 
valour  was  not  seconded  by  either  the  prudence  of  the  com- 
manders or  the  discipline  of  the  soldiers ;  each  nation  had 
its  leader,  its  machines  of  war,  its  days  for  fighting  •  no  order 
governed  either  attack  or  retreat ;  the  soldiers  on  board  the  ^ 
vessels  wished  to  manoeuvre  them,  the  sailors  would  fight. 

The  frequent  checks  they  experienced,  at  length,  however, 
taught  them  prudence :  the  ligntest  of  their  vessels  ascended 
the  Nile,  and  returning  to  cast  anchor  above  the  tower  built 
in  the  middle  of  the  nver,  attacked  and  broke  asunder  the 
bridge  of  boats  which  united  the  \ower  with  the  city.  In- 
dustry likewise  lent  its  assi^ance  to  the  bravery  of  the 
Crusaders ;  machines  of  war  were  invented,  of  which  no 
models  had  previouslv  existed.  A^  enormous  wooden  castle, 
built  upon  two  vesselsjt  joined  together  by  beams  and  joists, 
was  admired  as  a  miraculous  invention,  and  considered  as  a 
certain  pledge  of  victory.  Upon  this  floating  castle  was  a 
drawbridge,  which  could  be  lowered  upon  the  tower  of  the 
Saracens,  and  galleries  destined  to  receive  the  soldiers  who 
were  to  attack  the  walls.  A  poor  priest  of  the  church  of 
Cologne,  J  who  had  preached  the  crusade  on  the  banks  of  the 

*  For  particulars  of  tba  siege  of  Damietta,  James  of  Vitri,  the  con- 
tinuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  Marin  Sanut,  Matthew  Paris,  the  corre- 
spondence of  Honorius  in  Raynaldif  Godfrey,  and  the  Monk  of  Alberic 
may  be  consulted.  We  haye  examined  the  account  attribated  to  OliTier, 
priest  of  Cologne,  which  may  be  found  in  the  Gesia  Dei  per  FraneoM,  but 
this  account  is  repeated  by  James  of  Vitri.  The  Arabian  authors  and  the 
Chronicle  of  Ibn-ferat  have  afforded  us  great  assistance  in  our  labours, 
and  haye  informed  us  of  very  important  facts  of  which  the  Franks  and 
their  hutorians  were  ignorant. 

t  Le  P^re  Mairabourg  gives  a  long  account  of  this  machine,  not  neoes- 
ssrr  to  be  repeated.  * 

X  This  pftm,  who  was  named  Olivier,  afterwards  became  bishop  of 

Vol.  II.— 11 

294  HISTOBr   OF  THIS   CBUSAJ)£8. 

Shine,  and  followed  the  Christian  armj  into  Egypt,  was 
charged  with  the  superintendence  of  the  erection  of  this 
formidahle  edifice.  As  the  popes  in  their  letters  always 
advised  the  Crusaders  to  take  with  them  to  the  East  men 
skilled  in  the  mechanical  arts,*  the  Christian  army  was  in 
no  want  of  workmen  to  perform  the  most  difficult  lahoUrs ; 
the  liberality  of  the  leaders  and  soldiers  supplied  all  the 
necessary  expenses. 

The  whole  army  looked  with  impatience  for  the  moment 
at  which  the  enormous  fortress  should  be  brought  near  to 
the  tower  on  the  Nile ;  prayers  were  offered  up  in  the  camp 
for  the  protection  of  Heaven ;  the  patriarch  and  the  king  of 
Jerusalem,  the  clergy  and  the  soldiers,  during  several  days, 
submitted  to  all  the  austerities  of  penitence, — all  marched 
in  procession  barefooted  to  the  seashore.  The  leaders  had 
fixed  upon  the  festival  of  the  apostle  St.  Bartholomew  as 
the  day  for  the  assault,  and  the  Crusaders  were  filled  with 
hope  and  ardour.  They  vied  with  each  other  in  eagerness  to 
be  of  the  assaulting  party,  for  which  the  best  soldiers  of  each 
nation  were  selected,  and  Leopold,  duke  of  Austria,  the 
model  of  Christian  knights,  obtained  the  honour  of  com- 
manding an  expedition  with  which  the  first  success  of  the 
crusade  was  connected. 

On  the  appointed  day,  the  two  vessels  surmounted  by  the 
wooden  tower  received  the  signal  for  moving.  They  carried 
three  hundred  warriors  fully  armed;  and  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  Mussulmans  assembled  on  the  walls  contem- 
plated the  spectacle  with  surprise  mingled  with  dread.  The 
two  vessels  pursued  their  silent  course  up  the  middle  of.  the 
river,  whilst  all  the  Crusaders,  either  drawn  up  in  battle- 
array  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nile,  or  dispersed  over  the 
neighbouring  hills,  saluted  with  loudest  acclamations  the 
moving  fortress  which  bore  the  fortunes  and  the  hopes  of  the 
Christian  army.  On  drawing  near  to  the  walls  the  two 
vessels  cast  anchor,  and  the  soldiers  prepared  for  the  assault. 
Whilst  the  Christians  hurled  their  javelins  and  got  ready 

Pftderbom  and  a  cardinal  of  St.  Sabina ;  it  ia  the  same  that  signed  his 
name  to  the  account  we  have  mentioned  in  a  preceding  note. 

*  Gretser,  in  his  treaty  de  Cruee,  says  formally  that  the  popes  required 
the  commanders  of  the  pilgrims  to  take  with  them  both  agricultuiists  and 


tbeir  lances  and  swords,  the  Saracens  poured  upon  them 
torrents  of  Greek  fire,  and  employed  every  effort  to  make 
the  wooden  castle  on  which  their  enemies  fought  a  prey  to 
the  flames.  The  one  party  was  encouraged  .by  the  shouts 
and  applauses  of  the  Christian  army,  the  other  by  the  thou- 
sand times  repeated  acclamations  of  the  inhabitants  of  Da- 
mietta.  Amidst  the  fight,  the  machine  of  the  Crusaders  all 
at  once  appeared  on  fire ;  the  drawbridge  lowered  on  to  the 
walls  of  the  tower  wavered  and  was  unsteady ;  the  flagstaff 
of  the  duke  of  Austria  fell  into  the  Nile,  and  the  banner  of 
the  Christians  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Mussulmans. 
At  this  sight  the  Saracens  uttered  the  most  extravagant 
cries  of  joy,  whilst  groans  and  sounds  of  grief  were  heard 
along  the  shore  on  which  the  Crusaders  were  encamped ;  the 
patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  clergy,  the  whole  army,  fell  on 
their  knees,  and  raised  their  supplicating  hands  towards 

But  soon,  as  if  God  had  been  favourable  to  their  prayers, 
the  flames  were  extinguished,  the  machine  was  repaired,  the 
drawbridge  was  replaced,  and  the  companions  of  Leopold 
renewed  the  attack  with  more  ardour  than  ever.  Prom  the 
top  of  their  fortress  they  commanded  the  waUs  of  the  tower, 
and  dealt  mighty  blows  with  sabre,  spear,  battle-axe,  and  iron 
mace.  Two  soldiers  sprang  upon  the  platform  upon  which 
the  Saracens  defended  themselves ;  they  carried  terror  among 
the  besieged,  who  descended  tumultuously  to  the  first  stage 
of  the  tower ;  the  latter  set  fire  to  the  floor,  and  endeavoured 
to  oppose  a  rampart  of  flames  between  themselves  and  the 
enemies  who  rushed  down  in  pursuit  of  them ;  but  these 
last  efforts  of  despair  and  bravery  presented  but  a  vain  re- 
sistance to  the  Christian  soldiers.  The  Mussulmans  were 
attacked  in  all  parts  of  the  tower ;  and  their  walls,  shaken 
by  the  machines,  appeared  to  be  sinking  around  them,  and 
about  to  bury  them  oeneath  the  ruins :  in  this  hopeless  con- 
dition they  laid  down  their  arms,  and  sued  to  their  conquerors 
for  life. 

After  this  memorable  victory,  the  Christians,  masters  of 
the  tower  of  the  Nile,  broke  tne  chain  which  impeded  the 
passage  of  vessels,  and  their  fleet  was  able  to  approach  close 
to  the  ramparts  of  the  city. 

About  the  same  time  (September,  1217)  Malek-Adel,  who 

2d6  HiaXOBT  OT  THS  CB1T8JU>X8. 

had  rendered  himself  so  formidable  to  the  Christians,  died 
in  the  capital  of  Egypt.  He  heard  before  his  death  of  the 
yietorj  ivnuch  the  Chnstians  had  gained  at  Damietta ;  and 
the  Crusaders  did  not  fail  to  say  that  he  had  sunk  under  the 
effects  of  despair,  and  that  he  carried  with  him  to  the  tomb 
thepower  ana  glory  of  the  Mussulmans. 

The  Christians,  in  their  histories,  have  represented  Malek- 
Adel  as  an  ambitious,  cruel,  and  stem  prince;  Oriental 
writers  celebrate  his  piety  and  mildness.  An  Arabian  his- 
torian boasts  of  his  love  of  justice  and  truth,*  and  paints,  by 
a  single  trait,  the  moderation  of  the  absolute  monarchs  of 
Asia,  when  he  says,  "  that  the  brother  of  Saladin  listened 
without  anger  to  that  which  displeased  him." 

Historians  unite  in  praising  the  bravery  of  the  Mussulman 
prince,  and  the  ability  he  displayed  in  the  execution  of  all 
his  designs.  No  piince  knew  better  how  to  make  himself 
obeyed,  or  to  give  to  supreme  power  that  brilliant  exterior 
which  strikes  the  imagination  of  nations,  and  disposes  them 
to  submission.  In  his  court,  he  always  appeared  surrounded 
with  the  pomn  of  the  East :  his  palace  was  as  a  sanctuary 
which  no  one  aurst  approach  :  he  rarely  appeared  in  public ; 
when  he  did,  it  was  in  a  manner  to  inspure  fear:  as  he  was 
fortunate  in  all  his  undertakings,  the  Mussulmans  had  no 
difiSculty  in  belieying  that  the  favourite  of  fortune  was  the 
favourite  of  Heaven :  the  caliph  of  Bagdad  sent  ambassadors 
to  salute  him  king  of  kings,  Malek-Adel  was  pleased  to  be 
styled  in  camps  Self  Eddinf  (the  sword  of  religion),  and 
this  glorious  name,  which  he  had  merited  by  his  contests 
with  the  Christians,  drew  upon  him  the  love  and  confidence 
of  the  soldiers  of  Islamism.  He  astonished  the  East  by  his 
abdication,  as  much  as  he  had  astonished  it  by  his  victories ; 
the  surprise  he  excited  only  added  to  his  glory  as  well  as  to 
his  power ;  and,  that  his  destiny  might  in  everything  be  ex- 
traordinary, fortune  decreed  that  when  he  had  descended 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Ihn-feraC  collects  the  judgments  of  all  the  ArabiaQ 
historians  upon  Malek-Adel.  These  historians  all  express  themselves  in 
the  same  manner.  The  continnator  of  William  of  Tyre,  who  appears  to 
have  lived  in  the  East,  speaks  of  the  pomp  and  of  the  air  of  majestj  which 
were  remarked  in  the  brother  of  Saladin :  the  latter  otherwise  treats 
Malek-Adel  with  great  severity. 

t  It  is  under  the  name  of  Seif-Eddin,  by  corruption  S^>badin,  that 
Malek-Adel  is  known  in  onr  Histories  of  the  CmsadM. 


from  the  throne,  he, should  still  remain  master.  His  fifteen 
sons,  of  whom  several  were  sovereigns,  still  tremhled  before 
him  ;  nations  prostrated  themselves  on  his  passage ;  up  to  the 
very  hour  in  which  he  closed  his  eyes,  his  presence,  his 
name  only,  maintained  peace  in  his  family  and  the  provinces, 
and  order  and  discipline  in  the  armies. 

At  his  death  the  face  of  everything  began  to  change ;  the 
empire  of  the  Ayoubites,  which  he  had  sustained  by  his  ex- 
ploits, gave  tokens  of  decline ;  the  ambition  of  the  emirs, 
for  a  long  time  restrained,  broke  out  into  conspiracies 
against  the  supreme  authority  ;  a  spirit  of  license  began  to 
be  apparent  in  the  Mussulman  armies,  and  particularlv 
among  the  troops  that  defended  Egypt. 

The  Crusaders  ought  to  have  profited  by  the  death  of 
Malek-Adel,  and  the  consequences  it  was  sure  to  produce, 
by  attacking  the  discouraged  Mussulmans  without  inter- 
mission. But  instead  of  following  up  their  success,  after 
they  had  obtained  possession  of  the  Tower  of  the  Nile,  they 
all  at  once  neglected  the  labours  of  the  siege,  and  appeared 
to  have  fallen  asleep  over  their  first  victories.  A  great 
number  of  them,  persuaded  that  they  had  done  enough  for 
the  cause  of  Christ,  only  thought  of  embarking  to  return 
into  Europe.     Every  vessel  that  left  the  port  recalled  to  the 

Pilgrims  remembrances  of  home ;  and  the  beautiful  sky  of 
)amietta,  which  had  inflamed  their  imaginations  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  siege,  was  not  sufficient  to  retain  them  in 
a  country  which  they  began  to  consider  as  a  place  of  exile. 

The  clergy,  however,  warmly  censured  the  retreat  and  de- 
sertion of  the  Crusaders,  and  implored  Heaven  to  punish 
the  base  soldiers  who  thus  abandoned  the  standards  of  the 
cross.  Six  thousand  pilgrims  from  Brittany,  who  were  return- 
ing to  Europe,  were  shipwrecked  on  the  coast  of  Italy,  and 
almost  all  perished ;  and  the  ecclesiastics,  with  the  most 
ardent  of  the  Crusaders,  did  not  fail  to  see,  in  so  great  a  dis- 
aster, a  manifestation  of  divine  anger.  When  the  Crusaders 
of  Friesland,  after  having  deserted  the  banners  of  the  Holy 
Land,  had  returned  into  the  "West,  the  ocean  all  at  once 
broke  through  the  dykes,  and  overflowed  its  customary  boun- 
daries ;  the  richest  provinces  of  Holland  were  submerged, 
and  a  hundred  thousand  inhabitants,  with  whole  cities,  dis- 
appeared beneath  the  waters.     Many  Christians  attributed 

238  HI8T0BT   OF  THE   CBIFaASXS. 

this  calamity  to  the  culpable  retreat  of  the  Frieson  and 
Dutch  Crusaders. 

The  pope  beheld  with  jpain  the  return  of  the  pilgrim  de- 
serters £rom  the  cause  of  Christ.  Honorius  neglected  notliing 
to  secure  the  success  of  a  war  he  had  preached ;  and  he 
every  day,  both  b;^'  prayers  and  threats,  pressed  the  departure 
of  those  who,  after  having  taken  the  cross,  delayed  the 
accomplishment  of  their  vow. 

According  to  the  usual  custom  of  navigators,  two  periods 
of  the  year  were  fixed  upon  at  which  it  was  best  to  cross  the 
sea.  The  pilgrims  almost  always  embarked  in  the  month  of 
March  and  in  the  month  of  September,  whether  to  repair  to 
the  East  or  to  return  to  Europe ;  which  caused  them  to  be 
compared  to  those  birds  of  passage  that  change  their  climate 
at  the  approach  of  a  new  season,  and  towards  the  end  of 
fine  weather.*  At  each  passage,  the  Mediterranean  was 
covered  with  vessels  which  transported  Crusaders,  some  re- 
turning to  their  homes,  others  going  to  fight  the  infidels. 
At  the  very  moment  the  Christians  were  deploring  the  loss 
of  the  Frieson  and  Dutch  warriors,  their  spints  were  restored 
by  seeing  Crusaders  from  Germany,  Pisa,  Genoa,  Venice,  and 
several  provinces  of  France,  arrive  in  tlie  camp  at  Damietta, 

Among  the  French  warriors,  history  names  Ilerve,  count 
of  Nevers ;  Hugh,  count  de  la  Marche ;  Miles  de  Bar-sur- 
Seine ;  tlie  lords  John  of  Artois  and  Ponce  de  Crancey ; 
Ithier  de  Thacy,  and  Savary  de  Maul^on ;  they  were  accom- 
panied by  the  archbishop  of  Bordeaux,  the  bishops  of 
Angers,  Autim,  Beauvais,  Paris,  Meaux,  Noyon,  &c.  Eng- 
land also  sent  the  bravest  of  her  knights  into  Egypt.  Henry 
III.  had  taken  the  cross  after  the  council  of  the  Lateran ; 
but  as  he  could  not  quit  his  dominions,  at  that  time  a  prey 
to  civil  wars  and  torn  by  discord,  the  earls  of  Ilarcourt, 
Chester,  and  Arundel,  with  Prince  01iver,t  were  honoured 
with  the  charge  of  acquitting,  in  his  name,  the  vow  he  had 
taken  to  fight  in  the  East  for  the  cause  of  Christ. 

At  the  head  of  the  pilgrims  who  arrived  at  that  time  in 
Egypt  were  two  cardinals,  whom  the  pope  had  sent  to  the 

*  A  Latin  disnertation,  by  Boeder,  entitled  2>e  PoMtOffiiif  may  be  oon« 
fcdted  OD  this  subject, 
t  I  caoDOt  make  out  who  this  Prince  Oliver  was.— -Trans. 

HISTOBt  OF  TnS   C]IVBAJ)£S.  239 

Christian  army.  Bobert  de  Coui^n,  one  of  the  preachers 
of  the  crusade,  was  charged  with  the  mission  of  inculcating 
the  moral  precepts  of  Christ  in  the  camp  of  the  Crusaders, 
and  animating  the  zeal  and  devotion  oi  the  soldiers  by  his 
eloquence.  Cardinal  Pelagius,  bishop  of  Albano,  was  in- 
Tested  with  the  entire  confidence  of  the  Holy  See;  ho 
brought  with  him  the  treasures  that  were  to  defray  the  ex- 
penses of  the  war ;  the  Crusaders  from  Eome  and  several 
other  cities  of  Italy  marched  under  his  orders,  and  recognised 
him  as  their  military  leader. 

Cardinal  Pela^us,  by  his  position,  was  endowed  with 
great  authority  m  the  Christian  army,  and  his  naturally 
imperious  character  led  him  to  assume  even  more  power  than 
he  had  received  from  the  Holy  See.  In  whatever  affair  he 
was  employed,  he  acknowledged  no  equal,  and  would  not  en- 
dure a  superior.  He  had  been  known  to  oppose  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  in  the  bosom  of  the  conclave  ;  ne  would  have 
resisted  the  most  powerful  monarchs,  even  in  their  own 
councils.  Cardinal  Pelagius,  persuaded  that  Providence 
meant  to  make  use  of  him  to  accomplish  great  designs,  be- 
lieved himself  fit  for  all  works,  and  appointed  to  all  kinds  of 
glory ;  when  he  had  formed  a  determmation,  he  maintained 
it  with  invincible  obstiaacy,  and  was  influenced  by  neither 
obstacles  nor  perils,  nor  even  by  the  lessons  of  experience. 
If  Pelagius  originated  any  advice  in  council,  ha  supported  it 
with  all  the  menaces  of  the  court  of  Rome,  and  often  gave 
cause  for  a  belief  that  the  thunders  of  the  Church  had  only- 
been  confided  to  his  hands,  that  he  might  secure  the  triumph 
of  his  own  opinions. 

Pelagius  had  scarcely  arrived  in  Egypt,  when,  as  legate  of 
the  pope,  he  disputed  the  command  ol  the  army  with  John 
of  Brienne.  To  support  his  pretensions,  he  asserted  that 
the  Crusaders  had  taken  up  arms  at  the  desire  of  the  sove- 
reign pontiff;  that  they  were  the  soldiers  of  the  Church, 
and  ought  to  recognise  no  other  head  than  the  legate  of  the 
Holy  See:  these  assumptions  gave  great  offence  to  the 
barons  and  principal  leaders.  From  that  time  it  was  eaay  to 
foresee  that  discord  would  be  introduced  by  him  whose 
mission  it  was  to  establish  peace ;  and  that  the  envoy  of  the 
pope,  charged  to  preach  humility  among  Christians,  was 


about  to  ruin  eyerytbiug  bj  his  mad  presumptioii.*  Cardinal 
de  Cour9on  died  shortly  after  his  arrival. 

The  continuator  of  "William  of  Tyre,  whilst  deploring  the 
death  of  this  legate,  who  had  been  remarkable  for  his  mo- 
deration, characterizes,  by  a  single  word,  the  conduct  of 
Pelagius,  and  the  consequences  that  might  be  expected  fix)m 
it,  by  saving :  "  Then  died  Cardinal  Peter,  and  Pelagius  lived, 
which  was  a  great  pity." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  approach  of  danger  had  reunited 
the  Mussulman  princes.  The  caliph  of  Bagdad^  whom  James 
of  Vitrit  styles  the  pope  of  the  injldeh,  exhorted  the  nations 
to  take  up  arms  agamst  the  Christians.  All  the  sons  of 
Malek-Adel,  who  reigned  over  the  provinces  of  Syria  and  of 
Temen,  prepared  to  march  to  the  assistance  of  Egypt.  The 
sultan  01  Damascus,  after  having  made  several  mcursions 
into  the  territories  of  Ptolemais,  gathered  together  his  whole 
army,  and  resolved  to  go  and  defend  Damietta.  As  he  had 
reason  to  fear  the  Christians  might  take  advantage  of  his 
absence  to  seize  Jerusalem  and  fortify  themselves  in  it,  he 
caused  the  ramparts  of  the  holy  city  to  be  demoKshed.  He 
also  ordered  the  fortress  of  Tabor,  and  all  those  that  the 
Mussulmans  held  along  the  coasts  of  Palestine,  to  be  de- 
stroyed ;  a  vigorous  measure  that  afficted  the  infidels,  but 
was  calculated  to  afflict  the  Christians  still  more ;  as  it  proved 
to  them  that  they  had  to  contend  with  enemies  animated  by 

*  la  the  letter  by  which  Honorius  announced  to  the  leaders  of  the 
crusade  the  powers  he  bad  given  to  Cardinal  PelagiaSf  his  holiness  ex- 
presses  himself  thus :  Ut  ezercitum  Domini  cum  humiliCate  praecedens, 
Concordes  in  concordia  foveat,  et  ad  pacem  revocet  impacatos. 

t  Cal{fai  papa  iptorum.  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  calls  the 
caliph  the  Apostle  of  the  Miscreants.  The  same  bLitorian  adds  : — * '  Apr^ 
manda  (le  soudan  du  Caire)  au  calife  de  Baudac,  qui  apostoiUe  6tait  des 
Sarrasins,  et  par  Mahomet  qu'il  le  seccurQt,  et  sMl  ne  le  seccurait,  il  per* 
drait  U  terre.  Car  Tapostolic  de  Rome  y  euToyait  tant  de  gent,  que  ce 
n'^tait  mie  conte  ne  mesure,  et  qu'il  fait  preschier  par  Payennisme  ainsi 
oomme  faisaient  par  Chretienti,  et  envoyat  au  soudain  grant  seccurs  de 
gent  par  son  preschement." — "  The  sultan  of  Cairo  afterwards  sent  to  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad,  who  was  the  apostle  of  the  Saracens,  and  implored  him, 
in  the  name  of  Mahomet,  to  assist  him,  assuring  him  that  if  he  did  not 
assist  him,  he  should  lose  his  dominions.  For  the  apostle  of  Rome  ^ent 
so  many  people  that  they  were  beyond  all  count  or  meaaure,  and  that  the 
caliph  mast  order  preaching  throughout  Paganism  as  was  practised  in 
Christendom,  and  he  might  send  the  sultan  great  *«fiiit^np^  in  cdDseqaeDoe 
of  bis  preachings." 


despair,  and  disposed  to  sacrifice  everything  to  secure  their 
own  safety. 

The  sultan  of  Cairo  encamped  in  the  vicinity  of  Damietta, 
where  he  awaited  the  princes  of  his  family.  The  garrison 
of  the  city  received  every  day  provisions  and  reinforcements, 
and  was  in  a  condition  to  resist  the  Christian  army  for  a 
length  of  time.  The  preparations  and  the  approach  of  the 
Mussulmans  at  length  roused  the  Crusaders  m>m  their  state 
of  inaction.  Animated  by  their  leaders,  but  more  by  the 
appearance  of  danger  and  the  presence  of  a  formidable 
enemy ;  still  led  by  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  who  had  resisted 
the  pretensions  of  Pelagius,  the  Christian  soldiers  resumed 
the  labours  of  the  siege  and  made  several  assaults  upon  the 
city  on  the  river  side.  The  winter,  which  had  just  set  in, 
did  not  at  all  prevent  their  attacks ;  nothing  could  equal  the 
heroic  constancy  with  which  they  braved,  during  several 
months,  cold,  rain,  hunger,  all  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  all 
the  rigours  of  the  season.  A  contagious  malady  committed 
great  ravages  in  the  Christian  army :  a  frightful  storm, 
which  lasted  three  days,  carried  away  the  tents  and  the 
baggage  of  both  leaders  and  soldiers;  but  nothing  dimi- 
nished the  fury  of  the  contests,  which  were  incessantly 

At  length  the  Christians,  having  become  masters  of  all 
the  western  bank  of  the  Nile,  determined  to  cross  the  river, 
and  attack  the  city  on  the  land  side.  The  passage  was 
difficult  and  dangerous ;  the  sultan  of  Cairo  had  fixed  his 
camp  on  the  opposite  shore  ;  the  plain  on  which  the  Crusa- 
ders wished  to  pitch  their  tents  was  covered  with  Mussul- 
man soldiers ;  an  unexpected  event  removed  all  obstacles. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  seditious  spirit  of  the  emirs,  who, 
since  the  death  of  Malek-Adel,  had  openly  shown  their  am- 
bitious designs  and  sought  to  introduce  divisions  into  the 
Mussulman  armies.  The  most  remarkable  among  these 
emirs,  was  the  leader  of  a  troop  of  Curds,  named  Emad- 
eddin,*  who  had  taken  a  part  in  all  the  revolutions  of  Egypt 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Ibn-ferat,  from  which  we  have  drawn  that  which  we 
relate,  says  that  Emad-eddin  was  the  son  of  Seif-Eddin-aboul-Hassan- 
Ali-bqn-Ahmed  Alhekari,  suroamed  Ibn-almachtoub  (son  of  the  Scarred), 
OD  account  of  a  wound  which  had  marked  his  face.  The  same  chronicle  adds 
that  the  emir,  the  son  of  the  Scarred,  despised  the  futile  things  of  kingi| 


242  HI8T0BT  OF  THC  CBlTflABia. 

lind  Syria.  Associated  with  the  destinies  of  the  bodb  of 
Ayoub,  this  emir  had  witnessed  the  rise  and  fall  of  several 
Mussulman  dynasties,  and  held  in  contempt  the  powers  of 
which  he  knew  both  the  source  and  the  origin.  An  intrepid 
soldier,  a  faithless  subject,  always  ready  to  serve  his  sove- 
reigns in  fight  or  betray  them  in  a  conspiracy,  Emad-eddin 
could  not  endure  a  prince  who  reigned  by  the  laws  of  peace, 
or  recognise  a  power  which  was  not  the  fruit  of  his  intrigues 
or  of  a  revolution.  As  fortune  had  always  favoured  his 
audacity,  and  as  all  his  treacheries  had  been  well  rewarded, 
every  fresh  revolt  augmented  his  credit  and  his  renown  ;  an 
enemy  to  all  acknowledged  authority,  the  hope  of  all  who 
aspired,  to  empire,  he  was  almost  as  redoubtable  as  the  Old 
Man  of  the  Mountain,  whose  menaces  made  the  most 
powerful  monarchs  tremble.  Emad-eddin  resolved  to  change 
the  government  of  Egypt,  and  conceived  the  project  of  de- 
throning the  sultan  of  Cairo,  and  replacing  him  by  another 
of  the  sons  of  Malek-Adel. 

Several  emirs  were  drawn  into  this  conspiracy.  On  the 
day  appointed,  they  were  to  enter  the  tent  of  Melic-Kamel,' 
and  compel  him,  by  violence,  to  renounce  the  supreme 
authoritv.  The  sultan  was  warned  of  the  plot  prepared 
against  him,  and  on  the  eve  of  the  day  on  which  it  was  to 
be  carried  into  effect,  he  left  his  camp  in  the  middle  of  the 
night.  The  next  da^,  at  dawn,  the  conspirators  were  made 
aware  tliat  their  designs  had  been  discovered ;  they  endea- 
voured in  vain  to  draw  the  soldiers  into  a  revolt ;  the  greatest 
confusion  prevailed  throughout  the  camp ;  among  the  emirs, 
some  gathered  around  Emad-eddin,  and  swore  to  follow  his 
fortunes ;  others,  doubtful  of  the  success  of  his  enterprise, 
remained  silent ;  many  took  an  oath  to  defend  Melic-Kamel. 
Amidst  these  debates,  the  Mussulman  army,  conscious  that 
they  were  without  a  leader,  feared  they  might  be  surprised 
by  the  Christians.  A  panic  terror  all  at  once  seized  upon 
the  soldiers,  who  abandoned  their  tents  and  their  baggage, 
and  rushed  in  the  greatest  disorder  in  the  traces  of  their 
fugitive  sultan. 

This  retreat,  of  which  the  Christians  could  not  imagine 
the  cause,  and  which  their  historians  explain  by  a  miracle 
$nd  that  most  extnordiiuury  ciioamitanoet  w«n  rcUtad  of  hk  nvoUi 


firom  heaven,*  opened  to  tbem  the  passage  of  the  Nile.  The 
army  hastened  to  cross  the  river,  took  possession  of  the 
Mussulman' camp,  made  an  immense  booty,  and  drew  near 
to  the  walls  of  Damietta. 

The  panic,  however,  which  had  put  the  Mussulman  troops 
to  flight,  had  not  at  all  communicated  itself  to  the  garrison 
of  the  city  :  this  intrepid  garrison  offered  the  most  vigorous 
resistance,  and  gave  the  army  of  Melic-Kamelf  time  to  re- 
cover from  its  fright.  The  sultan  of  Damascus  soon  joined 
his  brother  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  Emad-eddin  and  the  other 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  were  arrested  and  loaded  with 
chains.  Order  and  discipline  were  reestablished  among  the 
Saracens,  and  the  Christian  army  had  to  contend  with  all 
tlie  united  forces  of  the  infidels,  impatient  to  repair  their 
check,  and  recover  the  advantages  they  had  lost. 

The  burning  days  of  summer  were  approaching:  the 
Nile,  increased  by  the  rains  of  the  tropics,  oegan  to  issue 
from  its  bed.  The  Christian  army  was  encamped  under  the 
walls  of  Damietta,  having  the  lake  Menzaleh  in  its  rear. 
The  Saracens  came  and  pitched  their  tents  at  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  camp  of  the  Christians,  who,  oppressed  by 
the  consumins  heat  of  the  season  and  the  climate,  were 
subject  every  day  to  the  ^irited  attacks  of  the  infidels.  In 
one  of  these  conflicts,  the  Mussulmans  got  possession  of  a 
bridge  which  the  Crusaders  had  thrown  over  the  Nile ;  the 
banks  of  the  river  were  covered  with  dead,  and  the  Christian 
army  only  owed  its  safety  to  the  heroic  bravery  of  the  duke 
of  Austria,  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  grand  masters  of 
St.  John  and  the  Temple.  Soon  after,  another  battle  was 
fought  still  more  bloody  than  the  first.  In  this  fight,  as  it 
is  described  by  James  of  Vitri,  an  ocular  witness,  not  a  per-  • 
son  among  the  Christians  was  idle :  the  clergy  were  *at  pray- 
ers or  attending  the  wounded ;  whilst  the  women  and  chil- 
dren carried  water,  wine,  food,  stones,  and  javelins,  to  the 
combatants.  AVliirlwinds  of  scorching  dust  arose  in  the  air, 
and  enveloped  the  two  armies.  The  cries  of  the  wounded 
and  the  dying,  the  somid  of  the  trumpets,  and  the  clashing 

*  All  the  Christian  historians  of  the  middle  ages,  and  Maimboorg  after 
them,  appear  persuaded  that  Providence,  by  a  miracle  of  its  will,  put  the 
Saracens  to  flight. 

t  Oar  historians  of  the  crusades  name  this  prince  Meledio. 

244  HisTOBY  or  the  cbitsades. 

of  arms  resounded  from  the  neighbouring  hills  and  from  both 
shores  of  the  Nile.  Sometimes  the  Saracens  were  put  to 
flight,  and  whole  battalions,  sajs  James  of  Vitri,  disappeared 
submerged  in  the  Nile,  as  formerly  the  armies  of  Pharaoh 
perished  in  the  Bed  Sea.  Sometimes  the  Christians  were 
repulsed  in  their  turn,  and  left  a  great  number  of  their  war- 
riors on  the  field  of  battle :  the  carnage  lasted  during  the 
whole  day,  without  either  side  being  able  to  claim  the  vic- 
tory. W  hilst  the  two  armies  were  contending  with  such 
fury  on  the  banks,  the  Genoese  and  the  Pisans,  on  board 
their  vessels,  made  an  attack  upon  the  ramparts  of  the  city. 
Several  of  their  ships  were  consumed  by  the  Q-reek  fire,  and 
the  bravest  of  their  soldiers  were  crushed  beneath  the  beams 
and  stones  hurled  from  the  top  of  the  walls.  At  the  aj^proach 
of  night  the  Crusaders  returned  to  their  tents,  despairing  of 
ever  being  able  to  subdue  the  Saracens,  and  reproaching 
each  other  with  want  of  courage  in  this  unfortunate  day. 

On  the  morrow  fresh  disputes  arose  between  the  horse 
and  foot  soldiers,*  each  of  which  bodies  accused  the  other 
with  having  been  the  cause  of  the  losses  the  army  had  ex- 
perienced. These  debates  became  so  warm  that  at  length 
the  foot  and  the  horse  both  demanded,  with  loud  tries,  to 
be  led  again  to  battle,  and  rushed  tumultuously  out  of  the 
camp,  to  give  convincing  proofs  of  their  bravery ;  the  leaders 
could  neither  restrain  nor  direct  the  ardoiur  and  impetuosity 
of  their  soldiers,  who  fought  in  disorder,  and  were  repulsed 
by  the  Saracens  after  a  horrible  carnage. 

At  this  period  a  holy  person,  named  Francis  of  Assise, 
made  his  appearance  in  tne  Christian  army,  whoso  reputa- 
tion for  piety  was  spread  throughout  the  Christian  world, 
and  had  preceded  him  into  the  East.  From  his  earliest 
youth,  Francis  had  left  the  paternal  roof  to  lead  a  life  of 
edification.  One  day,  whilst  present  at  mass  in  a  church  in 
Italy,  he  was  struck  with  the  passage  of  the  Gospel  in  which 
our  Saviour  says,  "  Take  with  you  neither  gold  nor  silver, 
nor  other  moneys ;  neither  scrips  for  the  journey,  nor  sandals, 

*  The  infantry  must  have  rendered,  during  the  siege,  greater  serrices  than 
the  cavalry,  in  defending  the  intrenchments,  mounting  to  the  assault,  or 
fighting  on  board  the  ships.  This  dispute  alone  proves  that  the  infantry 
had  made  great  prdgrau ;  for  till  that  time  they  would  not  have  dared  to 
compare  themselves  with  the  cavalry. 

HIBTOBT  07  THB  OBVBADSfl.  245 

nor  staff."  From  that  period  Prancis  had  held  in  contempt 
all  the  riches  of  this  world,  and  hod  devoted  himself  to  the 
poverty  of  the  apostles ;  he  travelled  through  countries  and 
cities,  exhorting  all  people  to  penitence.  The  disciples  who 
followed  him  braved  the  contempt  of  the  multitude,  and 
glorified  themselves  with  it  before  God :  when  asked  whence 
they  came,  they  were  accustomed  to  answer,  "  We  are  poor 
penitents  from  Assise." 

Francis  was  led  into  Egypt  by  the  fame  of  the  crusade, 
and  by  the  hope  of  there  effecting  some  great  conversion. 
The  day  preceding  the  last  battle,  he  had  a  miraculous  pre- 
sentiment of  the  defeat  of  the  Christians,  and  impartea  his 
prediction  to  the  leaders  of  the  army,  who  heard  him  with 
indifference.  Dissatisfied  with  the  Crusaders,  and  devoured 
by  the  zeal  of  a  mission  jGrom  God,  he  then  conceived  the 
project  of  securing  the  triumph  of  the  faith  by  his  eloquence 
and  the  arms  of  the  Gospel  alone.  He  directed  his  course 
towards  the  enemy's  camp,  put  himself  in  the  way  of  being 
taken  prisoner  by  the  Saracen  soldiers,  and  was  conducted 
into  the  presence  of  the  sultan.  Then  Francis  addressed 
Melic-Kamel,*  and  said  to  him,  "  It  is  God  who  sends  me 
towards  you,  to  point  out  to  you  the  road  to  salvation." 
After  these  words,  the  missionary  exhorted  the  sultanf  to 

*  The  oontinnator  of  William  of  Tyre  ipeaks  at  length  of  the  interview 
between  St.  Francis  and  his  companion  and  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  St. 
Francis  at  first  proposed  to  the  sultan  to  renounce  Mahomet,  under  pain 
of  eternal  damnation. 

t  Li  soudan  dist  qu'il  avait  archevesques  et  ere^qaes  de  sa  loi,  et  sans 
eux  ne  pouvoit-il  cner  ce  qu'ils  diraient.  Les  clercs  lui  respondirent : 
**Mandez  les  guerre ;' '  et  ils  vinrent  k  lui  en  sa  tente.  Si  leur  conta  ce  que . 
11  clercs  li  avaient  dist ;  ils  re#pondirent :  "  Sire,  tu  es  ^pee  de  la  loi.  Nous 
nous  te  commandons,  de  par  Mahomet  que  tu  lor  fasse  la  teste  couper.'' 
A  tant  puient  oong^,  si  s'en  allerent.  Li  soudan  demora  et  li  dist  clercs, 
dont  Tint  li  soudan,  si  lors  dist,  **  Seignors,  ils  m'ont  command^,  de  par 
Mahomet,  et  de  par  la  loi,  que  je  yous  fasse  les  testes  couper ;  mais  j'irai 
en  centre  le  commandement,"  &c.  &c.  (The  sultan — we  translate  our  old 
historian — said  he  had  archbishops  and  bishops  of  the  law,  and  without 
them  he  could  not  listen  to  what  they  had  to  say.  The  clerks,  St.  Francis 
and  his  companion,  answered  him,  "  Send  for  them  here" — and  they 
came  to  him  in  his  tent.  He  then  related  to  them  what  the  clerks  had 
said,  and  they  answered  :  "  Sire,  thou  art  the  sword  of  the  law.  We  com. 
mand  you,  by  Mahomet,  to  order  their  heads  to  be  cut  off."  They  then 
made  their  obeisance  and  went  away.  The  sultan  and  the  said  derka 
remained.  Then  the  sultan  came  towards  them,  and  laid,  "  Seignon,  tbey 


embrace  the  Gk)8pel ;  he  cliallenged  in  his  presence  all  the 
>doctor8  of  the  law,  and  to  confound  imposture  and  prove  the 
truth  of  the  Christian  religion,  offered  to  cast  hunself  into 
the  midst  of  a  burning  funeral-pile.  The  sultan,  astonished, 
ordered  the  zealous  preacher  j&om  his  presence,  who  ob- 
tained neither  of  the  objects  of  his  wishes,  for  he  did  not 
convert  the  sultan,  nor  did  he  gather  the  palm  of  mar- 

After  this  adventure,  St.  Francis  returned  to  Europe, 
where  he  founded  the  religious  order  of  the  Cordeliers,  who 
at  first,  possessing  neither  churches,  monasteries,  lands,  nor 
flocks,  spread  themselves  throughout  the  West,  labouring 
for  the  conversion  of  penitents.  The  disciples  of  St.  Francis 
sometimes  carried  the  word  of  God  among  savage  nations ; 
some  went  into  Africa  and  Asia,  seeking,  as  their  master 
had  done,  errors  to  confute  and  evils  to  endure ;  they  fre- 
quently planted  the  cross  of  Christ  upon  the  lands  of  the 
iufideb,  and  in  their  harmless  pilgrimages,  constantly  re- 
peated the  scriptural  words,  Pectce  he  with  you  ;  they  were 
only  armed  with  their  prayers,  and  aspired  to  no  glory  but 
that  of  dying  for  the  faith. 

The  Crusaders  had  been  encamped  seventeen  months 
before  the  waUs  of  Damietta,  and  not  a  single  day  had  passed 
without  a  murderous  conflict.  The  Mussulmans,  altnough 
they  had  obtained  some  advantages,  be|;an  to  lose  all  hope  of 
triumphing  over  an  enemy  proof  against  the  evils  of  war 
and  an  unhealthy  climate.  Eeport  proclaimed  the  approach- 
ing arrival  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  who  had  taken  the 
cross,  and  this  news,  whilst  it  sustained  the  courage  of  the 
Christians,  made  the  Mussulmans  tremble  at  the  idea  of 
having  to  contend  with  the  most  powerful  of  the  monarchs 
of  the  West.  The  sultan  of  Damascus,  in  the  name  of  all 
the  princes  of  his  family,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  camp  of 
the  Crusaders  to  ask  for  peace.  He  ofi*ered  to  abandon  to 
the  Franks  the  city  and  kmgdom  of  Jerusalem,  and  only  to 
reserve  to  themselves  the  places  of  Krak  and  Montreal,  for 
which  they  proposed  to  pay  a  tribute.     As  the  ramparts  and 

have  commanded  me,  by  Mahomet,  to  order  your  beads  to  be  cut  off;  but 
I  diall  act  contrary  to  the  commandment/'  &c.  &c.  The  historian  adds, 
that  the  sultan  offered  them  presents,  which  they  refused — h»  ordered 
them  csfreihmant,  and  tent  them  back  to  the  Christian  army. 

BI8IOBT  OF  THE  CBU8iJ>X8.  ,    217 

towers  of  tbe  Lolj  city  had  been  recently  destroyed,  the 
Mussulmans  engaged  to  pay  two  hundred  thousand  dinars 
to  re-establish  them;  they  further  agreed  to  give  up  all 
Christians  made  prisoners  since  the  death  of  Saladin. 

The  principal  leaders  of  the  Christian  army  were  called 
together  to  deliberate  upon  the  proposals  of  the  Mussulmans. 
The  king  of  Jerusalem^  the  f^rench  baroUB,  the  English, 
Dutch,  and  Germans,  were  of  opinion  that  the  terms  should 
be  acceded  to,  and  the  peace  accepted :  the  king  of  Jerusa- 
lem would  regain  his  kingdom,  aud  the  barons  of  the  West 
would  see  the  happy  end  of  a  war  that  had  detained  them 
80  long  from  their  nomes. 

"  By  accepting  the  peace  they  attained  the  object  of  the 
crusade, — the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places.  The  Christian 
warriors  had  besieged  Damietta  during  seventeen  months, 
and  the  siege  might  be  still  prolonged.  Many  Crusaders 
daily  retiuned  to  Europe ;  whilst  crowds  of  Mussulman  war- 
riors as  constantly  joined  the  standards  of  the  sultans  of 
Cairo  and  Damascus.  If  they  should  take  Damietta,  they 
would  be  but  too  happy  to  exchange  it  for  Jerusalem.  The 
Mussulmans  offered  to  give,  before  victory,  quite  as  much  as 
they  could  demand  after  having  subdued  them.  It  was  not 
wise  to  refuse  that  which  fortune  offered  to  bestow  upon 
them  without  conflicts  or  perils.  The  effusion  of  blood 
should  be  avoided,  and  they  ought  to  reflect,  that  victories 
purchased  by  the  death  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross,  were  such 
as  were  most  acceptable  to  the  God  of  the  Christians." 

The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  most  of  the  barons  spoke  thus, 
and  endeavoured  to  bring  to  their  opinion  the  Italian  nobles 
and  the  body  of  the  prelates,  whom  Cardinal  Felagius  led  in 
an  opposite  direction.  The  legate  of  the  pope  regarded 
himself  as  the  head  of  this  war,  and  he  wished  it  to  continue, 
in  order  to  prolong  his  power  and  to  procure  for  him  addi- 
tional renown.  "  lie  could  see  nothing  in  the  proposals  of 
the  enemy  but  a  new  artifice  to  delay  the  capture  of  Da- 
mietta, and  gain  time.  The  Saracens  offered  nothing  but 
desert  countries  and  demolished  cities,  which  would  fall  again 
into  their  power.  Their  only  object  was  to  disarm  the 
Christians,  and  furnish  them  with  a  pretext  for  returning 
into  the  West.  Things  had  gone  too  for  to  allow  them  to 
^  retreat  without  dishonour.    It  was  disgraceful  for  Christians 


to  renounce  the  conauest  of  a  city  they,  had  besieged  seren- 
teen  months,  and  wnich  could  hold  out  no  longer.  They 
must  take  possession  of  it  first,  and  then  they  should  know 
what  was  best  to  be  done — once  masters  of  Damietta,  the 
Crusaders  might  conclude  a  glorious  peace,  and  reap  all  the 
advantages  of  victory." 

The  motives  alleged  by  Cardinal  Pelagius  were  not  un- 
reasonable, but  the  spirit  of  party  and  faction  reigned  in  the 
council  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade.  As  it  always  happens 
in  similar  circumstances,  every  one  formed  his  opinion  not 
upon  that  which  he  believed  to  be  useful  and  just,  but  upon 
that  which  appeared  most  favourable  to  the  party  he  had 
embraced ;  some  advised  that  the  siege  should  be  prosecuted, 
because  the  king  of  Jerusalem  had  offered  a  contrary  opinion ; 
others  wished  the  proposed  capitulation  should  be  accepted, 
because  this  capihilation  was  rejected  by  the  legate  of  the 
pope.  The  Christian  army  exhibited  a  strange  spectacle. 
On  one  side,  John  of  Brienne  and  the  most  renowned  war- 
riors were  advocates  for  peace ;  on  the  other,  the  legate  and 
most  of  the  ecclesiastics  demanded  with  great  warmth  the 
continuation  of  the  war :  they  deliberated  during  several 
days  without  a  chance  of  bringing  the  two  parties  to  an 
agreement ;  and  whilst  the  discussions  became  more  intem- 
perate, hostilities  were  renewed:  then  all  the  Crusaders 
united  to  prosecute  the  siege  of  Damietta. 

The  sultan  of  Cairo  employed  every  means  to  throw  suc- 
cours into  the  city,  and  keep  up  the  courage  of  the  garrison 
and  the  inhabitants.  Some  Mussulman  soldiers,  taking 
advantage  of  the  darkness  of  night,  attempted  to  effect  an 
entrance  into  the  place ;  a  few  were  able  to  gain  and  pass 
through  the  gates,  but  by  far  the  greater  number  were  sur- 
prised and  massacred  by  the  Crusaders,  who  kept  constant 
and  close  watch  around  the  walls. 

The  news  which  the  sultan,  Melic-Kamel,  received  firom 
Damietta,  became  every  day  more  alarming ;  the  Mussulman 
army,  not  daring  to  succour  the  besieged,  remained  inactive, 
and  confined  themselves  to  the  defence  of  their  own  in- 
trenchments.  Communication  was  soon  entirely  cut  off 
between  the  place  and  the  camp  of  the  infidels ;  some  divers 
crossed  the  Nile  through  the  Christian  fieet,  attained  Da- 
mietta, and  returned  to  inform  the  sultan  that  pestilence. 


famine,  and  despair  reigned  throughout  the  city.  The  Mus- 
sulmans had  recourse  to  all  sorts  of  stratagems  to  convey 
food  to  the  garrison ;  sometimes  thej  filled  leather  sacks 
with  provisions,  which,  heing  abandoned  to  the  stream  of 
the  Nile,  floated  under  the  ramparts  of  the  citj ;  at  others, 
they  concealed  loaves  in  the  sheets  that  enveloped  dead 
bodies,  which,  being  borne  on  by  the  waters,  were  stopped  in 
their  course  by  the  besieged.  It  was  not  long  before  these 
stratagems  were  discovered  by  the  Christians,  and  then 
famine  began  to  make  horrible  ravages ;  the  soldiers,  over- 
come by  fatigue  and  weakened  by  hunger,  had  not  the 
strength  to  fight  or  guard  the  towers  and  ramparts.  The 
inhabitants,  given  up  to  despair,  abandoned  their  houses, 
and  fled  from  a  city  that  presented  nothing  but  images  of 
death :  many  came  to  implore  the  pity  of  the  Crusaders. 
The  commander  of  Damietta,  whose  name  history  has  not 
preserved,  in  vain  endeavoured  to  keep  up  the  courage  of 
the  people  and  the  soldiers.  To  prevent  desertion,  he  caused 
the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  walled  up ;  and  from  that  period 
neither  the  sultan  of  Cairo  nor  the  Crusaders  were  able  to 
know  what  was  passing  in  the  besieged  place,  in  which  a 
dismal  silence  reigned,  and  which,  according  to  the  expres- 
sion of  an  Arabian  author,  was  no  longer  anything  but  a 
closed  sepulchre. 

The  Christians  had  placed  their  machines  at  the  foot  of  a 
tower,  and  as  they  saw  no  one  defending  it,  the  legate,  at 
the  head  of  the  Italian  Crusaders,  took  advantage  of  a  dark 
and  stormy  night  to  penetrate  within  the  first  inclosure  of 
the  walls.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  other  leaders 
resolved  at  the  same  time  to  make  an  assault  and  enter  the 
city,  sword  in  hand.  As  soon  as  day  appeared,  the  boldest 
ascended  into  the  tower,  which  they  found  deserted,  and 
called  aloud  upon  their  companions  to  join  them.  The 
•  Christian  army  applauded  theur  success,  and  answered  by 
shouts  of  joy ;  the  soldiers  flew  to  arms,  and  instantly  put 
the  rams  in  motion.  The  walls  were  scaled,  the  gates  were 
beaten  to  pieces,  and  a  passage  opened ;  the  eager  Crusaders 
rushed  forward  with  naked  swords  and  ready  lances  to  en- 
counter the  enemy ;  but  when  they  penetrated  into  the 
streets,  a  pestilential  odour  enveloped  tnem,  and  a  frightful 
spectacle  made  them  recoil  with  horror !    The  public  phices. 


the  mosques,  the  houses,  the  whole  city,  were  strewed  with 
dead  !•  Old  age,  infancy,  ripened  manhood,  maiden  beauty, 
matronly  grace — aU  had  penehcd  in  the  horrors  of  the  siege ! 
At  the  arrival  of  the  Crusaders,  Damietta  contained  seventy 
thousand  inhabitants ;  of  these  only  three  thousand  of  the 
most  robust  remained,  who,  ready  to  expire,  glided  like  pale, 
fading  shadows  among  tombs  and  ruins.   • 

This  horrible  spectacle  touched  the  hearts  of  the  Cru- 
saders, and  mingled  a  feeling  of  sadness  with  the  joy  their 
victory  created.  The  conquerors  found  in  Damietta  immense  * 
stores  of  spices,  diamonds,  and  precious  stuffs.  "When  they 
had  pillaged  the  city,  it  might  nave  been  believed,  says  an 
historian,  that  the  warriors  of  the  West  had  conquered 
Persia,  Arabia,  and  the  Indies.  The  ecclesiastics  launched 
the  thunders  of  excommunication  against  all  who  secreted 
any  part  of  the  booty ;  but  these  menaces  had  no  effect  upon 
the  cupidity  of  the  soldiers :  all  the  wealth  brought  to  the 
public  stock  only  produced  two  hundred  thousand  crowns, 
which  were  distributed  among  the  troops  of  the  victorious 

Damietta  boasted  a  celebrated  mosque,  ornamented  by  six 
vast  galleries  and  a  hundred  and  fifty  columns  of  marble, 
surmounted  by  a  superb  dome,  which  towered  above  all  the 
other  edifices  of  the  city.  This  mosque,  in  which,  on  the 
preceding  evening,  Mussulmans  had  lifted  their  imploring, 
tearful  eyes  to  their  prophet,  was  consecrated  to  the  virgin 
mother  of  Christ,  and  the  whole  Christian  army  came  thither 
to  offer  up  thanks  to  Heaven  for  the  triumph  granted  to 
their  arms.     On  the  following  day  the  barons  and  prelates 

*  Ingredientibus  nobis  foetor  intolerabilis,  specttu  misenLbilis ;  mortai 
Tivos  ocrideraot ;  vir  et  uxor,  dominiu  et  servus,  pater  et  filins,  se  matuis 
foetoribas  interemerant.  Non  solum  platece  erant  mortuis  plenie,  sed  in 
domibuB  et  cabicaUs  et  lectis  jacebant  defuncti ;  exdncto  viro,  mulier 
impoteoa  sargere,  sublevandi  carens  subiddio  vel  solatione,  putritudinem 
non  ferens  expiravit.  Filius  juxta  patrem,  vel  e  converso ;  ancHla  juxta 
domlnam,  vel  vice  versA,  languore  deficiens  jacebat  extincta;  parvuli 
petierunt  panem,  et  non  erat  qui  frangeret  eis.  Infantes  ad  obera  matrum 
pendentes,  inter  amplexus  morientium  vocitaoant ;  delicati  divites^  inter 
acervos  tritici  interienint  fame;  deficientibus  cibis,  in  quibus  erant 
natriti,  pepones  et  allia,  cepas  et  alitilia,  pisoes  et  volatilia,  et  fractna 
arborum,  et  olera  frustra  desiderantea.  Maltitado  vnlgi  oontracta  vel 
molestiis  dintius  fatigata  deficiens  arnit. — J,  VUr.  Hisi.  Or,  I.  iii. 

HI8T0BT  01   THI  0KIT8ADX8.  251 

assembled  in  tlie  same  place,  to  deliberate  upon  their  con- 
quest ;  and,  by  a  unanimous  resolution,  the  city  of  Damietta 
was  assigned  to  the  Ung  of  Jerusalem.  They  then  turned 
their  attention  to  the  iate  of  the  unfortunate  inhabitants 
who  had  escaped  pestilence  and  famine.  James  of  Yitri, 
when  descrihing  the  miseries  of  Damietta,  and  speaking  of 
the  horrible  famine  which  swept  away  so  many  families 
during  the  siege,  sheds  tears  over  the  little  children  who  in 
vain  asked  their  dead  parents  for  br^ad.*  The  fate  of  such  of 
those  as  remained  alive  inspired  the  virtuous  bishop  of 
Ptolemais  with  pity,  and  he  purchased  many  of  them,  in 
order  to  have  them,  baptized  and  brought  up  in  the  Christian 
religion.  The  pious  charity  of  the  prelate,  however,  could 
only  procure  them  eternal  life,  for  they  almost  all  died  after 
having  been  baptised.  All  the  Mussulmans  who  had  suffi- 
cient strength  to  work  received  liberty  and  bread,  and  were 
employed  in  cleansing  and  purifying  the  city.  Whilst  the 
leaders  were  thus  watehing  over  a  mourning  city,  and  gave 
their  anxious  attentions  to  prevent  new  calamities,  the  spec- 
tacle that  Damietta  presented,  and  the  empoisoned  air  they 
breathed  within  its  walls,  obliged  the  Christian  army  to 
return  to  their  camp,  and  wait  for  the  time  at  which  the 
conquered  city  might  be  inhabited  without  danger. 

"When  the  news  of  the  taking  of  Damietta  was  spread 
through  Syria  and  Upper  Egypt,  the  Mussulman  nations, 
seized  with  terror,  flew  to  then*  mosques  to  implore  the 
intervention  of  their  prophet  against  the  enemies  of  Islam- 
ism.  The  sultans  of  Cairo  and  Damascus  sent  anlbassadors 
to  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  conjuring  him  to  exhort  all  true 
believers  to  take  arms  to  defend  the  religion  of  Mahomet. 
The  caliph  contemplated  with  grief  the  calamities  about  to 
faU  upon  the  princes  of  the  family  of  Saladin ;  but  other 
dangers  threatened  him  more  nearly.  Tartar  hordes  had 
issued  from  their  mountains,  invaded  several  provinces  of 
Persia,  and  were  advancing  towards  the  Euphrates.  The 
caliph,  far  from  being  able  to  assist  the  Mussulmans  of  Syria 

*  M.  Michand  is  acciued  by  some  French  critics  of  being  too  rhetorical 
-^in  this  instance  he  has  not  made  his  story  so  effective  as  he  might  baye 
done.  If  the  reader  will  turn  to  the  extract  from  Jamet  qf  Vitri,  at  the 
foot  of  the  last  page,  he  will  find  the  old  chronicler  much  more  powerful 
than  the  modem  lustorian. — ^T&ans. 


and  Egypt  hj  bis  prayers  and  exhortations,  invoked  their 
succour  to  defend  his  capital,  and  tiim  aside  the  storm  ready 
to  burst  over  the  whole  East.  "Wliei^  the  Mussulman  am- 
bassadors returned  to  Damascus  and  Cairo,  their  accounts 
added  new  alarms  to  those  which  the  conquests  of  the 
Christians  had  already  inspired. 

The  Ayoubite  princes,  however,  did  not  delay  endeavouring 
to  unite  all  their  efforts  against  the  Crusaders,  postponing,  to 
a  more  favourable  moment,  the  defence  of  the  head  of 
Islamism.  The  Mussulman  nations  had  a  much  greater 
dread  of  the  invasion  of  the  Christians  than  of  the  irrup- 
tions of  the  hordes  of  Tartary.  The  conquerors  whom 
nations  fear  the  most,  are  those  thdt  desire  to  change  the 
laws  and  religion  of  the  conquered  country.  The  Tartars, 
whose  habits  and  manners  were  not  formed,  easily  complied 
with  those  of  the  people  they  subdued  ;  the  Christians,  on 
the  contrary,  only  made  war  to  destroy  all  and  enslave  all. 
Already  rich  cities,  great  provinces,  were  in  their  power : 
everything  had  changed  its  form  under  their  domination. 
Thus  the  Mussulman  princes  and  people,  from  the  Euphrates 
to  the  Bed  Sea,  forgot  or  neglected  the  storm  which  growled 
over  Persia  and  was  advancing  slowly  towards  Syria,  and  re- 
solved to  take  arms  against  the  Crusaders,  who  were  masters 
of  the  Nile. 

After  the  taking  of  Damietta,  the  Mussulman  soldiers 
who  defended  Egypt  were  struck  with  such  excessive  fear, 
that,  during  several  days,  not  one  of  them  durst  face  a  Chris- 
tian soldier.  The  Egvptian  warriors  who  guarded  the  for- 
tress of  Tannis,  built  beyond  the  lake  Menzaleh,  abandoned 
their  ramparts  at  the  approach  of  a  f^w  Crusaders,  and  thus 
one  of  the  firmest  bulwarks  of  the  Mussulman  empire  fell 
without  defence  into  the  hands  of  the  Franks.  From  that 
time,  the  Christians  had  reason  to  believe  they  had  no  more 
enemies  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile ;  and,  diuring  the  rigours 
of  ^Tuiter,  many  of  the  pilgrims  returned  to  !E£rope.  Half 
the  army  tooK  advantage  of  the  March  passage  to  quit 
Egypt ;  such  as  remained  imder  the  banners  of  the  crusade 
forgot  the  labours  and  perils  of  war,  and  gave  themselves  up 
to  mdulgence  and  voluptuousness,  to  all  the  pleasure  which 
the  approach  of  spring,  and  the  fine  dimate  and  beautiful 
sky  of  Damietta  inspired. 

HI8T0ST  07  THS   OBUBADES.  2^ 

During  the  leisure  of  peace,  the  diriBions  which  had  flO 
often  interrupted  the  course  of  the  war,  soon  revived ;  the 
taking  of  Damietta  had  inflamed  the  pride  of  Cardinal 
Pelagius,  who,  in  the  Christian  army,  spoKe  as  a  conqueror 
and  commanded  as  a  master.  The  kmg  of  Jerusalem  was  so 
dissatisfied,  that  he  ahandoned  a  city  uiat  had  been  given  to 
him,  and  quitted  an  armj  of  which  he  was  the  head,  to 
retire  to  Ptolemais. 

New  Crusaders,  however,  eaf  er  to  signalize  their  valour 
against  the  Mussulmans,  arrived  daily.  The  duke  of  Bavaria, 
with  four  hundred  German  knights  and  barons,  sent  by 
Frederick  II.,  landed  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  A  short 
time  afterwards,  the  Christian  army  received  into  its  ranks 
Crusaders  from  Milan,  Pisa,  and  Genoa,  and  prelates  and 
archbishops  conducted  a  crowd  of  defenders  of  the  cross, 
who  came  from  the  various  provinces  of  Germany,  and  from 
Prance  and  Italy.  The  sovereign  pontiff  had  neglected 
nothing  to  secure  the  success  oi  the  holy  war ;  he  sent 
to  Cardinal  Pelagius  provisions  for  the  army,  and  a  con- 
siderable sum  of  money,  partly  from  his  own  treasury,  and 
partly  from  the  charity  of  the  faithful  of  the  West.*  The 
legate  was  desirous  of  profiting  by  the  succours  he  had  just 
received,  and  proposed  to  foUow  up  the  war,  and  march 
directly  against  the  capital  of  Egypt.  The  clergy  adopted 
the  advice  of  Pelaffius,  but  such  of  the  Crusaders  as  saw 
with  disgust  a  prelate  at  the  head  of  warriors,  refused  to 
take  up  arms.  The  duke  of  Bavaria  and  the  barons  and 
knights  would  acknowledge  no  leader  but  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem ;  the  legate  Pelagius  was  obliged  to  send  deputies  to 
John  of  Brienne,  who,  pressed  by  the  pope  himself,  was  at. 
length  prevailed  upon,  and  consented,  after  an  absence  of 
several  months,  to  come  back  and  take  the  command  of  the 

Whilst  the  Crusaders  remained  thus  in  inaction,  all  the 
Mussulmans  were  flying  to  arms  :  the  sultans  of  Damascus 
and  Aleppo,  the  princes  of  Hamah,  Balbec,  and  of  Arabia, 
assemblea  fresh  armies.  After  the  taking  of  Damietta,  the 
sultan  of  Cairo  had  retired,  with  his  troops,  to  the  spot  where 

*  Two  letters  which  HonorivB  wrote  to  Pelagins,  when  sending  him  the 
money »  are  stiil  extant:  tbej  appear  to  ns  to  be  very  ooiioua,  and  merit  a 
place  in  our  Appendix. 

254  HI8T0BT  Ol*  THS  CBUSADK8. 

the  two  eastern  branches  of  the  Nile  separate :  there  he  daflr 
beheld  troops  of  Mussulman  warriors  join  his  standard,  and, 
awaiting  a  favourable  opportunity,  he  constructed  a  palace  in 
the  centre  of  his  camp,  surrounded  hj  walls. 

The  Mussulmans  there  built  houses,  baths,  and  bazaars, 
and  the  camp  of  the  sultan  became  a  citj,  called  Mansourah, 
which  was  destined  to  be  celebrated  in  history  by  the  defeat 
and  ruin  of  the  Christian  armies. 

As  soon  as  the  king  of  Jerusalem  returned  to  Damietta^ 
the  leaders  of  the  Crusaders  assembled  in  council,  to  de- 
liberate upon  what  they  had  to  do :  the  legate  of  the  pope 
was  the  first  to  offer  his  opinion,  and  proposed  to  march 
against  the  capital  of  Egypt.  "  We  must  attack  the  evil  at 
its  source,  and,  in  order  to  conquer  the  Saracens,  destroy  the 
foundation  of  their  power.  Egypt  supplies  them  with  sol- 
diers, provisions,  and  arms.  By  taking  possession  ofJEgypt, 
we  should  cut  off  all  their  resources.  At  no  period  were  tne 
soldiers  of  the  cross  animated  by  more  zeal ;  never  were  the 
infidels  more  depressed.  To  lose  such  an  opportunity  was 
to  betray  the  common  cause.  When  a  great  empire  was 
attacked,  prudence  commanded  the  assailants  not  to  lay  down 
their  arms  till  they  had  subdued  it ;  by  stopping  after  the 
first  victory,  they  exhibited  more  weakness  than  moderation.. 
The  eyes  of  the  whole  Christian  world  were  upon  the 
army  of  the  Crusaders ;  it  was  not  only  the  deliverance  of 
the  holy  places  that  was  looked  for  firom  their  valour,  but  the 
death  of  all  the  enemies  of  Christ,  the  destruction  of  every 
nation  that  had  imposed  a  sacrilegious  yoke  upon  the  city  of 

The  bishops,  the  prelates,  and  most  of  the  ecclesiastics 
were  loud  in  their  applause  of  the  speech  of  the  legate ;  but 
John  of  Brienne,  who  did  not  at  all  partake  of  their  opinion, 
arose,  and  protesting  his  devotion  to  the  cause  of  Christ, 
began  by  appealing  to  the  assembly,  if  anj  one  could  be  more 
interested  in  the  conquests  of  the  Christians  in  the  East, 
than  the  man  who  had  the  honour  to  be  king  of  Jerusalem. 
He  then  pointed  out  how  imprudent  it  wovdd  be  to  go  up 
the  Nile  at  the  very  moment  at  which  that  river  was  begin- 
ning to  overflow,  and  would  most  likely  inundate  the  roads 
which  led  to  Cairo.  "  Mark,"  said  he, ''  all  the  perils  of  the 
expedition  proposed  to  you.    We  axe  to  mareh  into  an  un- 

HI8T0BT  07  TUS   CS17SADE8.  255 

known  land,  through  the  midst  of  an  enemy's  country :  if 
conquered,  there  can  be  no  place  of  asylum  for  us ;  if  con- 
querors, our  victories  will  only  weaken  our  army.  However 
easy  it  may  be  for  us  to  conquer  provinces,  it  will  be  almost 
impossible  for  us  to  defend  them.  The  Crusaders,  always 
eager  to  return  to  Europe,  are  incalculably  more  serviceable 
in  gaining  battles  than  in  securing  the  possession  of  con- 
quered countries.  Nobody  can  suppose,  that  with  the  brave 
bands  that  surround  us,  we  entertain  any  fear  of  the  Mussul- 
man armies  which  are  gathering  together  from  all  parts  ;  but 
in  order  to  secure  our  safety,  we  must  not  only  subdue  our 
enemies,  we  must  destroy  them — we  have  not  to  deal  wit!i 
an  army,  but  with  an  entire  nation  animated  by  despair. 
The  whole  Mussulman  race  are  about  to  become  so  many 
intrepid  soldiers,  impatient  to  shed  their  blood  in  the  field  of 
battle.  But  what  do  I  say  ?  we  shall  have  much  less  to  dread 
from  their  courage  than  from  their  timid  prudence.  They 
will  not  fail  to  shun  the  fight,  and  will  wait  until  diseases, 
want,  fatigue,  discord,  the  mconstancy  of  men*s  minds,  the 
overflowing  of  the  Nile,  and  the  heat  of  the  climate  shall 
have  triumphed  over  our  efibrts  and  secured  the  failure  of 
all  our  enterprises." 

John  of  Brienne  strengthened  his  opinion  by  other  mo- 
tives, with  which  his  knowledge  of  the  art  of  war  supplied 
him,  and  terminated  his  speech  by  saying,  "  That  Damietta 
and  Tannis  were  powerful  enough  to  restrain  the  people  of 
Egypt ;  that  it  was  necesjtary  to  recapture  the  cities  they 
had  lost,  before  they  thought  of  conquering  countries  that 
had  never  been  in  their  possession ;  and  that,  in  short,  they 
had  not  assembled  under  the  banners  of  the  cross  to  besiege 
Thebes,  Babylon,  or  Memphis,  but  to  deliver  Jerusalem, 
which  opened  its  gates  to  the  Christians,  and  which  they 
could  fortify  against  all  the  attacks  of  the  infidels." 

This  moderate  and  pacific  language  would  well  have  be- 
come the  mouth  of  an  envoy  of  the  pope;  but  Pelagius 
listened  to  the  king  of  Jerusalem  with  the  most  evident  im- 
patience :  he  answered,  that  weakness  and  timidity  screened 
themselves  behind  the  veil  of  moderation  and  prudence ; 
that  Christ  did  noc  summon  to  his  defence  such  wise  and 
far-sighted  soldiers,  but  warriors  who  sought  for  battle 
rather  than  for  reasons,  and  who  could  see  the  glory  of  an 


enterpriBe,  and  be  blind  to  its  dangers.  The  legate  added 
several  more  reasons  to  those  he  had  already  adTanced,  and 
expressed  them  with  great  bitterness ;  at  length,  led  awaj 
by  the  heat  of  the  discussion,  he  threatened  all  those  who 
did  not  partake  of  his  opinions  with  excommunication. 
Most  of  the  leaders,  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem  himself, 
fearing  to  be  excommunicated,  but  dreading  much  more  to 
see  the  least  sus{)icion  cast  upon  their  braYery,  at  length 
yielded  to  the  obstinate  will  of  Pelagius  :  the  council  of  the 
barons  and  the  bishops  decided  that  the  Christian  army 
should  leave  Damietta,  and  march  against  the  capital  of 

This  army,  composed  of  more  than  seventy  thousand  men, 
advanced  up  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  A  numerous  fleet,  laden 
with  provisions,  arms,  and  machines  of  war,  ascended  the 
river  at  the  same  time.  The  Christian  army  passed  through 
Earescour  and  several  other  villages,  that  had  been  abandoned 
hy  their  inhabitants';  all  fled  away  at  the  approach  of.  the 
Crusaders,  who  began  to  believe  they  should  meet  with  no 
obstacle  to  their  victories,  and  celebrated,  beforehand,  the 
conquest  of  Memphis  and  Cairo.  The  legate  of  the  pope 
exulted  in  the  resolution  he  had  dictated  to  the  Christian 
army  ;  and,  Ml  of  confidence  in  a  prediction  that  had  been 
made  concerning  him  in  his  youth,  the  presumptuous  cardinal 
flattered  himseU*  that  he  was  about  to  overthrow  the  worship 
of  Mahomet ;  and  indulged  in  the  most  insulting  railleries 
against  those  who  had  been  opposed  to  the  war.  Without 
fighting  a  single  battle,  the  Christians  gained  the  extremity 
of  the  Delta,  at  the  angle  formed  by  the  arm  of  the  river 
which  descends  towards  Damietta  and  the  canal  of  Almon, 
whose  waters  flow  into  the  sea  on  the  eastern  side.  The 
Saracens  were  encamped  in  the  plain  of  Mansourah,  on  the 
opposite  bank  of  the  river:  the  Crusaders  halted  on  the 
hither  shore,  and  their  fleet  cast  anchor  as  near  to  them  as 

The  sultan  of  Damascus,  and  the  princes  of  Aleppo, 
Balbec,  Hamah,  and  Bosra,  had  imited  their  troops  with 
those  of  the  sultan  of  Cairo.  The  Nile,  whose  bimk  was 
covered  with  intrenchments,  presented  a  barrier  very  diffi- 
cult to  be  overcome.  But  Melic-Kamel  did  not  dare  to 
match  himself  with  the  Crusaders;   dreading  their  raBh 


hnYery,  bo  aocustoioed  to  sport  with  perils  and  triumpli  over 
all  obstacles.  Beports  of  the  arrival  of  Frederick,  and  of 
the  approach  of  the  Tartars,  kept  the  Mussulmans  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  alarm,  and  made  them  anxious  to  terminate  a 
war  which  exhausted  their  resources,  consimied  their  strength, 
and  did  sot  promise  them,  even  in  victory,  a  compensation 
for  so  many  efforts  and  so  many  sacrifices. 

Ambassadors  were  sent  to  propose  peace  to  the  leaders  of 
the  Christian  army  :  the  Mussulmans  offered  their  enemies, 
if  they  would  consent  to  an  entire  cessation  of  hostilities,  to 
give  up  to  them  Damietta  and  its  territories,  and  to  restore 
•Terusalem,  with  all  the  places  of  Palestine  that  had  been 
conquered  by  Saladin. 

These  conditions  assured  to  the  Christians  all  the  advan- 
tages of  both  war  and  peace.  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  and 
most  of  the  barons,  who  saw  the  difficulties  and  perils  of  the 
expedition  they  had  entered  upon,  listened  with  as  much 
surprise  as  joy  to  the  proposals  of  the  infidels,  and  did  not 
hesitate  to  accept  them ;  but  they  had  absolutely  no  power 
in  the  army.  The  legate,  who  exercised  an  arbitrary  authority, 
and  who  was  constantly  dreaming  of  conquests,  persisted  in 
thinking  that  these  pacific  proposals  were  only  the  effects  of 
fear,  and  that  the  enemy  who  sued  for  peace  was  the  one 
with  whom  war  should  be  prosecuted  with  most  spirit. 

The  ambassadors  returned  to  the  camp  of  the  Mussulmans, 
to  announce  that  the  Christians  refused  the  peace :  their 
account  excited  indignation,  and  indignation  roused  courage. 
When  the  Ayoubite  princes  proposed  peace,  they  were  in 
possession  of  ample  means  to  carry  on  the  war  with  advan- 
tage; they  every  day  received  reinforcements,  and  their 
camp  rapidly  assumed  a  more  formidable  aspect ;  but  soon  a 
terrible  auxiliary,  against  whose  attacks  Pelagius  had  no  de- 
fence, came  to  the  assistance  of  the  Mussulmans,  and  pro- 
cured them  a  complete  triumph  without  either  battles  or 

l%e  Christian  warriors,  who  flattered  themselves  they 
had  now  only  to  deal  with  a  conquered  enemy,  were  satisfied 
with  surrounding  their  camp  with  a  ditch  and  a  waQ ;  the 
army  remained  for  several  days  in  this  position,  without 
making  an  effort  either  to  attack  the  Saracens  or  jpass  the 
Nile.  Pelagius,  who  was  confltantly  promising  victory  to 
Vol.  II.— 12 


his  soldiers,  remained,  nevertheless,  in  a  state  of  inactivity 
in  his  tent.  During  this  period,  many  of  the  Crusaders 
grew  weary  of  a  war  in  which  no  battles  were  fought ;  some 
fancied  that  the  cause  no  longer  stood  in  neea  of  their 
assistance ;  whilst  others,  with  more  foresight,  feared  coming 
reverses :  more  than  ten  thousand  Crusaders  abandoned  the 
camp  and  returned  to  Damietta. 

The  Christian  army  had  been  for  more  than  a  month  in 
face  of  the  enemy,  always  in  expectation  of  the  victories 
that  had  been  promised  to  them.  At  length,  the  overflowing 
of  the  Nile,  in  a  most  alarming  manner,  disturbed  their 
imagined  security.  The  Saracens  opened, the  sluices,  and 
filled  all  the  canals  of  Lower  Egypt.  The  Mussulman  fleet, 
which  had  not  been  able  to  ascend  the  Nile  by  Damietta,  took 
advantage  of  .the  canals,  and  came  up  with  the  Christian  ships. 
In  a  single  engagement,  the  vessels  of  the  Crusaders  were 
almost  all  dispersed  and  consumed  by  the  Greek  Are :  from 
that  moment  terror  seized  upon  the  Christians,  for  they  were 
in  want  of  provisions,  and  had  neither  means  nor  hopes  of 
obtaining  any.  The  Saracens,  after  having  crossed  the  Nile 
on  bridges,  occupied  all  the  circumjacent  hills.  The  Chris- 
tian soldiers  wandered  about  the  fields  at  hazard,  pursued  by 
the  waves  of  the  rising  river,  and  by  the  Mussulmans,  whose 
bravery  they  had  so  lately  held  in  contempt.  The  whole 
army  was  on  the  point  of  being  submerged  or  perishing  with 
hunger,  and  had  no  hope  but  in  the  clemency  of  an  enemy 
with  whom  they  had  recently  refused  to  make  peace. 

In  this  extremity,  the  king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  principal 
leaders  of  the  Christians  sent  several  of  their  knights  to  offer 
the  Saracens  little  ;  but  the  latter  were  neither  sufficiently 
imprudent,  nor  sufficiently  generous  to  accept  a  proposal 
dictated  by  despair.  The  Crusaders  were  exhausted  with 
hunger  and  fatigue ;  the  cavalry  sunk  into,  and  encumbered 
by  mud  and  slime,  could  neither  advance  nor  retreat ;  the 
foot-soldiers  ca«t  away  their  arms ;  the  baggage  of  the  army 
floated  away  upon  the  waters,  and  nothing  was  heard  but 
groans  and  lamentations.  "  "When  the  Chnstian  warriors," 
says  an  Arabian  historian,  "  saw  nothing  before  them  but 
death,  their  minds  sank  into  a  state  of  despondency,  and 
their  backs  bent  beneath  the  rod  of  God,  to  wham  be  all 
prake  /" 

HI8T0BT  OF  THX  OBUSASSfl.  259 

FelagiuB  must  then  hare  been  sensible  of  the  full  extent  of 
his  error :  his  project  of  marching  to  Cairo  had,  doubtless, 
something  great  in  it,  if  it  could  have  been  executed ;  but 
the  presumptuous  legate  disdained  all  counsels,  all  lessons  of 
experience,  and  foresaw  none  of  the  obstacles  he  was  certain 
to  meet  with  on  his  route  ;  he  conducted  an  army  filled  with 
discontent ;  the  soldiers  had  neither  that  confidence  nor  that 
enthusiasm  that  leads  men  to  brave  dangers  or  cheerfully 
encounter  fatigue.  The  king  of  Jerusalem,  the  diike  of 
Bavaria,  and  a  great  number  of  the  barons  were  his  personal 
enemies,  and  took  very  little  interest  in  the  success  of  an 
enterprise  of  which  they  had  disapproved. 

Amidst  the  cries  and  lamentations  of  an  army  to  which  he 
had  promised  victory,  Pelagius  was  obliged  to  negotiate  for 
peace,  and  his  pride  humbled  itself  so  far  as  to  implore  the 
clemency  of  the  Saracens.  Christian  ambassadors,  among 
whom  was  the  bishop  of  Ptolemaia,  went  to  propose  a  capi- 
tulation to  the  conquerors ;  they  offered  to  give  up  the  city 
of  Damietta,  and  only  asked  for  the  Christian  army  liberty 
to  return  to  Ptolemais. 

The  Mussulman  princes  assembled  in  council  to  deliberate 
upon  the  proposals  of  the  Crusaders.  Some  were  of  opinion 
they  should  be  accepted ;  others  declared  that  all  the  Chris- 
tians ought  to  be  made  prisoners  of  war.  Among  those  who 
proposed  the  harshest  measures,  the  sultan  of  Damascus,  an 
implacable  enemy  of  the  Franks,  was  conspicuous.  "  No 
treaty  can  be  made,"  said  he,  "with  warriors  without 
humanity  and  without  faith.  We  should  remember  their 
barbarities  in  war  and  their  treachery  in  peace.  They  armed 
themselves  to  ravage  provinces,  to  destroy  cities,  and  over- 
throw the  worship  of  Mahomet.  Since  iortune  has  placed 
these  most  cruel  enemies  of  Islamism,  these  devastators  of 
the  East,  in  the  hands  of  the  true  believers,  we  ought  to  im- 
molate them  to  the  safety  of  the  Mussulman  nations,  and 
take  an  advantage  of  our  victory  that  will  create  a  terror 
among  the  people  of  the  West  for  ever." 

Most  of  the  princes  and  emirs,  animated  by  fanaticism 
and  vengeance,  applauded  this  violent  speech.  The  sultan  of 
Cairo,  more  moderate,  and,  doubtless,  more  prescient  than 
the  other  leaders,  dreading  likewise  the  arrival  of  Frederick 
and  the  invasion  of  the  Tartars,  combated  the  opinion  of 


tbe  sultan  of  Damascus,  and  adyised  that  the  capitulation  of 
the  Franks  should  be  accepted.  ''  All  the  Enuika  were  not 
comprised  in  this  army  now  in  their  power ;  other  Crusaders 
guarded  Damietta,  and  might  be  able  to  defend  it;  the 
Mussulmans  had  sustained  a  siege  of  eight  months,  the 
Christians  might  hold  out  as  long.  It  was  more  advan- 
tageous for  the  princes  of  the  family  of  Saladin  to  return  to 
their  cities  than  to  retain  a  few  of  their  enemies  in  chains. 
If  they  destroyed  one  Christian  army,  the  West,  to  avenge 
the  defeat  of  its  warriors,  was  able  to  send  numberless 
legions  into  the  East.  They  ought  not  to  forget  that  the 
Mussulman  armies  had  lost  a  portion  of  tlmt  spirit  of 
obedience  and  discipline  that  was  the  sole  guarantee  of  vic- 
tory ;  that  they  were  Worn  out  with  fatigue,  and  sighed  for 
repose.  Other  enemies  than  the  now  disarmed  C&3tians, 
other  perils  than  those  they  had  just  escaped,  might  soon 
hang  over  both  Syria  and  Egypt.*  It  was  wise  to  make 
peace  at  this  moment,  in  order  to  prepare  for  fresh  contests, 
for  new  wars,  perhaps  much  more  cruel  than  that  which  they 
had  now  an  opportunity  of  terminating  with  so  much  glory 
to  the  Mussulman  arms." 

Tbe  speech  of  Melik-Kamel  brought  back  the  princes  of 
his  family  to  sentiments  of  moderation.f  The  capitulation 
was  accepted ;  the  sultan  of  Cairo  sent  his  own  son  to  the 
camp  of  the  Christians  as  a  pledge  for  his  word.  The  king 
of  Jerusalem,  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  the  legate  of  the  pope, 
and  the  principal  leaders  repaired  to  the  camp  of  the  Sara- 
cens, and  remainecL  as  hostages  till  the  accomplishment  of 
the  treaty. 

When  the  deputies  of  the  imprisoned  army  came  to  Ba- 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Ibn-ferat  gives  some  details  of  this  council  of  the 
Mussulman  princes.  The  Western  historians  say  nothing  of  it.  It  is  a 
pity  that  James  of  Vitri,  who  was  sent  to  the  camp  of  the  Saracens  to 
propose  the  capitulation,  should  have  preserved  a  profound  silence  upon 
so  important  a  circumstance.  We  have  several  times  remarked  that  the 
Arabian  historians,  when  the  Mussulmans  experience  reverses,  content 
themselves  with  saying,  *♦  God  it  great ;  may  God  curse  the  Ckriitiant  /" 
We  find  the  same  inconvenience  in  the  Western  historians,  who  are  almost 
always  silent  when  the  Christians  are  conquered. 

t  We  cannot  refrain  from  observing  that  the  deliberations  of  the  Mus- 
sulmans generally  end  in  resolutions  of  moderation  and  mercy ;  and  that 
ta.'se  of  ibe  Crusaders  have,  as  ofteo,  a  very  different  regaU. — ^TlUNt. 


mietta  and  announced  the  disasters  and  captivity  of  the 
Christians,  their  account  drew  tears  from  the  crowd  of 
Crusaders  who  at  that  time  arrived  from  the  West.  When 
these  same  deputies  informed  them  that  the  city  must  he 
given  up  to  the  infidels,  the  most  intrepid  of  the  Franks 
could  not  restrain  their  iudignation,  and  refused  to  recog- 
nise a  treaty  so  disgraceful  to  the  soldiers  of  the  cross.  The 
greatest  tumult  prevailed  throughout  the  city.  Some,  filled 
with  despair,  determined  to  return  to  Europe,  and  prepared 
to  desert  the  banners  of  the  cross ;  others  ran  towards  the 
ramparts,  and  getting  possession  of  the  towers,  swore  to 
defend  them. 

A  few  days  after,  fresh  deputies  arrived  to  declare  that  the 
king  of  Jerusalem  and  the  other  leaders  of  the  armv  would 
be  obliged  to  give  up  Ptolcma'is  to  the  Mussulmans  if  they 
refused  to  surrender  Damietta.  In  order  to  overcome  the 
obstinate  resistance  of  those  who  wished  to  defend  the  city, 
and  who  reproached  tlie  imprisoned  army  with  disgracing 
the  Christians,  they  added,  that  this  army,  though  defeated, 
had  obtained  a  prize  worthy  of  their  former  exploits,  for  the 
Saracens  had  engaged  to  restore  to  them  the  true  cross  of 
the  Saviour,  which  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Saladin  at 
the  battle  of  Tiberias.  Tlie  fear  of  losing  Ptolemais,  the 
hope  of  regaining  the  cross  of  Christ,  together  with  the 
speeches  of  the  deputies,  brought  back  the  spirit  of  peace 
and  resignation  to  the  minds  of  the  most  ardent  of  the 
Crusaders,  and  disposed  them  to  the  performance  of  the 
conditions  of  the  treaty. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  Christian  array  having  lost  their 
tents  and  their  baggage,  passed  many  days  and  many  nights 
in  a  plain  covered  with  the  waters  of  the  Nile.  Hunger, 
disease,  and  inundation  threatened  their  entire  destruction. 
The  king  of  Jerusalem,  then  in  the  camp  of  the  Saracens, 
upon  being  informed  of  the  horrible  distress  of  the  Chris- 
tians, went  to  conjune  Mclik-Kamel  to  have  pity  on  his 
disarmed  enemies.  The  continuator  of  AVilliam  of  Tyre, 
who  is  our  guide  in  this  part  of  our  history,  reports,  in  his 
old,  quaint  language,  the  touching  interview  between  John 
of  Brienne  and  the  sultan  of  Eg}^pt.  "  The  king  sat  down 
before  the  sultan,  and  began  to  weep ;  the  sultan,  on  seeing 
tlie  king  weep,  said,  *  Sire,  why  do  you  weep  ?*    '  Sire,  I 

262r  niSTOBT  OF  ths  crusades. 

have  good  cause,'  replied  the  king,  *  for  I  heboid  the  people 
whom  Gk)d  has  confided  to  me  perishing  amidst  the  waters, 
and  dying  with  hunger.*  The  sultan  felt  great  pity  at  seeing 
the  king  weep,  and  he  wept  also ;  then  he  sent  thirty  thou- 
sand loaves  to  the  poor  as  well  as  the  rich ;  and  sent  the 
same  quantity  daily  during  four  days."  * 

Melik-Kamcl  caused  the  sluices  to  be  closed,  and  the 
waters  rapidly  retired  from  the  plaiu ;  as  soon  as  Damietta 
was  surrendered  to  the  Mussulmans,  the  Christian  army 
began  its  retreat.  The  Crusaders,  who  owed  their  liberty 
and  lives  to  the  mercy  of  the  Saracens;  passed  through  the 
city  which  had  cost  them  so  many  conflicts  and  so  much 
labour ;  and,  weeping,  quitted  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  where 
so  short  a  time  before  they  had  sworn  to  make  the  cause  of 
Christ  triumphant.  They  bore  away  in  sadness  the  wood  of 
the  true  cross,  the  identity  of  which  they  had  reason  to 
suspect,  since  it  no  longer  performed  miracles,  and  was  not 
for  the^n  now  the  signal  ol  victory.  The  sultan  of  Egypt 
caused  them  to  be  accompanied  by  his  son,  who  had  orders 
to  provide  for  all  their  wants  on  their  route.  The  Saracen 
leaders  were  impatient  to  get  rid  of  an  army  that  had  threat- 
ened their  empire ;  they  could  scarcely  give  credit  to  their 
own  triumph,  and  some  little  apprehension  was,  no  doubt, 
mingled  with  the  pity  with  which  their  conquered  enemies 
inspired  them. 

Great  rejoicings  had  been  made  at  Ptolemais  for  the  vic- 
tories obtained  by  the  Christians  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile ; 
thev  believed  that  they  already  saw  the  holy  places  delivered, 
ana  the  empire  of  the  Saracens  destroyed.  Consternation 
took  place  of  their  joy  on  seeing  the  army  return.  As  in 
all  the  other  reverses  which  their  arms  had  met  with,  the 
Christians  mutually  reproached  each  other  with  their  defeat; 
they  accused  the  leaders  of  ambition,  and  the  king  of  Jeru- 
salem of  weakness  ;  the  Templars  and  Hospitallers,  who  had 

*  As  translation  can  scarcelj  do  justice  to  this  touc]iing  little  morceau, 
I  subjoin  the  original. — Trans,  he  roi  s'assit  devanc  le  sondan,  et  so 
mist  &  plorer;  le  soodan  regarda  le  roi  qui  ploroit,  et  lui  dist :  "  Sire, 
pourquoi  plorez  vous  ?"  "  Sire,  j'ai  raison,"  repondit  le  roi,  "  car  jc  void  le 
people  dont  Dex  m'a  chargi6,  perir  au  milieu  de  I'eve  et  mourir  de  faim." 
Le  tottdan  eut  piti^  de  ce  qu'il  vit  le  roi  plorer,  si  ploraaussi ;  lors  envoya 
trente  mille  pains  as  psuvres  et  as  riches ;  ainsi  leur  envoya  qnatre  jours 
de  suite. 


on  all  oocasions  set  aa  example  of  courage  and  the  most 
generous  devotedness,  were  obliged  to  make  a  public  apology 
for  their  conduct.  "VVhen  it  became  known  in  the  West  that 
Damietta  had  fallen  again  into  the  hands  of  the  Saracens,  all 
the  faithful  were  affected  by  the  deepest  grief,*  and  sought, 
by  their  prayers,  to  mitigate  the  anger  of  Heaven.  Violent 
murmurs  arose  against  the  legate  Pelagius,  and  represented 
him  to  the  sovereign  pontiff  as  the  author  of  all  the  disasters 
of  the  crusade ;  but  Honorius  was  not  willing  to  condemn 
his  minister,  and  reproached  Frederick,  who  had  three  times 
renewed  his  vow  to  light  against  the  infidels,  with  having 
remained  an  idle  spectator  of  an  unfortunate  war,  and  with 
having  neglected  to  succour  his  brethren  of  the  East. 

Erederick,  who  had  sent  vessels,  provisions,  and  soldiers 
to  the  holy  war,  thought  that  he  had  iully  performed  his  part 
in  the  crusade,  and  was  at  first  much  astonished  at  the 
reproaches  of  the  Holy  See.  When  the  pope  threatened 
him  with  the  anger  of  Heaven  and  the  thunders  of  Bome, 
he  could  not  restrain  his  indignation;  in  his  letters  the 
emperor  complains  bitterly  of  the  tyranny  of  both  Innocent 
ana  Honorius,  and  talks  of  o^posmg  war  to  war,  and  ven* 
geance  to  injustice.  After  this,  Honorius,  who  acted  less 
from  the  dictates  of  his  own  mind  than  after  the  policy  of 
his  predecessors,  changed  his  tone,  attempted  to  justify  both 
Innocent  and  himselt,  and,  employing  prayers  instead  of 
menaces,  conjured  Frederick  to  have  pity  on  the  Church  of 
the  East. 

This  paternal  language  appeased  Frederick ;  in  an  inter- 
view winch  he  had  with  the  pope  at  Veroli,  the  emperor  of 
Germany  repeated  his  vow  to  repair  to  Palestine  at  the  head 
of  an  army.  In  another  assembly,  which  was  held  some 
time  afterwards  at  Verona,  the  pope  endeavoured  to  engage 
Frederick,  on  accoimt  of  his  own  interests ;  he  proposed  to 
him  to  espouse  Yolande,  daughter  of  John  of  Brienne,  and 
heir  to  tne  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  grand  masters  of 
the  Templars,  the  l^ospitallers,  and  the  Teutonic  order,  with 
the  patriarch  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem,  all  summoned  to 
Italy  to  deliberate  on  the  i^airs  of  the  crusade,  approved  of 
a  union  which  would  secure  them  the  assistance  of  a  powerful 

*  Muratori  has  preaerred  a  little  elegaic  poem  in  Latin,  upon  tho 
taking  of  Damietta. — See  SeripL  Rer,  Hal,  vol.  vii.  p.  992. 


monarch.  Prederick  accepted  a  kingdom  nrhicb  he  promised 
to  defend,  and  consented  to  undergo  excommunication  if  he 
{aOed  in  his  promises. 

After  the  conference  ofYerona,  King  John  of  Brienne 
visited  the  principal  states  of  Europe,  lor  the  purpose  of 
soliciting  aicl  for  the  Holy  Land.  At  the  time  of  John's 
arrival  in  France,  the  French  were  mourning  the  death  of 
Philip  Augustus.  The  king  of  Jerusalem  assisted  at  the 
fimeral  ceremonies  of  his  master  and  benefactor,  who,  at  his 
death,  had  bequeathed  three  thousand  silver  marks  to  the 
defenders  of  Palestine.  After  having  paid  the  last  duties 
to  Philip,  John  went  first  to  Englxmd,  and  afterwards  to 
Germany,  in  both  of  which  coimtncs  his  presence  and  his 
discourses  strongly  moved  Christians  with  the  misfortunes 
of  the  Holy  Land. 

The  emperor  Frederick,  on  his  part,  made  all  the  requisite 
preparations  for  an  expedition  which  he  was  to  lead  in  per- 
son ;  he  ordered  vessels  to  be  constructed  in  all  the  ports  of 
Sicily  for  transporting  the  Crusaders.  "  Heaven  and  earth," 
wrote  he  to  the  pope, "  are  witnesses  that  I  desire  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Christian  arms  with  my  wholp  soul,  and  that  I 
will  neglect  nothing  that  can  assist  in  securing  the  success 
of  the  holy  enterprise."  In  all  his  letters  Frederick  ex- 
horted the  sovereign  pontiflf  to  emplov  every  means  to  aug- 
ment the  numbers  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ.  Become,  all 
at  once,  more  zealous  for  the  crusade  than  the  pope  himself 
he  reproached  the  court  of  Eome  with  being  sparing  in  in- 
dulgences, and  with  confiding  the  preaching  of  the  crusade 
to  vulgar  orators ;  he  advised  the  pope  to  redouble  his  efforts 
to  appease  the  quarrels  of  Christian  princes,  and  to  compel 
the  kings  of  France  and  England  to  sign  a  peace,  in  order 
that  the  nobles  and  people  of  these  two  kmgdoms  might 
take  part  in  the  crusade.  Frederick  not  being  able  to  go 
into  Germany,  sent  thither  the  grand  master  of  the  Teu- 
tonic order,  with  directions  to  exhort  the  landgrave  of 
Thuringia,  the  duke  of  Austria,  the  king  of  Hungary,  and  ■ 
the  other  princes  of  the  empire,  to  take  the  oath  to  fight 
against  the  infidels.  He  undertook  to  furnish  the  Crusaders 
with  vessels,  provisions,  arms,  and  everything  necessary  for 
the  expedition  beyond  the  sea;  in  short,  he  displayed  so 
much  activity,  and  showed  so  much  ardour  and  zead,  tnat  all 

HIBTOST  07  THE   CBUS:J)ES.  265 

the  attention  of  the  Christians  was  directed  towards  him, 
and  he  was  considered  as  the  soul,  the  moving  principle,  and 
the  head  of  the  holy  enterprise. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine  placed  all  their  hopes  in  him ; 
the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  a  letter  to  the  pope,  said  that 
they  looked  for  the  emperor  of  Germany  on  the  banks  of  the 
Kile  and  the  Jordan,  as  formerly  the  sainU  had  looked  for 
the  coming  of  the  Mea$iah  or  Saviour  of  the  world.  The 
patriarch  spoke  with  grief  of  the  oppression  and  servitude 
that  had  been  inflicted  upon  the  Christians  established  in 
Egypt  since  the  last  invasion  of  the  Crusaders.  The  unfor- 
tunate disciples  of  Christ  were  not  allowed  to  keep  in  their 
dwellings  either  arms  or  horses,  nor  eyen  to  bear  a  crucifix 
at  the  funeral  processions  of  their  relations  ;  a  hundred  and 
fifteen  of  their  churches  had  been  destroyed  since  the  con- 
quest of  Damietta.  Oppressed  by  tributes,*  condemned  to 
disgraceful  labours,  bamshed  £rom  their  homes,  wandering 
around  their  temples  and  their  altars,  they  invoked  the 
mercy  of  Heaven  and  the  valour  of  the  warriors  of  the  West 
for  their  deliverance. 

The  report  of  Frederick's  preparations  was  spread  even 
to  the  remote  nations  of  Georgia ;  and  the  queen  of  that 
country  wrote  to  the  head  of  the  Church  of  Some,  that  the 
constable  of  her  kingdom  and  a  great  number  of  warriors 
only  waited  for  the  arrival  of  the  emperor  of  Germany,  to 
fly  to  the  assistance  of  Palestine.  The  Georgians  had  the 
reputation  of  being  a  warlike  people,  and  were  dreaded  by 
the  Mussulmans;  their  pilgrims  enjoyed  the  privilege  of 
entering  Jerusalem  without  paying  the  tribute  imposed 
upon  other  Christians.  When  the  sultan  of  Damascus 
caused  the  ramparts  of  the  holy  city  to  be  destroyed,  the 
warriors  of  Georgia  swore  to  avenge  the  outrage  committed 
on  the  city  of  God ;  but  an  invasion  of  the  Tartars  pre- 
vented them  from  leaving  their  own  territories.f    Since  that 

*  See  the  letter  of  the  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  in  the  Appendix.  The 
patriarch,  at  the  end  of  his  letter,  girea  the  pope  lome  remarkable  opiniona 
upon  the  manner  in  which  the  emperor  and  the  Crusaders  were  to  arrive 
in  Egypt. 

t  The  letter  of  the  qneen  of  Georgia  is  to  be  fonnd  in  the  continuator 
of  Baronius,  under  the  year  1224.  Carious  details  of  the  manners  of  the 
Georgians  in  the  thirteenth  century  may  likewise  be  found  in  Jamei  of 
Vitri,  Hi$t.  OrieiU. 


266  HISTOBT   07  THE  CBUSiDES. 

period,  the  hordes  of  Tartary  having  directed  their  ravages 
towards  other  countries,  the  Crusaders  of  Caucasus  and  the 
shores  of  the  Caspian  Sea  promised  to  unite  themselves  in 
the  plains  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  with  the  Crusaders  fipom  the 
banks  of  the  Ehine  and  the  I)anube. 

Frederick,  however,  was  not  yet  in  a  position  to  perform 
his  so  often  repeated  promises ;  the  kingdom  of  Sicily  and 
Naples  contained  ^erms  of  discori  and  rebellion ;  the  re- 
publics of  Lombardy  were  openly  opposed  to  the  emperor 
of  Q-ermany ;  and  the  Holy  See,  which  observed  with  anxiety 
the  ambitious  projects  of  Fre'derick  upon  Italy,  encouraged 
all  the  enemies  of  a  power  of  which  it  dreaded  the  too  close 
neighbourhood.  Thus,  the  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome, 
the  revolts  of  Sicily,  and  the  enterprises  of  the  Italian 
republics,  would  not  allow  the  emperor  to  lead  his  armies 
into  Asia.  Frederick  demanded  of  the  pope  the  indulgence 
of  a  delay  of  two  years  for  the  performance  of  his  vow; 
founding  his  request  upon  the  length  of  time  required  for 
assembling  his  armies,  and  declared  that  he  was  not  willing 
to  begin  the  war  before  the  expiration  of  the  truce  made 
with  the  Mussulmans ;  thus  shoeing  much  more  respect  for 
treaties  with  infidels,  than  had  till  that  time  been  common 
among  Christians,  indeed,  more  respect  than  he  had  himself 
shown.  The  pope,  although  much  dissatisfied,  could  not 
refuse  the  delay  the  emperor  demanded ;  he,  however,  dis- 
sembled his  anger,  and  contented  himself  with  requiring 
fresh  promises,  which  were  made,  as  all  the  rest  had  been, 
with  the  greatest  solemnity. 

The  new  vows  of  Frederick  were  strengthened  by  hia 
marriage  -with  the  heir  of  the  king  of  Jerusalem.  The  mar- 
riage was  celebrated  at  Rome,  amidst  the  benedictions  of  the 
clergy  and  the  acclamations  of  the  people ;  all  the  Christians 
of  the  West  hoard  of  it  with  joy,  and  this  union  appeared 
to  them  to  be  the  most  certain  pledge  of  the  victories  the 
Crusaders  would  gain  over  the  infidels.  John  of  Brienne, 
who  assisted  at  the  ceremony,  congratulated  himself  upon 
having  obtained  an  emperor  for  a  son-in-law  and  a  supporter ; 
but  his  joy  was  not  of  long  duration.  Frederick,  after  his 
marriage,  only  saw  in  him  the  brother  of  that  Gauthier  de 
Brienne,  who  had  borne  the  title  of  king  of  Naples  and 
Sicily ;  he  considered  him  as  an  enemy  to  hb  power,  a  dan- 

HIBTOBT  or  THE   0BU8ADES.  267 

gerous  riral,  and  be  disputed  the  possession  of  the  kingdom 
of  Jerusalem  with  him.  The  pope  was  secretly  pleased  at 
this  claim  or  pretension,  as  he  noped  it  would  promote  the 
interests  of  the  crusade.  Honorius  was  delighted  to  see  the 
ambition  of  the  emperor  mix  itself  up  with  the  great  designs 
for  the  execution  of  which  he  was  so  anxious.  Frederick 
was  therefore  acknowledged  king  of  Jerusalem.  Thus  John 
of  Brienne,  who  had  always  proved  himself  the  most  ardent 
apostle  of  the  holy  war,  deprived  of  his  crown,  and  from 
that  time  a  stranger  to  the  affairs  of  Palestine,  was  obliged 
.  to  wait  in  retirement  and  silence  for  a  favourable  opportunity 
to  avenge  himself  on  his  son-in-law,  and  recover  his  kingdom. 
Frederick  carried  on  his  preparations  for  the  holy  war, 
and  appeared  more  than  ever  disposed  to  set  out  tor  the 
East.  The  crusade  was  preached,  in  the  name  of  the  head 
of  the  Church,  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe ;  the  sovereign 

Sontiff  wrote  to  the  princes  to  exhort  them  to  suspend  their 
ivisions  and  occupy  themselves  solely  with  the  war  beyond 
the  sea. 

As  hostilities  had  just  been  renewed  between  England  and 
France,  Honorius  ordered  Louis  VIII.  to  lay  down  his  arms, 
and  threatened  him  with  excommunication,  if  he  did  not 
immediately  make  peace.  The  king  of  France,  before  he 
obeyed  the  orders  of  the  pope,  was  desirous  of  completing 
the  conquest  of  Poitou ;  and  whilst  the  thunders  or  Bome 
w^ere  growling  over  his  head,  the  people  and  clergy  were 
returning  Heaven  thanks  for  his  victories,  in  every  church 
of  his  kingdom. 

The  war  against  the  English  was  not  the  only  obstacle  to 
the  departure  of  the  French  Crusaders  for  the  Holy  Land ; 
the  exterminating  crusade  against  the  Albigeois  was  still 
going  on,  and  Louis  VIII.  took  a  more  active  interest  in  it 
than  his  father  Philip  had  done.  When  Louis  VIII.  had 
concluded  a  truce  with  England,  he  at  length  resolved  to 
take  the  cross,  and  made  a  vow,  not  to  go  and  fight  against 
the^  Saracens  in  Asia,  but  against  the  heretics  in  Languedoc. 
In  this  crusade  the  king  of  France  had  the  double  advantage 
of  scarcely  going  out  of  his  own  territories,  and  of  making 
conquests  that  might  some  day  enlarge  his  kingdom.  The 
lords  and  barons  followed  Louis  into  the  southern  provinces, 
and  thought  no  more  about  the  deliverance  of  JeruiBalem. 

268  HIBIOBT  07  THX  CBrSAI>B8. 

At  the  same  time  the  envoys  of  the  pope  and  the  emperor 
were  busy  in  exhorting  the  nations  of  Ghermanj  to  snccour 
the  Chnstians  of  Palestine.  Their  orations,  which  at  first 
had  great  success,  ended  hj  diminishing  both  confidence  and 
enthusiasm.  As  the  pope  had  recommended  the  preachers 
to  be  prodigal  of  the  mdulgences  of  the  Church,  the  people 
beheld  mth  astonishment  the  greatest  criminals  take  the 
cross,  and  swear  to  expiate  their  sins  by  the  holy  pilgrimage. 
They  remembered  that  St.  Bernard  had  called  thieves  and 
murderers  to  the  defence  of  Christ;  but  opinions  and 
morals  began  to  change,  and  that  which  had  succeeded  in , 
the  preceding  century  was  now  only  a  source  of  reproach. 
The  monk  of  XJpsberg,  a  contemporary  author,  informs  us 
that  the  facility  granted  to  the  most  vicious  of  mankind  to 
redeem  their  crimes  by  taking  up  arms  and  the  cross,  only 
served  to  increase  ^at  offences,  and  cool  the  zeal  of  the 
true  defenders  of  Christ  * 

The  orators  who  preached  the  crusade  in  England  gathered 
more  fruit  from  their  labours,  but  owed  great  part  of  their 
success  to  celestial  phenomena,  which  came  very  opportunely 
to  second  their  eloquence.  A  luminous  crucifix,  with  the 
marks  of  the  five  ^^ounds  of  the  Saviour,  appe&red  suddenly 
in  the  heavens.  This  miraculous  spectacle  greatly  inflamed 
the  enthusiasm  of  the  people ;  and,  if  we  may  believe  Mat- 
thew Paris,  more  than  sixty  thousand  English  took  the 
oath  to  arm  themselves  for  the  deliverance  of  the  tomb  of 

Spain  was  constantly  the  seat  of  a  sanguinary  war 
between  the  Moors  and  the  Christians ;  the  one  yarly  sup- 
ported hj  warriors  from  Africa,  the  other  by  knights  and 
soldiers  from  the  provinces  of  France,  fought  battles  every 
day  without  destroying  their  means  of  either  attack  or 
defence :  ^  amidst  such  wars,  in  which,  by  turns,  Mahomet 
and  Christ  were  invoked,  Spain  was  not  likely  to  hear  or 
attend  to  the  complaints  and  appeals  of  Jerusalem. 

Another  enthusiasm  than  that  of  the  crusades, — an  ardent 
desire  for  liberty, — then  agitated  the  finest  countaies  of  Italy. 
The  greater  part  of  the  cities,  acted  upon  by  jealousy  and 

*  The  Chronicle  of  Upsberg  attributes  the  murder  of  the  respectable 
Engelberfc,  archbishop  of  Maience,  to  this  indulgence  of  the  preachers  of 
the  crusade. 


tbe  other  passioDS  of  republics,  were  all  at  war  among  them- 
aelves ;  fighting  eometimes  for  territory,  and  sometunes  for 
independence.  In  all  these  small  states,  parties  attacked  and 
pursued  each  other  with  fury,  and  disputed  the  exercise  of 
power,  sword  in  hand.  Some  of  the  cities,  principalities, 
and  baronies  invoked  the  authority  of  the  pope,  others  that 
of  the  emperor  of  Germany ;  the  factions  oi  the  Guelphs 
and  the  Ghibellines  troubled  everv  city,  and  created  divisions 
in  most  families.  These  discords  and  ciril  wars  naturally 
turned  the  attention  of  Christian  nations  from  the  crusades. 
The  cities  of  Lombardy  had  formed  a  powerful  confe- 
deracy, which  ffave  Frederick  continual  caiise  of  inquietude, 
and  detained  nim  in  the  West ;  Honorius  employed  every 
means  in  his  power  to  re-establish  peace,  and  direct  men's 
minds  towards  his  darling  object ;  and  at  last  succeeded  in 
getting  the  Lombard  republics  to  ioin  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many for  the  deliverance  of  the  holy  places. 

Although  the  people  hod  lost  some  portion  of  their  enthu- 
siasm for  the  holy  war,  it  was  still  possible  to  form  a  redoubt- 
able army,  by  gathering  together  all  the  warriors  that  had 
taken  the  cross  in  the  various  countries  of  Europe ;  and  the 
new  Crusaders  were  ordered  to  meet  at  the  port  of  Brindisi, 
where  vessels  were  being  prepared  to  transport  them  to  the 
East.  On  their  arrival  in  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  the  em- 
peror of  Germany  supplied  them  with  provisions  and  arms ; 
evejything  was  ready,  and  the  pope  was  about,  at  length,  to 
see  his  wishes  accomplished,  and  receive  the  reward  of  all 
his  labours  and  preachings,  when  inexorable  death  deprived 
Christendom  of  its  head. 

Gregory  IX.,  who  succeeded  him,  had  all  the  abilities,  the 
virtues,  and  the  ambition  of  Innocent  III.  In  the  execution 
of  his  designs,  he  feared  neither  difficulties  nor  perils;  the  most 
violent  measures  had  no  terrors  for  his  obstinacy  or  audacity, 
when  the  triumph  of  his  will  was  in  question.  Gregory  had 
scarcely  ascended  the  pontifical  throne,  when  the  preparations 
for  the  holy  war  engrossed  all  his  thoughts,  and  became  the 
principal  object  of  his  active  solicitude. 

The  Crusaders  assembled  in  Apulia  had  much  to  suffer 
from  the  influences  of  the  climate  and  the  season ;  the  sove- 
reign pontiff  neglected  nothing  to  alleviate  their  distresses 
and  hasten  their  departure.    lie  exhorted  the  emperor  to 


embark,  hj  saying  to  him,  "  The  Lord  has  pliused  ^ou  in  this 
'world  as  a  cherubim  with  a  flaming  sword,  to  direct  those 
who  stray  from  the  way  of  the  tree  of  life."  Frederick  at 
length  yielded  to  the  prayers  of  the  pope,  and  sailed  from 
the  port  of  Brindisi  with  his  fleet  pnd  army.  Prayers  were 
being  put  up  for  the  prosperity  of  his  Toyage  and  the  success 
of  his  expedition,  in  all  the  provinces  of  his  empire,  when, 
at  the  end  of  thi^  days,  being  attacked  by  the  malady  that 
had  made  such  ravages  in  the  Christian  army,  he  retraced 
his  course,  and  landed  in  the  port  of  Otranto. 

Gregory  had  celebrated  the  departure  of  Frederick  as  a 
triumph  of  the  Church;  he  considered  his  return  as  an 
absolute  revolt  against  the  Holy  See.  The  little  city  of 
Agnani,  to  which  the  pope  had  retired,  witnessed  the  rage  of 
the  pontifl*,  and  beheld  the  birth  of  that  formidable  storm 
which  so  long  diBturbcd  the  Christian  world.  Accompanied 
by  the  cardinals  and  several  bishops,  Gregoiy  repaired  to  the 
principal  church,  and  having  mounted  the  pulpit,  before  the 
assemoled  people,  he  pronounced  a  sermon  which  had  for  its 
text,  *^  It  is  necessary  that  scandals  should  arise."  Afler 
having  called  upon  the  prophets,  and  spoken  of  the  triumph 
of  St.  Michael  over  the  dragon,  he  launched  against  Frede- 
rick all  the  anathemas  of  the  Church. 

The  emperor  at  first  sent  messengers  to  the  pope  to  ex- 
plain and  justify  his  conduct ;  but  the  inexorable  Gregoiy 
refused  to  listen  to  them,  and  complained  to  all  the  sove- 
reigns of  Europe,  representing  Frederick  as  a  faithless  and 
perjured  prince.  He  accused  him  of  having  consigned  his 
in&  Yolande  to  close  imprisonment,  in  which  she  died  oi 
grief;  of  having  left  the  Crusaders  to  perish  with  hunger, 
thirst,  and  heat  in  the  plains  of  Apulia ;  and  of  having,  at 
last,  under  the  frivolous  pretext  of  sickness,  violated  his  oath 
and  deserted  the  banners  of  Christ,  in  order  to  return  to  the 
cuitomary  ef^oyments  of  hie  kingdom.  He  made  him  many 
other  reproaches ;  and  in  his  anger  called  down  upon  him 
the  maledictions  of  all  Christians. 

Frederick,  exceedingly  irritated,  replied  to  the  accusations 
of  Gregory  with  much  bitterness.  In  his  apology,  which 
he  sent  to  all  the  princes  of  Christendom,  he  complained 
strongly  of  the  usurpations  of  the  Holy  See,  and  exposed,  in 
the  nM)fit  odious  colours,  the  policy  ana  ambitious  designs  of 

HI8T0BT  07  THE  CBrSABXS.  271 

the  court  of  Borne.  '*  The  Churcli  of  Borne,"  said  be,  "  sendis 
legates  eveiywhere,  tnth  power  to  punish,  to  suspend,  and 
excommunicate,  not  toith  the  designs  of  spreading  the  word  of 
Ood,  hut  to  heap  up  money,  and  reap  that  which  thev  have  not 
sown.^'  The  emperor  reminded  the  princes,  in  his  letters,  of 
the  violences  which  the  pope  had  exercised  agauist  the  count 
of  Thoulouse  and  the  king  of  England ;  he  said  that  the 
domains  of  the  clergy  did  not  now  satisfy  the  ambition  of 
the  Holy  See,  and  that  the  sovereign  pontiffs  wished  to  lay 
their  hands  upon  every  kingdom.  Prom  that  moment  open 
war  was  declared  between  the  pope  and  the  emperor ;  neitner 
of  them  possessed  a  pacific  character  or  a  love  of  quiet ; 
both  were  animated  by  boundless  ambition,  jealous  to  excess 
of  their  power,  implacable  in  their  revenge,  and  always  ready 
to  employ  the  arms  which  the  Chiurch  or  fortime  placed  in 
their  hands.  Gregory  displayed  an  indefatigable  activity, 
leaving  his  enemies  no  repose,  but  pursuing  them  at  the 
same  time  with  the  thunders  of  religion  and  war.  In  addi- 
tion to  the  arms  of  eloquence,  the  pontiff  did  not  disdain  to 
emplov  satire ;  the  manifestoes  which  he  published  against 
his  adversaries  constantly  recalled  the  spirit  of  the  denun^ 
ciations  made  bv  the  prophets^  These  denunciations,  mixed 
with  obscure  aUegones,  gave  to  his  words  a  dark  and  mys- 
terious tone,  which  caused  him  to  be  considered  as  the  inter- 
preter of  angry  Heaven.  Frederick  was  neither  a  less 
able  prince  nor  a  less  redoubtable  enemy :  the  art  of  war 
contained  no  stratagems  or  secrets  with  which  he  was  un- 
acquainted; policy  dictated  no  means  that  he  scrupled  to 
employ.  Endowed  with  all  the  giils  of  mind,  and  with  a 
keen  spirit  of  raillerv,  he  was  as  competent  to  confound  his 
enemies  in  a  discussion,  as  to  conquer  them  in  the  field  of 
battle.  Descended,  on  the  female  side,  from  those  famous 
Kormans  who  had  conquered  Sicily  and  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  he  united,  as  they  had  done,  courage  with  subtlety, 
and  audacity  with  dissimulation :  to  please  the  court  of 
Borne,  he  had  made  barbarous  laws  against  heretics ;  and,  « 
now  become  the  enemy  of  the  popes,  he  did  not  fear  to  arm 
heretics  or  Saracens  against  the  court  of  Borne.  When 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  was  offered  to  him,  he  set  no 
ereat  viJue  upon  the  acquisition ;  but  he  accepted^  it  with 
joy,  in  order  to  increaBe  his  popularily  in  the  Christiaii 


world,  and  to  arm  himself^  one  day,  aeunst  the  sovereign 
pontiff  with  a  title,  which  was  then  held  in  universal  vene- 

A  war  between  such  enemies  must  necessarily  prove  ter- 
rible, and  spread  desolation  and  confusion  throughout  Chris- 
tendom. Gregory,  on  his  return  to  Some,  repeated  his 
excommunications  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter ;  Frederick, 
in  order  to  revenge  himself,  seduced  into  his  party  most  of 
the  Boman  nobles,  who  took  up  arms,  insulted  the  sovereign 
pontiff  at  the  very  foot  of  the  altar,  and  compelled  him  to 
abandon  the  capital  of  the  Christian  world.  The  pope, 
driven  from  his  states,  pursued  his  enemy  with  more  fury 
than  ever ;  and,  availing  himself  of  the  formidable  authority 
of  the  Church,  he  released  the  subjects  of  Frederick  from 
their  oath  of  fidelity,  by  reminding  them  that  they  could 
owe  no  obedience  to  those  who  opposed  themselves  to  God 
and  his  saints.  On  his  side,  Frederick  drove  the  Templars 
and  Hospitallers  from  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  plunderea  the 
churches,  and  ill-treated  all  ecclesiastics  whom  he  suspected 
of  being  attached  to  the  party  of  the  Holy  See.  He  sent 
troops  to  ravage  the  patnmony  of  St.  Peter,  and  enlisted 
the  Saracens  established  in  Sicily,  under  the  banners  of  a 
Christian  prince,  to  combat  the  head  of  the  Christian  church. 
The  Boman  states  were  ravaged,  and  given  up  to  the  hor- 
rors of  war.  The  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  fixed  upon  these 
deplorable  scenes,  and  every  one  seemed  to  have  forgotten 
the  holy  war. 

The  Christians  of  Palestine,  however,  never  ceased  to  im- 
plore aid  from  the  West.  A  letter  to  the  pope  from  the 
Eatriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  bishops  of  C»sarea  and  Bethle- 
em,  and  the  grand  masters  -  of  the  three  military  orders, 
painted  in  strong  colours  the  despair  into  which  the  Chris- 
tians of  the  East  had  fallen,  when  they  learnt  that  Frederick 
had  deferred  his  departure.  The  pope  received  their  com- 
plaints with  expressions  of  sorrow  and  kindness,  and  com- 
•  municated  them  to  the  faithful  with  greater  zeal,  from  their 
furnishing  him  with  a  fresh  opportunity  of  accusing  the 
emperor  of  Germany.  But  the  nations  of  the  West,  occu- 
pied with  their  own  dangers,  and  terrified  at  the  sight  of  the 
violent  *storms  that  had  recently  burst  forth,  were  not  in  the 
least  moved  by  either  the  lamentatioiui  from  Palestine  or 

HI8T0BT  07  THB  OBVBABXI.  278 

the  jjiessing  exhortations  of  Gregory.  In  this  unfortnnate 
position  of  fhiropean  affairs,  the  Christian  colonies,  ahan- 
doned  to  themselves  and  their  own  feeble  resources,  and  a 
pre^  to  the  greatest  disorders,  must  have  been  inraded  and 
entirely  destroyed,  if  Providence  had  not  stirred  up  fresh 
discords  among  their  enemies. 

During  the  siege  of  Damietta,  the  common  danger  had 
united  the  children  of  M)^k-Adcl ;  after  victory,  ambition 
resumed  the  place  of  fear ;  and  the  Ayoubite  princes  quar- 
relled for  the  provinces  which  their  umon  had  wrested  from 
the  power,  or  saved  from  the  invasion  of  the  Christians. 
Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascus,  dreading  the  views  of 
Melik-Kamel,  called  Gelaleddin,  prince  of  the  vast  empire 
of  Carismia,  to  his  aid.  The  smtan  of  Cairo,  in  great  ap« 
prehension  of  the  consequences  of  this  alliance,  turned  his 
eyes  towards  the  princes  of  the  "West.  During  several 
years,  the  report  alone  of  the  preparations  of  Frederick  had 
been  a  source  of  terror  to  the  Mussulman  powers.  The 
emperor  of  Germany  was  considered,  in  the  East,  as  the 
head  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe.  The  sultan  of  Egypt 
attached  the  greatest  importance  to  the  disarming  of  a  for- 
midable enemy ;  and  as  the  complaints  of  the  pope,  and  the 
report  of  the  discords  that  had  broken  out  among  the  Chris- 
tians, had  reached  his  ears,  he  conceived  a  hope  of  finding 
in  Frederick  a  sincere  ally  and  a  powerful  auxiliary.* 

Melik-Kamel  sent  presents  and  ambassadors  to  the 
emperor  of  G^ermany;  ne  invited  Frederick  to  come  into 
the  East,  and  promised  to  deliver  Jerusalem  up  to  him. 
This  proposition  gave  the  emperor  as  much  surprise  as 
joy ;  and  he,  in  reply,  sent  an  ambassador  into  E^;ypt,  to 
ascertain  the  exact  intentions  of  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  and 
offer  him  his  friendship.  The  envoy  of  Frederick  was 
received  at  the  court  of  the  sultan  with  the  greatest 
honours,  and  returned  to  announce  to  his  master  that  Melik- 
Kamel  was  ready  to  favour  his  expedition  to  Palestine. 

*  These  details,  unknown  to  all  the  historians  of  the  West,  are  related 
by  Abulfeda  and  the  greater  part  of  the  Arabian  historians  who  treat  of 
the  events  of  this  period.  The  same  authors  name  the  Mussulman  envoy 
*  Fakr-eddin ;  they  disfigure  the  name  of  Frederick's  envoy,  and  say  that 
this  prince  selected  for  this  mission  the  person  who  had  beoi  his 
gofernor  in  bis  childhood. 

274  HI8T0BT  Of  THE  CRrSADXB. 

This  negotiation,  with  whicli  the  pope  and  the  Christiazis 
of  the  West  were  perfectly  unacquainted,  made  Frederick 
determine  to  follow  up  the  project  of  the  crusade :  he  had, 
besides,  several  other  motives  for  not  renouncing  the 
Eastern  enterprise.  He  knew  that  John  of  Brienne  was 
on  the  point  of  returning  to  Palestine,  and  resuming  pos- 
session of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The  pope  continued 
to  represent  him  as  the  enemy  of  Christ,  and  the  scourge 
of  Christians.  To  secure  the  failure  of  the  plan  of  John 
of  Brienne,  and,  at  the  same  time,  reply  to  the  sovereign 
pontiff  in  a  victorious  manner,  Frederick  resolved  to  embark 
tor  the  Holy  Land.  He  was  desirous  of  proclaiming  his 
intention  with  the  greatest  pomp ;  and  caused  a  magnincent 
throne  to  be  erected  in  the  plam  of  Barletta,  which  he 
ascended  in  the  presence  of  an  immense  crowd  of  spectators. 
In  all  the  splendour  of  imperial  magnificence,  he  presented 
himself  invested  with  the  pilgrim's  cross,  and  announced  to 
the  assembled  people  that  ne  was  about  to  set  out  for  Syria. 
In  order  to  give  more  solemnity  to  this  pompous  ceremony, 
and  affect  the  hearts  of  the  multitude,  the  emperor  caused 
his  will  to  be  read  with  a  loud  voice ;  and  the  barons  and 
nobles  swore  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  to  see  that  his  last 
commands  should  be  executed,  if  he  should  chance  to  lose 
his  hfe,  either  in  the  perils  of  the  sea  or  ..the  wars  of  the 

"When  the  pope  learnt  this  determination  of  Frederick's, 
he  sent  ecclesiastics  to  forbid  him  to  embark.  The  sove- 
reign pontiff  reproached  the  emperor  with  presenting  to  the 
Christian  world  the  scandal  of  a  crusade  directed  by  a  prince 
reproved  of  Qod:  as  the  fleet  of  Frederick  consisted  of 
only  twenty  galleys,  and  as  he  took  with  him  only  six  hun- 
dred knights,  Grregory  reproached  him  with  not  having  ful- 
filled his  promises,  and  compared  his  imprudent  attempts  to 
the  expedition  of  a  captain  of  pirates.  The  emperor  did 
not  condescend  to  make  any  reply  to  the  messengers  of  the 
pope ;  the  more  opposition  the  head  of  the  Church  gave  to 
his  departure,  the  more  impatient  Frederick  appeared  to  set 
out  and  accomplish  his  design :  in  his  indignation,  he  con- 
gratulated himself  at  having  to  brave  the  anger  of  the 
Church  and  the  arms  of  the  Saracens  at  the  same  time.  He 
left  the  greater  part  of  his  army  in  Sicily ;  charging  lus 


lieutenant,  the  duke  of  Spoleto,  to  negotiate  for  peace  with 
the  pope,  but  at  the  same  time  to  carry  on  the  war  com- 
menced against  the  Boman  states  with  unabated  vigour. 

When  he  heard  of  the  departure  of  the  emperor,  Gregory- 
was  in  the  little  city  of  Assisi,  occupied  in  the  canonization 
of  St.  Francis.  During  several  days,  he  had  sung  nothing 
but  hymns  of  hope  and  joy :  "  Francis,"  said  he,  "  had  ap- 
peared like  the  star  of  morning,  like  the  orb  of  day,  like  the 
moon  in  its  splendour."  This  language  of  peace,  this  fes- 
tive pomp,  were  all  at  once  interrupted  by  the  maledictions 
that  the  pope  pronounced  against  Frederick :  the  sovereign 
pontiff  repaired  to  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  there  implored 
Heaven  to  confound  the  pride  of  impious  monarchs,  and 
frustrate  all  their  sacrilegious  enterprises. 

The  emperor,  notwithstanding,  arrived  safely  on  the  coast 
of  Syria,  and  was  received  at  Ptolemajs  by  the  patriarch, 
the  clergy,  and  the  grand  masters  of  the  military  orders. 
For  some  days,  the  Christians  of  the  East  viewed  him  as 
the  liberator  and  the  king  of  Jerusalem;  but  a  change 
speedily  took  place.  Two  disciples  of  St.  Francis,  sent  by 
the  pope,  came  to  announce  to  the  faithful  that  they  had 
received  a  prince  rebellious  to  the  will  of  the  Church.  iFrom 
that  moment,  contempt,  hatred,  and  mistrust  took  place  of 
respect  and  submission.  They  began  by  perceiving  that 
Frederick  was  followed  by  only  a  smaU  number  of  warriors, 
and  that  he  had  not  troops  enough  to  render  him  formidable 
to  either  the  Saracens  or  the  Christians.  Nothing  was 
talked  of  in  Ptolemais  but  the  excommunication  of  the 

S>pe,  and  the  means  of  withdrawing  themselves  from  obe- 
ence  to  a  heretic  prince:  never  had  the  deliverance  of 
Jerusalem  been  less  thought  of. 

At  the  moment  in  which  Frederick  arrived  in  Syria, 
Conraddin,  sultan  of  Damascus,  died ;  and  the  death  of^^this 
prince  gave  birth  to  more  discords  among  the  Mussulman 
powers.  The  principality  of  Damascus  was  governed  by  a 
jroung  inexperienced  prince ;  and  the  spirit  of  license  and 
insubordination,  which  had,  in  the  last  wars,  been  already 
observed  among  the  troops  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  made,  every 
day,  greater  progress,  and  put  all  the  Mussulman  thrones  in 

The  sultan  of  Cairo,  when  informed  of  the  arriTal  of 


Frederick,  came  into  Palestme,  at  the  bead  of  an  army. 
Some  asserted  that  he  came  to  defend  Jerusalem,  and  to 
fight  with  the  Christians ;  but  his  true  design  was  to  take 
advantage  of  the  chances  of  war,  and  of  the  discords  which 
everywhere  prevailed,  to  get  possession  of  Damascus,  and 
defeat  the  plans  of  the  enemies  that  jealousy  and  ambition 
had  raised  up  against  him  among  the  Mussulmans  and 
princes  of  his  family. 

The  emperor  of  Grermany  marched  out  of  Ptolemais,  at 
the  head  of  his  small  army,  and  directed  his  course  towards 
the  mountains  of  Naplouse.  He  had  sent  Count  Thomas 
de  Celano  to  Melik-Kamel,  to  remind  him  of  his  promises, 
and  to  tell  him,  that,  being  master  of  the  most  vast  provinces 
of  the  West,  he  was  not  come  into  Asia  for  the  purpose  of 
making  conquests  ;  that  he  had  no  other  design  but  that  of 
visiting  the  holy  places,  and  taking  possession  of  the  king- 
dom of  Jerusalem,  which  belonged  to  him.*  The  sultan 
received  the  ambassador  of  Frederick  with  due  respect; 
but  whether  he  was  ashamed  to  make  peace  before  he  had 
begun  the  war,  or  whether  he  feared  to  draw  upon  himself 
the  hatred  of  the  Mussulmans,  by  showing  too  much  defer- 
ence for  a  Christian  prince,  he  at  first  made  no  reply  to  the 
propositions  that  were  made  to  him. 

Nevertheless  the  two  princes  sent  firesh  ambassadors, 
charged  on  both  sides  to  express  a  desire  for  peace ;  both 
were  placed  in  embarrassing  circumstances,  being  surrounded 
by  enemies  who  blamed  their  proceedings,  and  did  not  allow 
them  to  publish  all  their  sentiments  freely.  The  Mussul- 
man army  from  Damascus,  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Jerusalem,  watched  all  the  movements  of  the  sultan  of 
Egypt,  and  seemed  much  more  disposed  to  fight  with  him 
than  to  repulse  the  Christians.  The  emperor  of  Germany 
found  himself  in  the  presence  of  two  hostile  armies,  and  that 
which  he  himself  commanded  inspired  him  with  no  more 
confidence  than  he  inspired  in  it.  The  Hospitallers  and 
Templars  had  left  him,  and  followed  him  at  a  distance ;  in 
the  camp  of  the  Christians  no  one  durst  pronounce  the 

*  Th$  pemsal  of  Arabian  authors  throws  great  light  upon  this  part  of 
"the  history  of  the  crusades;  the  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre,  the 
letters  of  the  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  or  the  correspondenoe  of  the  pope, 
give  but  very  incomplete  information. 

HI8T0BT  OF  THB  CBVBADSfl.  277 

ntme  of  the  prince  who  commanded  the  axmy.  Frederick 
hiid  been  obhged  to  withdraw  the  standard  of  the  empire, 
and  his  orders  were  only  issued  to  the  soldiers  of  the  cross 
in  the  name  of  God  and  of  the  Christian  republic. 

In  this  difficult  situation,  Frederick  and  Melik-Kamel 
were  equaJlj  sensible  of  the  necessity  for  peace,  and  of  the 
danger  of  commencbg  war ;  they  therefore  gaye  more  em- 
ployment to  their  ambassadors  tnan  to  their  soldiers ;  this 
crusade  was  nothing  but  a  long  negotiation,  disapproved  of 
by  both  Christians  and  infidels.  As  the  two  soyereigna 
covered  their  policy  with  a  veil  of  profound  mystery,  it  was 
easy  for  hatred  to  spread  and  procure  countenance  for  sinis- 
ter reports.  Crimmal  intentions  were  discovered  in  the 
simplest  actions.  In  the  Christian  army  it  was  conceived 
that  Frederick  had  committed  a  crime  by  sending  his  sword 
and  cuirass  to  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  as  a  pledge  of  his  wish 
for  peace,  ^mong  the  Mussulmans,  Melik-Elamel  was  re« 
preached  with  seeking  an  alliance  with  the  enemies  of 
Islamism,  by  sending  to  the  leader  of  the  Franks  an  ele- 

?hant,  some  camels,  and  the  rarest  productions  of  Arabia, 
ndia,  and  Egypt.  The  scandal  reached  its  height  when  the 
emperor  received  as  a  present  from  the  sultan  of  Cairo,  a 
troop  of  girls,  brought  up,  according  to  the  custom  of  the 
Orientab,  to  sing  and  dance  in  the  banqueting-hall. 

At  length  prejudices  were  carried  so  far  on  both  sides, 
that  Fre&rick  was  judged  more  favourably  of  by  his  ene- 
mies than  by  his  own  army;  and  Melik-Kamel  would  sooner 
have  found  grace  among  the  Christians  than  atnong  his  own 
troops.  The  infidels  regarded,  the  emperor  of  Germany  as  a 
prince  full  of  wisdom  and  moderation ;  Abulfeda,  and  all  the 
Arabian  authors,  have  celebrated  the  qualities  and  virtues  of 
the  monarch  of  the  Franks,  whilst  the  continuator  of  Wil- 
liam of  Tyre  only  speaks  of  this  prince  with  bitterness,  and 
reports  in  his  history,  that  all  the  apostles  and  other  Chris- 
tians had  great  doubt  and  great  suspicion  that  he  was  far 
gone  in  infidelity,  and  warm  in  his  belief  in  the  law  of 

Hatred  soon  broke  out  in  acts  of  treachery  and  the  most 
odious  plots.  As  the  emperor  had  expressed  an  intention  of 
going  to  bathe  in  the  waters  of  the  Jordan,  the  Templars 
addiessed  a  letter  to  Melik-Eamel,  pointing  out  the  meao» 


of  surprising  tlie  head  of  the  Christian  army  in  his  pfQ- 
grimage :  the  sultan  of  Cairo  despised  such  treachery,  and 
sent  the  letter  he  had  received  to  Frederick.  At  the  same 
time  Melik-Kamel  learnt  that  the  sultan  of  Damascus  had 
declared  war  against  him,  and  would  be  joined  by  several 
other  Mussulman  princes.  The  sultan  of  Cairo  and  the 
emperor  of  Germany  had  carried  on  their  negotiations 
for  peace  during  several  months,  but  now,  pressed  on  all 
sides  by  enemies,  and  surrounded  by  dangers,  even  in  their 
own  camp,  they  at  length  resolved  to  end  the  matter,  and 
conclude  a  treatv,  which  would  permit  them  to  dispose  of 
their  forces  for  their  security- or  ror  their  personal  ambition. 
They  agreed  between  themselves,  that  they  would  make  a 
truce  of  ten  years,  and  that  Jerusalem,  Nazareth,  Bethlehem, 
and  Thoron  should  be  given  up  to  Frederick  or  his  lieu- 
tenants.* According  to  the  conditions  of  the  treaty,  the 
Mussulmans  were  to  retain  in  the  holy  city,  the  mosque  of 
Omar  and  the  free  exercise  of  their  worship :  the  princi- 
pality of  Antioch  and  the  county  of  Tripoli  were  not  com- 
prised in  the  treaty.  The  emperor  of  Germany  undertook 
to  divert  the  Franks  from  every  kind  of  hostility  against 
the  subjects  or  lands  of  the  sultan  of  Egypt. 

When  the  articles  of  the  treaty  became  known  in  the  two 
camps,  the  peace  was  considered  by  both  as  impious  and 
sacnlegious.t  The  imauns  and  cadis,  invoking  the  name  of 
the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  loudly  condemned  a  truce  which  con- 
veyed away  from  the  Mussulmans  the  holy  city,  which  they 

*  The  Arabian  authors  who  speak  of  this  treaty,  say  that  one  of  the 
conditions  was,  that  the  fortifications  of  Jerusalem  should  not  be  repaired ; 
this  condition  is  not  named  in  the  treaty  which  is  found  in  the  oontinuator 
of  Baronios. 

f  Quant  I'apostelle  oi  ces  nouTelles,  si  n'en  fu  mie  lies,  paroe  que 
I'empereur  ^tait  ezoommuni^,  et  qu'il  li  etoit  avis  qu'il  avait  fait  mauvaise 
pais,  parce  que  les  Sarrasins  tenaient  le  temple  et  per  ce  ne  volnt-il  sofirir 
nn  le  s^ut  fait  par  lui,  ne  que  sainte  ^lise  en  fit  fete,  ains  recommanda 
par  toute  Chrestianet^  qu'on  excommuniat  I'emperor  come  renvoy^  et 
mescr&int.— Om/.  of  William  qfTyre,  (When  the  apostle  heard  these 
news,  he  was  not  at  all  pleased,  because  the  emperor  was  excommunicated, 
and  he  thought  he  had  made  a  bad  peace,  as  the  Saracens  were  to  retain 
the  temple.  Therefore  he  was  not  willing  it  should  be  thought  he  con- 
sented to  the  peace,  or  that  the  Church  should  offer  up  thanks  for  it ;  and 
he  ordered  that  ^e  emperor  should  be  ezoommnnicated  throughout 
Chrirtendom,  as  a  castaway  and  an  infidel.) 


called  the  house  of  Oody  the  city  of  the  prophet.  The  prelates 
and  biahops,  speaking  in  the  name  of  the  pontiff  of  Borne, 
declaimed  vehemently  against  a  treaty  which  left  mosques 
standing  by  the  side  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  and  in  some 
sort  confounded  the  worship  of  Mahomet  with  that  of  Christ. 
When  the  envoy  of  the  emperor  of  Germany  went  to  Damas- 
cus, to  procure  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  which  had  been 
concluded,  the  sultan  and  his  vizier  refused  to  hear  him. 
The  peace  made  with  the  Christians  was  a  subject  of  afflic- 
tion and  scandal  for  aU  true  believers.  One  of  the  most 
celebrated  orators  of  Islamism  pronounced  the  panegyric  of 
Jerusalem  in  the  great  mosque  ;•  and,  when  recallinc;  in 
pathetic  terms  the  loss  the  Mussulmans  had  experienced,  he 
drew  tears  from  aU  the  assembled  people. 

The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem  placed  an  interdict  upon  the 
recovered  holv  places,  and  refused  pilgrims  permission  to 
visit  the  sepulchre  of  Christ.  Jerusalem  was  no  longer,  in 
the  eyes  of  Christians,  the  holy  city  and  the  heritage  of  the 
Son  of  Gk)d ;  when  the  emperor  made  his  public  entrance, 
the  faithful  preserved  a  sullen  and  melancholv  silence  as  he 
passed  along.  Accompanied  by  the  German  barons  and  the 
Teutonic  knights,  he  repaired  to  the  church  of  the  Holy 
Sepulchre,  which  was  hung  with  mourning,  and  appeared  as 
if  guarded  bv  the  angel  of  reprobation ;  tul  the  ecclesiastics 
had  deserted  the  sanctuary,  and  everything  wore  the  air  of 
abomination  and  desolation.  Frederick  himself  took  the 
crown,  and  placing  it-  upon  his  head,  he  was  proclaimed  king 
of  Jerusalem  without  any  religious  ceremony ;  the  images  of 
the  apostles  were  veiled  ;  nothmg  was  seen  around  the  altars 
but  swords  and  lances ;  and  the  sacred  vaults  gave  back  no 
sounds  but  the  noisy  acclamations  of  warriors. 

After  his  coronation,  Frederick  wrote  to  the  pope  and  to 
all  the  princes  of  the  West,  that  he  had  reconquered  Jeru- 
salem without  the  efiiision  of  blood ;  in  his  account  he  en- 
deavoured to  enhance  the  splendour  and  merit  of  this  vic- 
tory, which  must  fulfil  all  the  hopes  of  the  Christian  world. 
At  the  same  time,  the  patriarch  wrote  to  Gregory,  and  all 
the  faithful  of  Christendom,  to  show  them  the  impiety  and 
the  disgrace  of  the  treaty  Frederick  had  just  concluded. 
When  he  heard  of  the  success  of  the  emperor,  the  sovereign 
pontiff  deplored  the  conquest  of  Jenualem  as  he  would  have 

280  BI8T0BT  07  THX  OBUIABSB. 

deplored  its  loss,  and  compared  the  new  king  of  Judsa  to 
those  impious  monarchs  whom  the  anger  of  Gh>d  placed  upon 
the  throne  of  Darid. 

Frederick  was  not  ahle  to  remain  long  in  the  holy  city, 
which  resounded  with  imprecations  against  him.  He  re- 
turned to  Ptolemais,  where  he  found  only  revolted  suhjects 
and  Christians  scandalized  at  his  successes.  The  patriarch 
and  the  clergy  placed  an  interdict  upon  the  city  during  the 
time  the  emperor  should  remain  in  it ;  all  religious  worship 
was  suspended ;  the  altars  were  deprived  of  their  ornaments, 
and  the  crosses,  relics,  and  images  of  the  saints  were  cast 
upon  the  ground ;  no  more  hells,  no  more  religious  hymns 
were  to  he  heard ;  a  melancholy  silence  prevailed  in  the 
sanctuary,  where  mass  was  celehrated  in  a  low  voice,  and 
with  closed  doors.  The  dead  were  huried  in  the  fields, 
without  funeral  ceremonies  or  monumental  stones;  eveiy- 
thing,  in  short,  denoted  a  season  of  great  calamities,  and  a 
dread  of  the  vengeance  of  Heaven:  it  was  thus  that  the 
liherator  of  Jerusalem  was  welcomed  at  Ptolemais. 

It  was  Passion-week,  and  this  religious  period  gave  addi- 
tional influence  to  the  clergy  and  more  solemnily  to  the 
maledictions  of  the  Church .  fVederick  found  himseu  obliged 
to  negotiate  for  peace  with  the  Christians,  as  he  had  done 
with  the  infidels,  and  being  unable  to  regain  their  goodwill, 
he  still  further  exasperated  them  by  his  violence.  He  caused 
the  gates  of  the  city  to  be  closed,  and  prohibited  the  bring- 
ing in  of  provisions ;  he  planted  archers  and  arbalatiers  in 
every  place  where  they  could  insult  the  Templars  and  pil- 
grims ;  aud  by  his  orders,  mendicant  preaching  monks  were 
dragged  from  the  foot  of  the  altar,  and  beaten  with  rods  in 
the  public  places  of  the  city. 

Hatred  and  vengeance  were  carried,  on  both  sides,  to  the 
greatest  excess.  It  was  impossible  for  the  emperor,  sur- 
rounded as  he  was  by  enemies,  to  remain  long  at  Ptolemais, 
in  addition  to  which  motive,  he  daily  received  letters  from 
Europe  urging  his  return.  Two  formidable  armies,  under 
the  banners  of  the  Holy  See,  had  entered  the  kingdom  of 
Naples,  pillaged  the  cities,  ravaged  the  country,  mutilated 
prisoners,  and  committed  all  kmds  of  enormities.  These 
armies  were  under  the  command  of  John  of  Brienne,  impa- 
tienii;  to  lerenge  his  own  injaiies,  and  two  Sicilian  counts, 

HI8T0BT  OT  THE  GBVSAJ>S8.  281 

whom  the  emperor  of  Germany  had  driven  from  the  kingdom 
of  Naples. 

Frederick  at  length  quitted  Palestine  and  returned  to  his 
own  dominions.  As  he  left  Ptolemais,  the  inhabitants 
chanted  hymns  of  deliverance  and  joy.  He  accused  the 
Templars  of  having  endeavoured  to  deliver  him  up  to  the 
Saracens;  the  Templars,  on  their  part,  accused  him  of 
having  wished  to  surrender  all  the  Christian  cities  to  the 
sultan  of  Cairo :  these  accusations,  and  a  thousand  others, 
dictated  by  hatred,  ought  to  inspire  the  historian  with  great 
and  just  suspicions.  The  Christians  might  have  urged 
against  Frederick  a  much  more  reasonable  reproach ;  he  had 
taken  no  means  to  secure  his  conquest,  and  they  were  war- 
ranted in  believing  that  he  had  only  made  his  triumphal 
entry  into  Jerusalem  with  the  view  of  annoying  the  Holy 
See,  and  dating  a  reply  to  the  inculpations  of  Gregory  from 
the  holy  places :  havmg  attained  his  object,  he  had  deceived 
the  faithful,  by  inviting  them  to  a  city  that  he  was  disposed 
neither  to  defend  nor  fortify.  In  addition  to  this,  Frederick 
himself  felt  very  little  pride  in  the  advantages  of  which  he 
made  such  a  pompous  display  throughout  Europe ;  and  the 
crusade  in  wnich  he  had  taken  a  part  was  frequently  the 
object  of  his  pleasantries  and  sarcasms. 

On  his  return  to^  Italv,  he  found  a  much  more  serious  war 
than  that  he  had  carried  on  in  Asia.  The  pope  had  not  only 
levied  troops  to  ravage  hia  states,  he  had  mduced  the  Lom- 
bard republics  to  take  up  arms  against  him.  John  of 
Brienne,  deprived  of  his  title  of  king  of  Jerusalem,  deter- 
mined to  endeavour  to  be  acknowledged  emperor,  and  his 
pretensions  were  supported  by  ail  that  was  then  held  most 
sacred,  the  authority  of  the  Church  and  the  right  of  victory. 
The  presence  of  Frederick  restored  courage  to  his  subjects, 
whose  fidelity  was  stiLL  unshaken;  he  met  his  enemies  in 
several  engagements,  in  which  he  always  gained  the  advan- 
tage. The  army  of  John  of  Brienne  was  dispersed,  and  the 
pontifical  troops  quitted  aU  the  cities  and  provinces  they  had 
conquered,  in  the  greatest  disorder. 

The  pope,  learning  that  fortune  had  deserted  his  banners, 
again  had  recourse  to  the  thunders  of  religion,  and  employed 
the  most  terrible  of  its  denunciations  against  Frederick.  He 
declared  that  all  were  excommimicated  who  should  hold  any 

Vol.  IL— 13 

282  HI8T0BT  07  THS  CBU8ADS8. 

kind  of  commerce  with  the  emperor,  all  who  should  sit  at 
his  table,  be  present  at  his  councils,  celebrate  divine  service 
before  him,  or  offer  him  any  mark  of  attachment  or  respect. 
Frederick  was  terrified  at  tnis  sentence,  which  was  published 
with  great  solemnity  in  all  parts  of  Europe,  particularly  in 
his  own  dominions ;  and  sent  ambassadors  to  the  pope,  who, 
in  spite  of  the  thunders  with  which  he  was  armed,  dreaded 
the  consequences  of  war,  and  showed  himself  disposed  to 
receive  the  submission  of  an  enemy  he  dreaded. 

After  a  negotiation  of  several  days,  a  treaty  was  made,  in 
which  the  conquered  pope  dictated  laws  to  his  conqueror, 
and  appeared,  whilst  receiving  peace,  to  accord  a  pardon. 
But  in  spite  of  this  treaty  of  peace,  the  effects  of  discord 
still  subsisted,  and  were  felt  even  in  the  East,  where  debates, 
raided  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  had  divided  men*s  minds, 
and  depressed  the  general  courage ;  and  where  the  Christian 
states,  for  which  Europe  had  taken  up  arms,  remained 
without  support  and  without  defence.  As  Frederick  had 
abandoned  Jerusalem  without  fortifying  it,*  the  Christians 
were  in  constant  dread  of  the  invasion  of  the  Mussidman  . 
peasants,  whom  the  hopes  of  pillage  attracted  from  the 
mountains  of  Naplouse.  The  great  bell  of  the  church  of 
the  Holy  Sepulchre  often  gave  warning  of  the  approach  of 
an  enemy  eager  for  carnage ;  and  most  of  the  mhabitants 
retired  with  their  terrified  families,  some  to  the  fortress  of 
St.  David,  which  was  still  standing  among  the  *ruins,  and 
others  into  desert  places. 

The  patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  the  prelates,  barons,  and 
people  of  Palestine,  who  had  no  longer  either  a  leader  or  a 
king,  in  vain  implored  the  assistance  of  the  warriors  and 
princes  of  the  West :  prayers  and  complaints  so  frequently 
repeated,  had  no  power  to  awaken  in  the  hearts  of  the  faith- 
ful either  the  sentiments  of  pity  or  the  enthusiasm  which 
had  so  often  caused  them  to  take  up  arms  and  the  cross. 
They  could  have  no  faith  in  perils  that  followed  so  closely 

*  Un  poi  apr^  que  I'emperor  se  fiut  parti  de  la  terre  de  Jerusalem, 
s'auemblcrent  villains  de  la  terre  as  Samiins,  et  alldrent  k  Jerusalem 
une  mating,  pour  occir  les  Chretiens  qui  dedans  estoient.— Cbn^.  de  Guill, 
de  Tyr.  The  same  author  adds  that  the  Christian  knights  then  at  Ptole- 
mai's  came  to  the  assistance  of  Jerusalem,  and  that  th^  ViHe^  a  giwt 
number  of  the  Mastolmans. 

HI8T0&T   07  THE   CBX7SADE8.  288 

upon  vietoiy;  and  they  despaired  of  ever  being  able  to 
aasore  the  deliverance  of  a  country  which  required  to  be 
delivered  so  often. 

The  pope,  however,  had  not  abandoned  the  project  of  the 
crusade,  and  still  entertained  the  hope  of  reviving  the 
ardour  and  zeal  of  the  Christian  warriors  by  his  exhortations. 
He  convoked  an  assembly  at  Spoleto,  at  which  Frederick, 
with  the  patriarchs  of  Constantinople,  Antioch,  and  Jeru- 
salem assisted.  It  was  resolved  in  this  assembly,  to  renew 
the  war  in  Palestine,  notwithstanding  the  truce  concluded 
with  the  sultan  of  Cairo. 

Ghregory  was  impatient  to  accomplish  his  designs,  and 
proclaim  the  laws  of  the  Church  in  the  rich  countries  of  the 
East ;  and,  to  employ  the  time  till  warriors  could  be  gathered 
together,  he  sent  several  missionaries  across  the  sea,  armed 
with  the  sword  and  the  word,  to  elideavour  to  convert  the 
infidels  of  Syria  and  Egypt.  The  sovereign  pontiff  was  so 
persuaded  of  the  success  of  this  pacific  crusade,  that  he 
wrote  to  the  caliph  of  Bagdad,  the  sultan  of  Damascus, 
and  the  principal  Mussulman  chiefs,  to  exhort  them  to  em- 
brace Christianity.*  History  does  not  say  what  the  fate 
was  of  these  mendicant  preachers  in  the  East;  but  the 
caliph  of  Bagdad  and  the  Mussulman  princes  did  not  cease 
to  be  inveterate  enemies  to  the  Christians.  Gregory  IX. 
was  better  inspired  and  more  fortunate  when  he  sent  sacred 
orators  into  several  of  the  provinces  of  the  West,  to  appease 
the  troubles  and  civH  wars  that  were  so  injurious  to  the  cause 
of  religion,  and  diverted  the  minds  of  the  people  from  the 
great  enterprise  of  the  holy  wars, 

The  disciples  of  St.  Dominick  and  St.  Francis  of  Assisi, 
charged  with  a  mission  worthy  of  the  Gospel,  pervaded  cities 
and  countries,  preaching  peace  and  concord.  Among  the 
preachers  thus  sent  to  pacify  states,  Brother  John  of  Yicentia 
made  himself  conspicuous  by  the  miracles  effected  by  his 
eloquence.f  In  all  the  countries  he  visited,  the  nobles,  the 
peasants,  the  citizens,  and  the  warriors  flocked  to  listen  to 

*  The  letters  addressed  by  the  pope  to  the  Muwulman  princes  may  be 
found  in  the  oontinuator  of  Baronius. 

t  For  the  preachings  of  John  of  Vicentia  consult  L*HUioir§  BeeU^ 
tioMfigue,  of  Fleuy,  voL  xfii.,  and  VHUioif  dm  BfyublifMm  d^IUiU^ 
h\  Sismondi. 


him,  and  swore  to  pardon  all  injuries  and  terminate  all 
quarrels.  After  having  re-established  peace  in  several  citiea 
troubled  bj  the  spirit  of  jealousy,  and  animated  bj  the 
stormy  passions  of  imdefined,  ill-understood  liberty,  he  an- 
nounced that  he  should  preach  in  the  plain  of  Fescniera,  on 
the  banks  of  the  Adige.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  neigh* 
bouiing  cities,  headed  by  their  clergy  and  their  magistrates, 
repaired  to  the  place  appointed,  to  listen  to  the  An^el  of 
Concord*  and  the  orator  of  public  peace.  In  the  presence  of 
more  than  four  hundred  thousand  auditors.  Brother  John 
mounted  a  pulpit  elevated  in  the  centre  of  the  plain  of 
Peschiera;  a  profound  silence  prevailed  throughout  the 
assembly ;  every  eye  was  fixed  upon  the  holy  preacher ;  hia 
words  seemed  to  descend  from  heaven.  He  took  for  his 
text  these  worcls  of  the  Scripture :  "  I  give  you  my  peace,  I 
leave  you  my  peace."  After  having  drawn  a  frightful  pic- 
ture of  the  evils  of  war  and  the  effed»  of  discord,  he  ordered 
the  Lombard  cities  to  renounce  their  enmities,  and  dictated 
to  them,  in  the  name  of  the  Church,  a  treaty  of  universal 
pacification.  At  no  period  had  the  middle  ages  presented 
a  more  sublime  and  touching  spectacle ;  the  historian  of  that 
time,  who  has  nothing  but  troubles  and  wars  to  describe, 
ought  to  be  delighted  at  an  opportunity  to  tell  of  such  an 
imposing  and  solemn  scene,  wherein  religion  recalled  assem- 
bled nations  to  a  sense  of  all  that  her  maxims  contain  that 
is  most  consoling  and  salutary.  The  discourse  of  Brother 
John  filled  his  auditory  with  a  holy  love  of  peace,  and  the 
cities  then  at  war  swore,  before  him,  to  forget  for  ever  the 
subjects  of  their  long  div^ions  and  eternal  rivalries. 

These  evangelical  discourses  restored  to  Italy  a  few  days 
of  peace,  and  gave  the  Holy  See  an  opporilunity  of  preachine 
a  new  crusade  with  success.  Gregory  addressed  pastond 
instructions  to  all  the  bishops  and  prelates  of  Christendom. 
In  his  letters  to  the  French  bishops,  he  applied  these  words 
of  Christ  to  the  holy  war :  "  If  any  one  would  come  with 
me,  let  him  renounce  himself,  let  him  take  up  my  cross  and 
follow  me.**  The  sovereign  pontiff  declared  all  who  would 
not  employ  their  utmost  efforts  to  conquer  the  heritage  of 

*  This  was  then  a  oommon  epithet.    St  Thoniu  ^t^-tt  was  eaUed 
ike  Ang^  qftk€  SekooL'^TwLAVB, 


Christ,  guilty  of  treason.  The  circulars  of  the  pope  ordered 
all  the  faithful,  of  both  sexes,  to  pay  a  denier  per  week 
towards  the  expenses  of  the  crusade.  The  head  of  the 
Church  compared  these  alms  to  those  which  St.  Paul 
solicited  for  the  poor  of  Jerusalem,  and  did  not  fear  to 
assert,  beforehand,  that  they  would  suffice  for  the  main- 
tenance of  the  army  of  Crusaders  for  ten  years. 

The  preaching  of  this  crusade  was  confided  to  the  frater- 
nities of  St.  Dominick  and  St.  Francis,  which  had,  in  Asia, 
missionaries  for  the  conversion  of  infidels,  and  in  the  "West, 
preachers  to  re-establish  peace  among  Christians  ;  the  new 
apostles  of  the  holy  war  received  from  the  pope  the  power, 
not  only  to  give  the  cross,  but  to  commute  the  vow  of  pil- 
grimage to  a  pecuniary  alms,  a  practice  that  had  never  been 
seen  since  the  begin nmg  of  the  crusades  ;  they  had  likewise 
the  faculty  of  granting  indulgences  for  several  days  to  all 
who  came  to  listen  to  their  sermons.  According  to  the  spirit 
of  their  institutions,  the  disciples  of  St  Francis  and  St. 
Dominick  lived  amidst  austerities  and  penance ;  they  de- 
voted themselves  to  poverty,  an<i  were  bound  to  furnish  a 
constant  example  of  Christian  humility;  but,  in  this  in- 
stance, the  pope  desired  they  should  be  received  into  monas- 
teries and  cities  with  pomp  and  ceremony ;  and  that  the 
clergy  should  come  out  to  meet  them,  with  the  banners  and 
most  splendid  ornaments  of  their  churches.  Whether  this 
roagnincence  changed  the  simplicity  of  their  manners,  or 
that  the  people  did  not  like  to  behold  men  whom  they  had 
lately  seen  devoted  to  evangelical  poverty,  treated  with 
ceremonial  pomp,  the  preachers  ol^the  crusade  inspired  their 
auditors  with  neither  esteem  nor  respect,  aud  the  crowd 
diminished  every  day.  As  they  received  abundant  alms,  of 
which  no  one  could  see  the  employment,  neither  the 
solemnity  of  their  mission  nor  the  sanctity  of  their  charac- 
ters could  screen  them  from  the  suspicions  and  accusations 
of  the  multitude :  the  murmurs  and  complaints  which  arose 
on  all  sides,  at  length  weakened  the  authority  of  their  words, 
and  assisted  in  cooling  the  zeal  and  devotion  of  the  Chris- 
tians for  the  holy  war. 

The  enthusiasm  of  the  people,  which  Christian  eloquence 
could  not  revive,  stood  in  need  of  the  example  of  the  most 
illustrious  princes  and  warriors.   France  was  then  at  peace ; 

286  HI8T03T  OV  THS  OBrSADXS. 

the  war  against  the  Albigeois  was  drawing  towards  its  end : 
siost  of  the  kuights  and  barons,  reared  amidst  battles,  could 
not  endure  rest,  and  sighed  for  an  opportunity  of  signalizing 
their  warlike  temperament.  Thej  took  the  oath  to  go  into 
Asia  and  fight  against  the  Saracens. 

Thibault  V.,  count  of  Champagne,  and  king  of  Navarre, 
son  of' Thibault,  who  died  before  the  fifth  crusade,  under- 
took to  discharge  the  vow  his  father  had  made  to  the  Church 
and  to  Christ.  The  king  of  Navarre  was  celebrated  among 
knights  and  among  troubadours  ;  his  muse,  which  had  sung 
profane  loves,  now  gave  voice  to  the  complaints  of  Jerusalem, 
and  awakened,  by  Christian  songs,  the  sotlour  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross.  "Learn,"  said  he,  "that  heaven  is  closed  to 
all  those  who  will  not  cross  the  seas  to  visit  and  defend  the 
tomb  of  God.-  Yes,  all  the  brave,  all  who  love  Qod  and 
glorj,  will  not  hesitate  to  take  up  the  cross  and  arms. 
Those  who  prefer  repose  to  honour,  those  who  dread  perils, 
will  remain  alone  in  their  homes.  Jesus  Christ,  in  the  daj 
bf  judgment,  will  say  to  the  one  party :  *  You,  who  helped 
me  to  bear  my  cross,  go  to  the  place  in  which  dwell  the 
angels  and  my  mother  Mary ;'  he  will  say  to  the  others : 
*  You,  who  have  not  succoured  me,  descend  to  the  abode  of 
the  wicked.*"*  The  example  and  the  exhortations  of 
Thibault  attracted  princes,  barons,  and  knights  from  all  the 
provinces  of  Trance. 

Pierre  de  Dreux,  duke  of  Brittany,  whom  the  clergy  sur- 
named  Mauderc,  because,  in  his  youth,  he  had  abandoned 
the  ecclesiastical  state,  wished  to  expiate  his  numerous 
felonies,  his  unjust  wars,  kis  tyranny  towards  his  subjects, 
his  perfidies  towards  his  allies,  by  the  holy  pilgrimage. 
Hugh  IV.,  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  counts  of  Bar,  Ferez, 
M&con,  Joigny,  Sancoure,  and  Nevers ;  Simon  de  Montfort, 
Andrew  de  Vitri,  Amaury  fils,  Geoffrey  d*Ancenes,  and 
a  crowd  of  barons  and  knights  took  the  cross,  and  engaged 
to  follow  the  duke  of  tfrittany  and  the  king  of  Navarre  into 

As  the  preaching  of  the  crusade  had  been  accompanied 
by  several  abuses  that  might  prove  injurious  to  the  success 

*  This  poetical  exhortation,  addresaed  to  aU  knights,  may  be  found 
printed  among  the  poetry  of  Thibault. 

HIBTOUT  or  THB  CH178ADES.  287 

of  ihe  holj  expedition,  a  council  assembled  at  Tours,  em- 
ployed itself  m  remedying  and  stopping  the  e^il  at  its 
source.  We  have  seen,  on  preceding  occasions,  that 
preachers  of  the  crusades,  by  rec^ivin^  criminals  under  the 
banners  of  the  cross,  had  scandalized  Christian  knights ; 
and  crusades,  as  was  seen  in  the  twelfth  centuiy,  were  not 
considered  as  a  means  of  salvation  for  the  faithful,  and  as  the 
way  of  the  Lord,  in  which  all  the  world  might  enter.  Great 
criminals  no  longer  found  a  place  in  the  ranks  of  the  pious 
defenders  of  Christ.  The  council  of  Tours  decided  that 
Crusaders,  arrested  by  justice,  should  be  transferred  to  the 
hands  of  an  ecclesiastical  judge,  who  would  pay  no  respect 
to  their  privileges,  and  shoidd  even  .take  the  cross  from 
them,  if  he  found  them  guilty  of  homicide  or  any  other 
great  crime  committed  against  divine  and  human  laws. 

As  in  other  crusades,  the  people  were  led  into  violent 
excesses  against  the  Jews,  whom  they  accused  of  havine 
immoLited  the  God  for  whom  they  were  going  to  fight,  and 
who  retained  immense  treasures  in  their  hands,  whilst  the 
Crusaders  were  obliged  to  pledge  their  property  to  perform 
the  voyage  to  Palestine.  In  order  to  stop  the  course  of 
these  popular  violences,  the  council  forbade  anv  ill-treatment 
of  the  Jews,  either  by  plundering  them  of  tfieir  wealth  or 
by  doing  them  personal  injury,  under  pain  of  heavy  eccle- 
siastical censures.  ^ 

Another  abuse,  not  less  prejudicial  to  the  Crusaders  than 
all  the  others,  had  been  likewise  observed.  The  preachers 
of  the  holy  wars  and  many  other  theologians  had  permitted 
Crusaders  to  buy  off  their  vow  1^  paying  a  sum  of  money 
equal  to  that  which  they  would  have  expended  in  their  pil- 
grimage :•  this  abuse  caused  great  scandal  among  the  faith- 
ful, but  the  Holy  See,  which  derived  considerable  sums  from 
it,  paid  no  attention  to  the  complaints  made  on  accoimt  of 
it  in  England  and  many  other  states  of  Europe. 

The  Crusaders  were  preparing  for  their  departure,  when, 
all  at  once,  a  fresh  cry  of  alarm  resounded  through  the 
West.  The  empire  of  the  Latins,  at  Constantinople,  was 
reduced  to  the  lowest  extremity.  After  the  reigns  of  Bald- 
win of  Flanders  and  his  son  Henry,  the  family  of  Courtenay, 

*  Matthew  Paris  speaks  warmly  against  this  abuse,  which  created  mnch 
Biiirmoring  in  England. 


called  to  the  throne,  derived  nothing  from  their  exaltation 
but  the  griefs  and  reverses  inseparable  from  the  government 
of  an  empire  which  is  haatening  to  decay.  Peter  of  Courtenajy 
count  01  Auierre,  when  on  his  wjy  to  take  ^possession  of  the 
throne  of  Baldwin,  was  surprised  and  maasacred  in  Mace* 
donia,  by  the  orders  of  Theodore  Comnenus,  prince  of 
Epirus.  A  short  time  afterwards,  the  empress,  who  had 
arrived  at  Constantinople  by  sea,  died  of  grief,  on  learning 
the  tragical  end  of  her  husband.  Bobert  of  Courtenay, 
second  son  of  Peter,  only  ascended  the  throne  to  experience 
the  rapid  decline  of  the  empire ;  conquered  in  a  great  bat- 
tle by  Vataces,  the  successor  of  Lascaris,  he  lost  all  the  pro- 
vinces situated  beyond  the  Bosphorus  and  the  Hellespont ; 
whilst,  on  the  other  side,  the  prince  of  Epirus  took  posses- 
sion of  Thessaly  and  a  great  part  of  Thrace.  Constantinople, 
threatened  by  formidable  enemies,  beheld  from -its  towers 
the  standards  of  the  Greeks  of  Nice  and  of  the  barbarians 
of  Mount  Hemus,  floating  near  its  walls  and  insulting  its 
majesty.  Amidst  these  various  disasters,  Bobert  died,  kav- 
iaSf  as  his  only  successor,  his  brother  Baldwin,  stiU  in  his 
childhood.  John  of  Brienne,  whom  fortune  had  made,  for 
a  short  period,  king  of  Jerusalem,  was  called  to  the  totter- 
ing throne  of  Constantinople,  at  the  moment  that  the 
Greeks  and  Bulgarians,  animated  hy  the  ardour  of  pillage, 
were  at  the  gates  of  the  capjtal.  Their  fleets  penetrated  to 
the  port,  their  numerous  battalions  were  preparing  to  scale 
the  ramparts ;  but  the  new  emperor  fl^ught  several  battles 
with  them,  obtained  possession  of  their  ships,  and  dispersed 
their  armies.  The  miraci^lous  victories  of  John  of  Brienne 
added  greatly  to  his  renown,  but  only  served  to  diminish  his 
forces :  after  having  defeated  his  enemies,  he  found  himself 
without  an  army ;  and  whilst  the  poets  were  comparing  him 
to  Hector,  Bolmid,  and  Judas  MachabsDUs,*  he  was  obliged 

♦N'aio,  Ector,  Roll',  ne  OgierB, 
Ke  Jadas  Maabebeos  li  fien 
Taut  ne  fit  d'armes  en  estora 
Com  fist  li  Rois  Jehana  eel  jors 
£t  il  defora  et  11  dedana 
La  para  sa  force  et  sea  aena 
£t  U  hardement  <|a'il  avoit. 

PMUp  MomdkH,  1274. 

HI8T0BT  Oir  THB  CBUSADES.  288 

to  wait  in  his  capital  for  succours  that 'had  been  promised 
him,  and  which  never  arrived.  More  than  eighty  years  of 
age,  he  terminated  his  active  career  in  contesting  with  the 
barbarians  the  remains  of  a  power  which  had  been  founded 
by  arms,  and  the  miserable  wreck  of  which  could  only  be 
preserved  by  prodigies  of  valour. 

The  ruins  which  surrounded  him  in  his  last  moments 
must  have  made  him  sensible  of  the  nothingness  of  human 

rdeur,  and  produced  sentiments  of  Christian  humility, 
had  passed  the  early  days  of  his  life  amidst  the  auste- 
rities of  the  cloister.  On  his  deathbed  he  laid  aside  the 
imperial  purple,  and  was  desirous  of  breathing  his  last  sigh 
in  the  habit  of  a  Cordelier.  A  simple  French  knight,  seated 
for  some  few  days  upon  two  thrones,  both  ready  to  pass 
away,  son-in-law  of  two  kings,*  father-in-law  of  two  empe- 
rors, John  of  Brienne  only  left,  when  dying,  the  remem- 
brance of  his  extraordinary  exploits,  and  the  example  of  a 
wonderful  destiny.  Toung  Baldwin,  who  had  married  his 
daughter,  and  who  was  to  have  succeeded  him,  was  unable 
to  obtain  his  inheritance ;  and  departing  as  a  Aigitive  from 
his  capital,  he  wandered  through  Europe  as  a  suppliant, 
braving  and  enduring  the  contempt  of  princes  and  nations. 
Spectacle  worthy  of  pity!  the  successor  of  the  Ciesars, 
clothed  in  the'  purple,  was  beheld  imploring  the  charity  of 
the  faithful,  begging  for  the  assistance  granted  to  the  lowest 
indigence,  and  frequently  not  obtaining  that  for  which  he 

Whilst  the  emperor  of  the  East  was  thus  travelling 
through  Italy,  France,  and  England,  Constantinople  was 
left  without  an  arm^,  and  sacrificed  for  the  defenee  of  the 
state,  even  to  its  relics,  the  objects  of  the  veneration  of  the 
people,  and  the  last  treasures  of  the  empire.  The  sovereign 
pontiff  was  touched  with  the  misery  and  degmdation  of 
Baldwin,  and,  at  the  same  time,  could  not  hear  without  pity 
the  complaints  of  the  Latin  church  of  Byzantium :  ho  pub- 
lished a  new  crusade  for  the  defence  of  the  empire  of  the 

The  Crusaders,  who  were  about  to  set  out  for  the  Holy 
Land,  were  invited  to  lend  their  assistance  te  their  brethren 

*  John  of  Briemie  married,  na  his  second  wife,  a  daughter  of  the  king 
of  Arngon* 



of  Constantmople  ;  but  the  prayers  and  exhortationB  of  the 
Holj  See  produced  but  very  ^ble  effects ;  opinions  were 
divided ;  some  wished  to  defend  the  empire  of  the  Latins, 
others,  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem. 

The  French  princes  and  nobles,  however,  persisted  in 
their  resolution  of  going  to  fight  against  the  Saracens  in 
Asia.  The  barons  and  knights  either  pawned  or  sold  their 
lands  to  purchase  horses  and  arms,  quitted  their  donjons 
and  their  castles,  and  tore  the];nselves  from  the  embraces  of 
their  wives.  Thibault,  their  leader  and  interpreter,  bade 
adieu  to  France  in  verses  which  are  still  extant,  and  which 
express,  at  the  same  time,  the  devotion  of  a  Christian  and 
the  spirit  of  chivalry.  His  muse,  at  once  pious  and  profane, 
deplores  the  torments  of  love,  the  griefs  of  absence,  and 
celebrates  the  gloiy  of  the  soldiers  of  Christ ;  to  console 
himself  for  having  lefl  the  lady  of  his  thoughts,  the  king  of 
Navarre  invokes  the  Virgin  Mary,  the  lady  of  the  heaverUy 
and  finishes  his  complaints,  by  this  verse,  which  so  admir- 
ably paints  the  manners  of  the  time : 

Qnand  dame  perds,  Dame  me  soit  aidant.* 

Other  troubadours,  after  the  example  of  the  king  of 
Navarre,  sang  the  departure  of  the  pilgnms ;  they  promised, 
in  their  verses,  the  indulgences  of  the  crusade  to  the  war- 
riors that  would  set  out  for  Syria,  advising  the  dames  and 
demoiselles  not  to  listen  to  those  that  should  be  left  in 
Europe ;  for,  said  they,  there  will  remain  none  but  cowards : 
bHI  the  brave  are  going  to  seek  glory  in  the  battles  of  the 
East.  Whilst  France  was  repeating  the  songs  of  the  trou- 
badours, and  prayers  were  offered  up  to  Heaven  in  the 
churches  for  the  success  of  the  expedutions,  the  Crusaders 
from  all  the  provinces  of  the  kingdom  commenced  their 
march,  directing  their  course  towards  the  port  of  Marseilles, 
where  vessels  waited,  to  transport  them  into  Asia ;  all  were 
animated  by  the  most  ardent  zeal  for  the  deliverance  of  the 
holy  places ;  but  the  pope,  at  whose  voice  they  had  taken 
up  arms,  no  longer  applauded  their  enthusiasm.  Gregory, 
wno  had  made  himself  a  great  many  formidable  enemies  in  the 

*  «  My  lady  iMt,  holy  lady  be  my  aid."— TaAira. 


"West,  appeared  to  have  forgotten  a  war  he  had  so  wannlj 
promoted^  and  was  entirely  engrossed  bj  his  own  dancers. 

Most  of  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  were  assembled  at 
Lyons  to  deliberate  upon  the  best  means  of  carrying  on  their 
enterprise,  when  they  received  a  nuncio  from  the  sovereign 
pontiff,  who  commanded  them  to  return  to  their  homes. 
This  unexpected  order  from  Gregory  IX.  gave  great  offence 
to  the  princes  and  barons,  who  told  the  envoy  of  the  court 
of  Borne,  that  the  pope  might  change  his  pohcy,  and  di^ap- 

Srove  of  that  which  he  himself  had  set  on  toot ;  but  that  the 
efenders  of  the  cross,  they  who  had  devoted  themselves  to 
the  service  of  Christ,  would  remain  steadfast  in  their  inten- 
tions. "  We  have  made,*'  added  they,  "  all  our  preparations ; 
we  have  pledged  or  sold  our  lands,  our  houses,  and  our  goods ; 
we  have  quitted  our  friends  and  our  families,  giving  out  our 
departure  for  Palestine:  religion  and  honour  forbid  us  to 
retrace  our  steps.'** 

As  the  pope's  nimcio  wished  to  speak  and  uphold  the 
authority  of  the  Church,  and  as  he  accused  the  barons  of 
betraying  the  cause  they  were  goiu^  to  defend,  the  Chris- 
tian warriors  could  not  restrain  their  indignation;  the 
soldiers  and  leaders  were  so  exasperated,  that  they  even 
ill-treated  the  ambassador  of  the  pontiff;  and,  but  for  the 
intercession  and  prayers  of  the  prelates  and  bishops,  would 
have  immolated  hun  to  their  anger. 

Scarcely  had  the  Crusaders  dismissed  the  pope's  nuncio 
with  contempt,  than  deputies  arrived  from  the  emperor  of 
Germany,  equally  supplicating  them  to  suspend  their  march, 
and  wait  till  he  had  collected  his  troops,  m  order  to  place 
himself  at  their  head.  The  knights  and  barons,  animated 
by  a  sincere  zeal  for  the  objects  of  their  expedition,  could 
not  comprehend  the  meaning  of  the  delays  thus  attempted 
to  be  thrown  in  the  way  of  it,  and  sighed  over  the  bUndness 
of  the  powers  that  wished  to  turn  them  aside  from  the  road 
to  salvation.  The  king  of  Navfcrre,  the  dukes  of  Brittany 
and  Burgimdy,  with  most  of  the  nobles  that  had  taken  the 
cross,  persisted  in  the  design  of  accomplishing  their  vow, 
and  embarked  for  Syria  at  the  port  of  Marseilles. 

*  See  Raynold,  Matthew  Paris,  Albcric,  Richard  of  St.  Germain,  «nd 
the  EeeUtioMtieal  HUtory  of  Fleury,  regarding  thii  drcoouttnoe. 


A  new  misunderstanding  had  broken  out  between  the 
pope  and  Frederick,  who  were  disputing  the  sovereignty  of 
Sardinia ;  all  the  passions  were  soon  engaged  in  this  quarrel, 
and  armed  themselves,  by  turns,  with  the  vengeance  of 
Heaven  and  the  furies  of  war.  Gregory,  after  having  ex- 
communicated Frederick  afresh,  was  determined  to  attack 
his  reputation,  and  degrade  him  in  the  opinion  of  his  con- 
temporaries. Monitories  and  briefs  from  the  pope  were 
read  in  all  the  churches  of  Europe,  in  which  the  emperor 
was  represented  as  an  impious  man,  an  accomplice  of  heretics 
and  Saracens,  an  oppressor  of  religion  and  humanitv. 
Frederick  replied  to  tne  accusations  of  the  sovereign  pontiff 
by  the  most  violent  invectives  ;  he  addressed  himself  to  the 
Bomans,  to  excite  them  against  the  Holy  See,  and  called 
upon  aU  the  princes  of  Europe  to  defend  his  cause  as  their 
own.*  "  Kings  and  princes  of  the  earth,"  said  he,  **  look 
upon  the  injury  done  to  us  as  your  own,  brin^  water  to  eX' 
tinguish  the  fire  that  has  been  kindled  in  our  neighbourhood  ; 
'a  similar  danger  threatens  you."  Tlie  irritated  pope  hurled 
all  the  thunders  of  the  Church  against  his  adversary ;  and 
even  went  so  far  as  to  preach  a  crusade  against  the  emperor, 
saying,  "  There  was  more  merit  in  combating  a  prince  who 
was  rebellious  to  the  successors  of  St.  Peter,  than  in  de- 
livering Jerusalem."  Throughout  this  scandalous  contest, 
the  Church  was  allowed  to  possess  nothing  that  was  sacred, 
the  authority  of  princes  nothing  that  was  legitimate ;  on 
one  side,  the  sovereign  pontift'  considered  all  who  remained 
faithful  subjects  to  the  emperor  as  the  ministers  and  accom- 
plices of  the  demon ;  on  tne  other,  the  emperor  would  not 
aclmowledge  the  pope  as  the  vicar  of  Christ.  At  last, 
Q-regory  promised  the  imperial  crown  to  any  Christian 
prince  who  would  take  up  arms  against  the  emperor,  and 
drag  him  from  his  throne :  Louis  IX.,  more  wise  than  the 
Church  itself,  refused  the  empire  which  was  offered  to  him 
for  his  brother  Eobert,  and  employed  earnest  but  vain  en- 
deavours to  restore  peace  to  Europe,  disturbed  by  the  pre- 
tensions and  menaces  of  the  pope. 

They  soon  came  to  hostilities  ;  and  Frederick,  after  having 

*  Upon  the  qaarrels  of  the  pope  and  the  emperor,  Vllaiia  Sacra, 
torn,  viii.,  Richard  de  St.  Germain,  and  particularly  Matthew  Paris,  who 
reports  the  letten  of  Frederick,  maj  be  ooDsnlted. 


gained  a  great  victory  over  the  Milanese,  and  carried  terror 
amongst  all  the  republics  of  Lombard^,  inarched  towards 
Some  at  the  head  of  an  army.  Gregory,  who  had  no  troops 
at  all,  went  through  the  streets  of  his  capital  at  the  head  of 
a  procession ;  he  exhibited  to  the  Eomans  the  relics  of  the 
apostles,  and,  melting  into  tears,  told  them  he  had  no  means 
01  defending  this  sacred  deposit  without  their  assistance. 
The  nobility  and  people,  toucned  by  the  prayers  of  the  pope, 
swore  to  die  in  defence  of  the  Holy  See.  They  set  about 
preparations  for  war,  they  fortified  the  city  with  the  greatest 
expedition ;  and  when  the  emperor  drew  near  to  the  gates, 
he  saw  those  same  Bomans,  who,  a  short  time  before,  had 
embraced  his  cause  against  the  pope,  drawn  up  in  battle* 
array  on  the  ramparts,  determined  to  die  in  the  cause  of  the 
head  of  the  Church.  Frederick  besieged  the  city,  without 
being  able  to  get  possession  of  it ;  in  his  an^er,  he  accused 
the  Bomans  of  perfidy,  and  revenged  himself  by  exercising 
horrible  cruelties  on  his  prisoners.  The  hatred  enkindled 
between  the  pope  and  the  emperor  soon  passed  into  the 
minds  of  the  people,  and  the  furies  of  civil  war  devastated 
the  whole  of  Italy. 

Amidst  such  general  disorder  and  agitation,  the  cries  and 
prayers  of  the  Christians  of  Palestine  were  scarcely  audible. 
At  the  expiration  of  the  truce  concluded  with  Frederick, 
the  sultan  of  Damascus  re-entered  Jerusalem,  and  destroyed 
the  tower  of  David  and  the  weak  ramparts  erected  by  the 
Christians :  this  conquest,  which  revived  the  courage  of  the 
Mussulmans,  necessarily  produced  more  than  proportionate 
despair  among  the  unfortunate  inhabitants  of  the  Holy  Land. 
Instead  of  receiving  within  its  walls  the  innumerable  armies 
that  fame  had  announced,  Ptolemais  only  had  to  welcome 
the  arrival  of  a  few  unarmed  pilgrims,  who  had  nothing  to 
relate  but  the  deplorable  quarrels  of  Christian  monarchs 
and  princes.  Most  of  the  communications  with  the  East 
were  closed ;  all  the  maritime  powers  of  Italy  were  contend- 
ing  for  the  empire  of  the  sea ;  sometimes  in  league  with  the 
sovereign  pontiff,  sometimes  with  the  emperor.  Several  of 
the  Crusaaers  who  had  sworn  to  go  to  Constantinople  or 
Ptolemais,  took  part  in  the  crusade  that  had  been  preached 
against  Frederick ;  others  resolved  to  proceed  to  Syria  by 
luid,  and  almost  all  perished  in  the  mountains  and  deserts 


of  Asia  Minor ;  tbe  French  lords  and  princes,  who,  in  spito 
of  the  orders  of  the  pope,  set  out  for  Asia  &om  the  porta 
of  Provence,  were  able  to  bring  with  them  into  Palestine 
but  a  very  small  number  of  warriors. 

At  the  period  of  the  arrival  of  these  Crusaders,  the  East 
was  not  less  troubled  than  the  West.  Melik-Kamel,  the 
sultan  of  Cairo,  had  recently  died,  and  his  death  became  the 
signal  for  many  sanguinary  wars  among  the  princes  of  his 
family,  who  disputed  by  turns  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  and 
the  principalities  of  Damascus,  Aleppo,  and  ELamah.  Amidst 
these  divisions,  the  emirs  and  the  Mamelukes,  whose  dan- 
gerous support  was  constantly  sought  for,  were  accustomed 
to  dispose  of  power,  and  proved  themselves  more  formidable 
to  their  sovereigns  thm  to  the  enemies  of  Islamism. 
Supreme  authori^  seemed  to  be  the  reward  of  victory  or  of 
skill  in  treachery ;  the  Mussulman  thrones  were  environed 
bv  so  many  perils,  that  a  sultan  of  Damascus  was  seen 
abandoning  his  sceptre,  and  seeking  retirement,  saying, 
"a  hawk  and  a  hound  afforded  him  more  pleasure  than 
empire."  The  princes,  divided  among  themselves,  called 
for  the  succour  of  the  Carismians  and  other  barbarous 
nations,  who  burnt  their  cities,  pillaged  their  provinces,  com- 
pleted the  destruction  of  the  powers  they  came  to  defend, 
and  perfected  all  the  evils  that  were  bom  of  discord. 

The  Crusaders  might  have  taken  advantage  of  all  these 
troubles,  but  they  never  united  their  forces  against  the 
enemy  they  had  sworn  to  contend  with ;  the  kingdom  of 
Jerusalem  had  no  government  capable  of  directing  the  forces 
of  the  crusade ;  the  crowd  of  pilgrims  had  no  tie,  no  common 
pomt  of  interest  which  could  hold  them  together  for  any 
length  of  time  under  the  same  standards :  scattered  troops 
of  soldiers  were  to  be  seen,  but  there  was  nowhere  an  army  ; 
each  of  the  leaders  and  princes  followed  a  plan  of  his  own, 
declared  war  or  proclaimed  peace  in  his  own  name,  and 
appeared  to  fight  entirely  for  his  own  ambition  or  renown. 

The  duke  of  Brittany,  followed  by  his  knights,  made  an 
incursion  into  the  lands  of  Damascus,  and  returned  to 
Ptolema'is  with  a  rich  booty ;  the  other  Crusaders,  jealous 
of  the  success  of  this  expedition,  were  desirous  of  distin- 
guishing themselves  by  exploits,  and  formed  the  project  of 
attacking  the  city  of  Qaza.      As  they  marched  without 

HI8T0BT  OF  THX  0BUSADX8.  295 

order  or  precaution,  they  were  surprised  and  cut  to  pieces 
by  the  Saracens.  The  duke  of  Burgimdv,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  this  expedition,  escaped  the  pursuit  of  the  con- 
querors almost  alone,  and  came  back  to  Ptolemaas,  to  de- 
plore the  loss  of  his  knights  and  barons,  who  had  all  met 
with  slavery  or  death  on  the  field  of  battle.  This  reverse, 
instead  of  uniting  the  Christians  more  closely,  only  increased 
their  discords ;  in  the  impossibility  of  effecting  any  triumph 
for  their  arms,  they  treated  separately  with  the  infidels,  and 
made  peace,  as  they  had  made  war.  The  Templars  and 
some  leaders  of  the  army  agreed  for  a^truce  with  the  sultan 
of  Damascus,  and  obtained  the  restitution  of  the  holy 
places ;  on  their  side,  the  Hospitallers,  with  the  count  of 
Champagne,  and  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Brittany,  con- 
cluded a  treaty  with  the  sultan  of  Egypt,  and  undertook  to 
defend  him  against  the  Saracens  who  had  just  given  up 
Jerusalem  to  the  Christians. 

Afber  having  disturbed  Palestine  by  their  disorders,  the 
Crusaders  abandoned  it  to  return  to  JSurope,  and  were  re- 
placed at  Ptolemaia  by  some  English,  who  arrived  under 
Itichard  of  Cornwall,  brother  to  Henry  III.  Bichard,  who 
possessed  the  tin  and  lead  mines  of  the  county  of  Cornwall, 
was  one  of  the  richest  princes  of  the  West :  if  old  chroni-. 
cles  are  to  be  believed,  Gregory  had  forbidden  him  to  go  to 
the  East,  hoping  that  he  would  consent  to  remain  in  Europe, 
and  would  impart  a  portion  of  his  treasures  to  the  Holy  See, 
to  produ-e  the  indulgences  of  the  crusade.  When  Eichard 
arrived  before  Ptolemais,  he  was  received  by  the  people  and 
the  clergy,  who  went  out  to  meet  him,  singing,  "  Blessed 
be  hQ  who  comes  in  the  name  of  the  Lord.*'  This  prince 
was  the  grandson  of  Richai'd  CoBur  de  Lion,*  whose  courage 
and  exploits  had  rendered  him  so  famous  in  the  East.  The 
name  alone  of  Richard  spread  terror  among  the  Saracens ; 
the  prince  of  Cornwall  equalled  his  ancestor  in  bravery  ;  he 
was  full  of  zeal  and  ardour,  and  his  army  shared  his  enthu- 
siasm for  religion  and  glory.  He  prepared  to  open  the 
campaign,  and  everything  seemed  to  promise  success  ;  but, 

*  This  is  a  mistake ;  Richard  had  no  legitimate  children.  Richard, 
duke  of  Cornwall,  who  was  likewise  king  of  the  Romans,  was  the  son  of 
John,  Richard's  brother.  In  the  same  manner  Gibbon  calls  Edward  I. 
Richard's  fupAnv;— he  was  his  grwt-nephno, — ^Tkans. 

296  HI8T0BT  OV  THE  CBUfiADES. 

after  a  march  of  some  days,  and  a  few  advantages  obtained 
over  the  enemy,  finding  himself  veiy  ill-seconded  by  the 
Christians  of  Palestine,  he  was  obliged  to  renew  the  truce 
made  with  the  sultan  of  Egypt.  As  the  whole  fruit  of  his 
'  expedition,  he  could  only  obtain  an  exchange  of  prisoners, 
and  permission  to  pay  the  honours  of  sepultui^  to  the 
Christians  killed  at  the  battle  of  Gaza. 

Without  having  seen  either  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  or  the ' 
bauks  of  the  Jordan,  Sichard  embarked  for  Italy,  where  he 
found  the  pope  still  engaged  in  the  war  against  Frederick. 
All  Europe  was  in  a  blaze  ;  a  council  convoked  for  the  peace 
of  the  Church  had  not  been  able  to  assemble ;  the  emperor 
still  besieged  the  city  of  Borne,  and  threatened  the  head  of 
Christendom.  Amidst  this  general  disorder,  Gregory  died, 
cursing  his  implacable  adversary',  and  was  succeeded  by 
Celestine  IV.,  who  only  wore  the  tiara  sixteen  days.  The 
war  was  continued  with  renewed  fury,  the  Church  re- 
mained without  a  head,  and  Christ  without  a  vicar  upon 
earth ;  the  cardinals  wandered  about  dispersed ;  Frederick 
holding  several  of  them  in  chains.  "  The  court  of  Eome," 
says  Fleury, "  was  desolate,  and  fallen  into  great  contempt." 
This  deplorable  anarchy  lasted  nearly  two  years ;  all  Chris- 
tendom was  loud  in  complaints,  and  demaiided  of  Heaven  a 
pope  able  to  repair  the  evils  of  Europe  and  the  Church. 

The  conclave  met  at  length,  but  the  election  of  Inno- 
cent I  v.,  made  amidst  trouble  and  discord,  put  an  end  to 
neither  the  public  scandal  nor  the  furies  of  tne  war,  which 
grieved  all  true  Christians.  The  new  pontiff  followed  the 
example  of  Innocent*  III.  and  Gregory  IX.,  and  soon  sur- 
passed all  their  excesses.  Under  nis  pontificate,  disorder 
continued  increasing,  until  it  had  reached  its  height.  The 
Christians  of  Greece  and  Palestine  were  quite  forgotten.  Mis* 
sionaries  in  vain  perambulated  the  kingdoms  of  the  West, 
to  exhort  the  faithful  to  make  peace  among  themselves,  and 
turn  their  arms  against  the  Saracens ;  many  of  these  angels 
of  peace  were  proscribed  by  Frederick,  who  was,  at  once,  at 
war  with  the  sovereign  pontiff,  the  emperor  of  the  East,  and 
all  those  who,  in  taking  the  cross,  nad  sworn  to  defend 
Eome,  or  to  deliver  Constantinople  or  Jerusalem.  We  will 
not  attempt  to  describe  the  violent  scenes  of  which  the  West, 
but  pnrtic'Lilarly  Italy,  was  the  theatre.    Attention  becomes 

HI8T0BT  07  THE  CBITSABES.  297 

fatigued  bj  dwelling  long  upon  the  same  pictures ;  tlie  wan 
and  revolutions  which  lend  so  much  life  to  history  finish  bj 
presenting  only  a  wearisome,  twice-told  tale ;  and  thus,  like- 
wise, may  the  reader  perceive  that  the  passions  have  their 
uniformity  and  tempests  their  monotoi^. 

Each  of  the  preceding  crusades  had  a  distinct  object,  a 
march  which  could  be  easily  followed,  and  was  only  remark- 
able for  great  exploits  or'  great  reverses.  That  which  we 
have  just  described,  which  embraces  a  period  of  thirty  years, 
is  ramgled  with  so  many  different  events,  with  so  many 
clashing  interests,  so  many  passions  foreign  to  the  holy 
wars,  that  it  at  first  appears  to  present  only  a  confused  pic- 
ture ;  and  the  historian,  constantly  occupied  in  relating  the 
revolutions  of  the  East  and  of  the  West,  may  with  reason 
be  accused  of  having,  as  a  European  Christian,  forgotten 
Jerusalem  and  the  cause  of  Christ. 

When  we  have  read  the  twelfth  book  of  this  history,  we 
perceive  that  we  are  already  far  from  the  age  that  gave  birtli 
to  the  crusades,  and  witnessed  their  brilliant  progress.  When 
comparing  this  war  with  those  that  preceded  it,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  it  has  a  different  character,  not  only  in  the  manner 
in  which  it  was  conducted,  but  in  the  means  employed  to 
inflame  the  zeal  of  the  Christians,  and  induce  them  to  take 
•  up  arms. 

When  we  observe  the  incredible  efforts  of  the  popes  to 
arm  the  nations  of  the  West,  we  are  at  first  astonished  at 
the  small  quantity  of  success  obtained  by  their  exhortations, 
their  menaces,  and  their  prayers.  We  have  but  to  compare 
the  Council  of  Clermont,  neld  by  Urban,  with  the  Council  of 
the  Lateran,  presided  over  by  Gb^gory.  In  the  first,  the 
complaints  of  Jerusalem  excite  the  tears  and  sobs  of  the 
auditory ;  in  the  second,  a  thousand  different  objects  intrude, 
to  occupy  the  attention  of  the  fathers  of  the  Church,  who 
express  themselves  upon  the  misfortunes  of  the  Holy  Laud, 
without  emotion  and  without  pain.  At  the  voice  of  Urban, 
knights,  barons,  and  ecclesiastics  all  swore  together  to  go 
and  fight  against  the  infidels;  the  council  became,  in  a 
moment,  an  assembled  host  of  intrepid  warriors :  it  was  not 


BO  at  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  in  which  no  one  took  the 
cross,  or  burst  forth  into  an  expression  of  that  high  enthu- 
eiasm  which  the  pope  desired  to  awaken  in  all  hearts. 

We  have  drawn  attention,  in  the  course  of  our  recital,  to 
the  circumstance  of  pilgrims  being  permitted  by  the  preachers 
of  the  holy  war  to  buy  off  their  vow  by  paying  a  sum  of 
money ;  this  mode  of  expiating  sins  appeared  to  be  a  scan- 
dalous innovation :  and  the  indulgence  of  the  missionaries  of 
the  holy  war,  who  thus  released  the  faithful  from  the  pil- 
grimage, made  them  lose  a  considerable  portion  of  their 
ascendancy.  They  were  not,  as  formerly,  the  messengers  of 
Heaven ;  the  multitude  no  longer  endowed  them  with  the 
power  of  working  miracles ;  they  were  even  sometimes 
oblifi;ed  to  employ  the  menaces  and  promises  of  the  Church 
to  £raw  hearers  to  their  sermons ;  m  short,  at  length  the 
people  ceased  to  consider  them  as  the  interpreters  of  the 
gospel,  and  saw  in  them  only  the  collectors  ^f  the  dues  of 
the  Holy  See.  This  sale  of  the  privileges  of  the  crusade, 
piirchased  at  an  extravagant  price,  necessarily  checked  the 
effects  of  aU  generous  passions,  and,  in  the  minds  of  Chris- 
tians, confounded  that  which  belonged  to  Heaven  with  that 
which  belonged  to  earth. 

Preceding  ages  were  unacquainted  with  any  other  motive 
but  religion  and  its  promises.*  The  companions  of  Peter 
the  Hermit  and  Godfrey,  the  warriors  who  followed  Louis 
the  Yo\mg,  Philip  Augustus,  Bichard  Cobut  de  Lion,  Boni- 
face, and  Baldwin  of  Flanders,  could  not  have  possibly  be- 
lieved that  gold  could  be  made  a  substitute  for  the  merit 
and  glory  of  the  holy  war. 

We  find  another  remarkable  difference  in  the  preaching  of 
this  crusade, — ^the  refusal  to  admit  great  criminals  under  the 
banners  of  the  cross.  The  astonishment  which  the  enrol- 
ment of  a  crowd  of  obscure  persons  in  the  holy  militia 
caused  amon^  the  Christian  knights,  suffices  to  denote  a 
great  change  m  the  manners  and  opinions  of  the  Crusaders. 
The  sentiment  of  honour,  which  is  allied  with  a  love  of 

*  It  appears  to  be  almost  incredible  that  our  autlior  should  be  bo  blind 
himself,  or  expect  bis  readers  to  be  so,  to  the  lessons  taught  by  his  His- 
tory !  If  the  early  Crusaders  could  not  buy  oflF  their  pilgrimages,  more 
of  them  were  attracted  by  what  they  might  obtain  on  earth,  than  by 
*'  religion  and  its  promises.*' — ^Trans. 


gloiy,  and  has  a  tendency  to  establisli  distinctioiis  among 
men,  appears  to  have  prevailed  over  the  purely  religious 
feeling  which  inspires  numilitj,  acknowledges  the  equal 
rights  of  all  Christians,  and  confounds  repentance  with 
virtue.  The  crusade,  into  which  none  were  admitted  hut 
men  of  acknowledged  hravery  and  good  conduct,  ceased,  in 
some  sort,  to  be  a  simplv  religious  war,  and  began  to  re- 
semble other  wars,  in  which  leaders  have  tlie  power  of 
selecting  the  soldiers  they  have  to  command. 

The  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  wars  only  revived  at  intervals, 
like  a  fire  upon  the  point  of  going  out.  of  itself;  the  people 
required  some  great  event,  some  extraordinarjr  circumstance, 
some  striking  example  of  princes  or  wamors,  to  induce 
them  to  take  arms  against  the  infidels;  the  subtleties  of 
theologians,  who  insisted  upon  everything  being  subservient 
to  their  discussions,  contributed  to  cool  the  remains  of  that 
pious  and  warlike  ardour,  which,  till  that  time,  it  had  been 
found  necessary  to  moderate  and  restrain  within  just  limits. 
Disputes  were  started  in  the  schools  upon  such  questions  as 
these :  In  what  case  was  a  Christian  exempt  from  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  vow  P  What  sum  was  sufficient  to  redeem 
a  promise  made  to  Christ  ?  If  certain  pious  exercises  could 
be  substituted  for  pilgrimage  P  If  an  heir  was  bound  to 
fulfil  the  oath  of  a  testator  P  Whether  the  pjil^m  who  died 
on  his  way  to  the  Holy  Land,  had  more  merit  m  the  eyes  of 
GK)d  than  one  who  died  on  his  return?*  Whether  a  wife 
could  take  the  cross  without  the  consent  of  her  husband,  or 
the  husband  without  the  consent  of  the  wife  ?  &c.  From 
the  moment  in  which  all  these  questions  were  solemnly  dis- 
cussed, and,  upon  several  points,  the  opinions  of  theologians 
differed,  enthusiasm,  which  never  reasons,  was  rendered 
languid  by  the  cold  arguments  of  the  doctors ;  and  pilgrims 
appeared  to  yield  less  to  the  transports  of  a  generous  feeling, 
than  to  the  necessity  of  performing  a  duty  or  of  following 
an  established  rule. 

This  sixth  crusade  was  more  abundant  in  intrigues  and 
scandalous  quarrels  than  in  military  exploits ;  the  Christians 
never  united  all  their  efforts  against  the  infidels ;  no  spirit 
of  order  presided  over  their  enterprises ;  the  Crusaders,  who 

*  Most  of  these  questions  may  be  found  in  the  work  of  the  Jemiit 
Grentxetf  which  bean  for  title  De  Oruce, 


only  held  their  mission  of  their  zeal,  set  out  at  the  time 
their  will  or  their  fancy  selected ;  some  returned  to  Europe 
-ndthout  having  faced  a  Saracen  in  fight ;  others  abandoned 
the  colours  of  the  cross,  after  a  victory  or  a  defeat ;  and  fresh 
Crusaders  were  constantly  summoned  to  defend  the  con- 
quests or  repair  the  faults  of  those  that  had  preceded  them. 
Although  the  West  had  counted  in  this  crusade  more  than 
five  hundred  thousand  of  her  warriors  departing  for  Palestine 
or  Egypt,  great  armies  were  rarely  assembled  on  the  banks 
of  the  Nile  or  the  Jordan.  As  the  Crusaders  were  never 
gathered  together  in  great  bodies,  they  were  not  subjected 
to  famine,  or  the  other  scourges  that  had  so  fearfully  thinned 
the  ranks  of  the  early  defenders  of  the  cross ;  but  if  they 
experienced  fewer  reverses,  if  they  were  better  disciplined, 
we  may  say  that  they  showed  none  of  that  ardour,  or  of 
those  lively  passions  which  men  communicate  to  each  other, 
and  which  acquire  a  new  degree  of  force  and  activity  amidst 
a  multitude  assembled  for  the  same  cause  and  under  the 
same  banners. 

By  transferring  the  theatre  of  the  war  to  Egypt,  the  Chris- 
tians no  longer  had  before  their  eyes,  as  in  Palestine,  the 
revered  places  and  monuments,  which  could  recall  to  them 
the  religion  and  the  God  they  were  about  to  fight  for ;  they 
had  no  longer  before  them  and  around  them  the  river  Jordan, 
Libanus,  Thabor,  or  Mount  Sion,  the  aspect  of  which  had 
80  vividly  affected  the  imagination  of  the  first  Crusaders. 

When  the  people  of  Europe  heard  the  head  of  the  Church 
exhort  the  faithful  to  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem,  and  at  the 
same  time  curse  Prederick,  the  liberator  of  the  holy  city, 
the  object  of  the  crusade  lost  its  sacred  character  in  the 
eyes  of  Christians.  The  emperor  of  Germany,  after  his 
return  from  his  expedition,  sometimes  said,  "  If  God  had 
been  acquainted  with  the  kingdom  of  Naples,  he  never  could 
have  preferred  the  barren  rocks  of  Jerusalem  to  it."  These 
^sacrilegious  words  of  Frederick  must  have  been  a  great  sub- 
ject of  offence  to  pilgrims ;  but,  indeed,  this  prince  only  sent 
to  the  Holy  Lana  such  of  his  subjects  as  he  was  dissatisfied 
with,  or  wished  to  punish.  The  popes  also  condemneid  to 
pilgrimage  the  great  criminals  whom  society  r^fjected  from 
its  bosom,  which  was  very  repugnant  to  the  manners  And 
opinions  of  the  nobles  and  knights  of  Europe.     Ab  a 

nil^TOBT   OV  THX  CBV8ADX8.  801 

crowning  misfortune,  the  reverses  or  exploits  of  the  Crusa- 
ders beyond  the  seas  frequently  created  divisions  among  the 
princes  of  the  West.  From  that  time,  Palestine  was  no 
longer,  in  the  eyes  of  the  £uthful,  a  land  of  blessedness, 
flowing  with  milk  and  honey,  but  a  place  of  exile.  From 
that  tune  Jerusalem  was  less  considered  the  city  of  God  and 
the  heritage  of  Christ,  than  a  subject  of  discord,  or  the 
place  in  which  were  bom  all  the  storms  that  disturbed 

In  the  other  crusades,  the  popes  had  been  satisfied  with 
awakening  the  enthusiasm  of  pilgrims,  and  addressing  prayers 
to  Heaven  for  the  success  of  the  Cruaeulers ;  but  in  this  war, 
the  heads  of  the  Church  insisted  upon  directing  all  the  ex- 
peditions, and  commjuiding,  by  their  legates,  the  operations 
of  the  Christian  armies.  The  invasion  of  Eg}'pt  was  de- 
cided upon  in  the  Council  of  the  Lateran,  without  a  thought 
of  asking  the  advice  or  opinions  of  any  of  the  skilful  cajp- 
tains  of  the  age.  When  hostilities  began,  the  envoys  of  the 
pope  presided  over  all  the  events  of  the  war ;  weakening  the 
ardour  of  the  soldiers  of  the  cross,  by  their  ambitious  pre- 
tensions, as  well  as  by  their  ignorance.  They  let  all  the 
fruits  of  victory  slip  through  their  hands,  and  gave  birth  to 
an  injurious  rivalry  between  the  spiritual  and  the  temporal 
powers.  This  rividry,  this  reciprocal  mistrust,  were  carried 
so  far,  that  the  sovereign  pontiff  and  the  emperor  of  Ger- 
many, by  turns,  arrested  the  march  of  the  pilgrims,;  the  first 
fearing  that  the  Crusaders,  on  embarking  for  Palestine, 
would  become  the  soldiers  of  Frederick;  the  second,  that 
these  same  soldiers  might  become  the  defenders  of  the 
temporal  power  of  the  popes. 

At  the  period  of  which  we  have  just  retraced  the  history, 
so  many  crusades  were  preached  at  once,  that  the  eves  of 
the  &ithful  were  necessarily  diverted  from  the  first  object  of 
these  holy  expeditions.  Called  upon  to  defend  so  many 
causes,  no  one  could  distinguish  which  was  the  cause  of  God 
and  Jesus  Christ ;  so  many  interests  presented  themselves 
at  the  same  time  to  the  attention  of  Christians,  and  were 
recommended  to  the  bravery  of  warriors,  that  they  gave 
birth  to  hesitation  and  reflection;  and  these  produced  in- 
difference. Europe,  for  a  length  of  time  in  a  state  of  fer- 
mentation, was  undergoing  the  vague   uooertainty  at  a 


change ;  states  began  to  think  more  of  their  independence, 

ale  of  their  liberty.  The  passions  which  politics  bring 
,  took  the  place  of  passions  of  which  religion  is  the 

The  san^inary  quarrels  of  the  emperor  and  the  popes 
contributed  greatly  to  the  revolution  which  was  brought 
about  in  men's  minds :  the  motive  which  animated  the  heads 
of  the  Church  was  not  alwjys  a  religious  one ;  the  emperor 
of  Germany  and  the  pontiff  of  Eome  had  pretensions  to 
the  domination  of  Italy,  and  had  been,  for  a  long  time, 
engaged  in  a  rivalry  of  ambition.  Gregory  could  not  see 
Frederick  master  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  without  great 
pain ;  and  when  he  pressed  him  to  go  into  Asia,  to  make 
war  upon  the  Saracens,  he  might  have  been  compared  to 
that  personage  of  ancient  fable,  who,  in  order  to  get  rid  of 
his  rival,  sent  him  to  combat  the  Chimera. 

Four  popes,  although  of  a  different  character,  finding 
themselves  in  the  same  circumstances,  pursued  the.  same 
policy.  Frederick,  by  his  cruelties,  injustice,  and  extrava- 
gant ambition,  often  justified  the  violences  of  the  Holy  See, 
of  which  he  was,  by  turns,  the  ward,  the  protector,  and  the 
enemy ;  like  his  predecessors,  he  made  no  secret  of  his  pro- 
ject of  restoring  the  empire  of  the  Caesars ;  and,  had  it  not 
been  for  the  popes,  it  is  not  improbable  that  Europe  would 
have  been  brought  under  the  yoke  of  the  emperors  of  Ger- 

The  policy  of  the  sovereign  pontiffs,  whilst  weakening  the 
imperial  power,  favoured,  in  Cfermany,  the  liberty  of  cities, 
and  the  growth  and  duration  of  small  states;  we  do  not 
hesitate  to  add,  that  the  thunders  of  the  Church  preserved 
the  independence  of  Italy,  and  perhaps  that  of  France, 
which  was  less  ill  treated  by  the  court  of  Eome  than  neigh- 
bouring nations.  The  French  monarchy  took  advantage  of 
the  troubles  that  existed  on  the  other  siae  of  the  Bhine,  and 
of  the  interdict  set  upon  England,  to  repel  the  invasions  of 
the  English  and  Germans ;  and,  at  the  same  time,  availed 
itself  of  the  absence  of  the  king  of  Navarre,  the  dukes  of 
Brittany  and  Burgundy,  with  several  other  great  vassals, 
whom  the  crusade  attracted  beyond  the  seas,  to  increase  the 
preropiatives  of  the  royal  authority,  and  extend  the  limits  of 
the  kingdom. 


England  hereelf  owes  something  to  the  authority  of  tho 
popes,  who,  by  overwhelming  John  Lackland-  with  excom- 
munications, rendered  him  powerless  in  his  attempts  to 
enslave  the  English  people,  or  to  resist  the  demands  of  the 
barons  and  the  commons.  This  is  a  truth  which  imp^&rtial 
history  cannot  deny  or  doubt,  and  which  disposes  us  not  to 
approve,  but  to  blame  with  less  bitterness,  excesses  and 
abuses  of  power  of  which  all  the  effects  have  not  been  de- 
plorable.* The  populace  of  London,  who  bum  every  year 
the  effi^  of  the  pope,  would  be  much  astonished  if,  amidst 
a  fanatical  delirium,  they  were  told  that  the  army  which 
once  fought  for  the  independence  of  Great  Britoin  was 
called  the  army  of  &od  and  of  the  Holy  Church;  if  they 
were  reminded  that  the  great  charter  of  the  Forest,  the  first 
monument  of  British  liberty,  was  the  fortunate  fruit  of  the 
menaces  and  thunders  of  the  Church  of  Bome,  and  that  this 
charter  would  never  have  been  granted  by  John,  without 
the  redoubtable  influence  and  the  imperious  counsels  of  the 
sovereign  pontiff.f 

Without  wishing  to  justify  the  domination  of  the  popes, 
we  may  say  that  they  were  led  to  grasp  at  supreme  power 
by  the  circumstances  in  which  Europe  was  placed  in  the 
eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries.  European  society,  without 
experience  or  laws,  and  plunged  in  ignorance  ana  anarchy, 

*  AlthoQgli  thia  ia  very  like  "  damning  with  faint  praise,"  I  cannot  see 
how  the  popes  or  their  abases  are  entitled  to  any  mitigation  of  contempt 
or  disapproval  t  the  beneficial  results  were  the  work  of  Providence,  and 
were  never  contemplated  by  the  pontiffs. — Taaks. 

t  King  John  was  a  bad  prince :  he  inspired  mistrust  in  his  subjects, 
who  demanded  a  pledge  of  him,  and  this  pledge  became  the  English 
constitution.  If  France,  before  the  revolution  of  1789,  had  never  asked 
her  kings  for  a  pledge,  it  was  because  none  of  them  had  inspired  mistrust 
•io  his  people  :  the  best  eulogy  that  can  be  made  upon  the  kings  of  France 
is,  that  the  nation  had  never  felt  under  their  government  the  want  of  a 
written  or  guaranteed  constitution,  and  that  they  were  in  all  times  con- 
sidered as  the  safest  guardians  of  the  public  liberty. 

[It  is  scarcely  conceivable  bow  a  writer  of  the  nineteenth  century  could 
offer  his  readers  such  opinions  as  these  (both  text  and  note).  Some  of 
the  best  portions  of  British  liberty  were  obtained  from  better  kings  than 
any  France  had,  with  the  exception  of  Henry  IV.,  from  Louis  IX.  to  the 
end  of  the  monarchy.  Our  Charles  I.  and  James  II.  had  their  faults, 
but  they  are  as  '*  unsunned  snow  "  by  the  side  of  nine  French  numarcha 
out  of  tee.]— TnANi. 


cast  itself  into  the  afms  of  the  popes,  and  belicycd  that  it 
placed  itself  under  the  protection  of  Heaven. 

As  nations  had  no  other  ideas  of  civilization  than  such  aa 
they  received  from  the  Christian  religion,  the  sovereign  pon- 
tiffs naturally  became  the  supreine  arbiters  between  rival  or 
neighbouring  countries  ;  amidst  the  darkness  which  the  light 
of  the  G-ospel  had  a  continued  and  never-ending  tendency  to 
diminish,  their  authority  must  naturally  have  been  the  first 
established  and  the  first  recognised ;  temporal  power  stood 
in  need  of  their  sanction ;  people  and  kings  implore4  their 
support  and  consulted  their  wisdom :  they  beheved  them- 
senres  authorized  to  exercise  a  sovereign  dictatorship. 

This  dictatorship  was  often  exercised  to  the  advantage  of 
public  morality  and  social  order ;  it  often  protected  the  weak 
against  the  strong;  it  arrested  the  execution  of  criminal 
plots;  it  re-established  peace  between  states;  and  it  pre- 
served a  young  society  from  the  excesses  of  ambition,  licen- 
tiousness, and  barbarism.  When  we  cast  our  eyes  over 
the  annals  of  the  middle  ages,  we  cannot  help  being  struck 
by  one  of  the  most  beautiful  spectacles  that  human  society 
has  ever  presented, — it  is  that  of  Christian  Europe  recog- 
nising but  one  religion,  having  but  one  law,  forming  as  it 
were  but  one  empire,  govemea  by  a  single  head,  who  spoke 
in  the  name  of  God,  and  whose  mission  was  to  make  the 
Gospel  reign  upon  earth. 

In  the  general  reflections  by  which  we  shall  terminate  this 
work,  we  will  enter  into  much  greater  developments  upon 
this  head ;  we  will  compare  modem  Europe  with  the  Europe 
of  the  middle  ages,  and  we  will  make  it  clear  that,  if  we  have 
acquired  some  wisdom  in  the  art  of  civilization,  we  are  still 
far  from  having  turned  it  to  the  advantage  of  public  libertv : 
nations  are  at  the  present  day  led  away  by  the  spirit  of  tl^e 
French  revolution,  as  they  were  in  the  middle  ages  by  the 
spirit  of  the  court  of  Bomd  and  enthusiasm  for  the  crusades. 
The  French  revolution  began  by  liberal  ideas,  it  was  con- 
tinued by  victories.  The  military  spirit  allied  itself  with  the 
fanaticism  of  new  ideas,  as  it  formerly  allied  itself  with  reli- 
gious enthusiasm.  On  casting  a  glance  over  our  Europe, 
we  are  astonished  at  seeing  two  contradictory  tilings,  which 
should  naturally  exclude  each  other ;  we  see  almost  every- 
where a  tendency  to  favour  the  propagation  of  liberal  ideM^ 


and  at  the  same  time  an  iuclinatiou  to  increase  the  mass  of 
armies ;  it  is  difficult  to  explain  a  policy  wliicli  tends,  on  the 
one  side,  to  multiply  the  apostles  of  lioerty,  on  the  other  to 
multiply  soldiers ;  which,  by  turns,  proclaims  a  principle,  and 
raises  a  regiment ;  which  speaks,  at  the  same  time,  of  re- 
cruiting, and  of  a  constitution  ;  which  appears  never  to  have 
laws  enough,  and  yet  is  insatiable  of  cannons  and  bayonets. 
It  is  easy  to  foresee  the  near  and  distant  results  of  such  a 
monstrous  amalgamation.*  Everything  leads  us  to  believe 
that  these  results,  like  those  of  the  crusades  and  the  influence 
of  the  pope  in  the  middle  ages,  will  not  turn  out  entirely  for 
the  advantage  of  civilization. 

But  without  dwelling  longer  on  these  distressing  reflec- 
tions, we  will  return  to  our  subject,  from  which,  perhaps, 
we  have  strayed  too  long.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth 
centuries,  the  nations  of  Europe,  subject  to  the  authority 
of  St.  Peter,  were  united  together  by  a  tie  more  strong  than 
that  of  liberty.  This  motive,  this  tie,  which  was  that  of 
the  imiversal  Church,  for  a  length  of  time  kept  up  and 
favoured  the  enthusiasm  for  and  the  progress  of  holy  wars. 
Whatever  may  have  been  the  origin  of  the  crusades,  it  is 
certain  they  never  would  have  been  undertaken  without  that 
unity  of  reugious  feelings  which  doubled  the  strength  of  the 
Christian  republic.  The  Christian  nations,  by  the  agree- 
ment of  their  sentiments  and  their  passions,  showed  the 
world  all  that  can  be  done  by  enthusiasm,  which  increases 
by  communication,  and  that  lively  faith,  which,  spread 
among  men,  is  a  miraculous  power,  since  the  Gospel  accords 
it  the  faculty  of  moving  mountains.  In  proportion  as  people, 
united  by  one  same  spirit,  separated,  and  ceased  to  make 
one  common  cause,  it  became  more  difficult  to  collect  toge- 
ther the  forces  of  the  West,  and  pursue  those  gigantic 
enterprises  of  which  our  age  can  scarcely  perceive  the 

It  may  have  been  observed,  that  the  pontifical  authority 
and  the  enthusiasm  for  the  crusades  experienced  the  same 
vicissitudes ;  the  opinions  and  the  exaltation  of  the  religious 
spirit  which  caused  men  to  take  up  arms,  necessarily,  at  the 

*  M.  Michaud  is  here  more  happy  than  uaaal  in  his  political  and 
philosophical  reflections.  We  might  fancy  him  prescient  of  the  2nd  of 
December. — Taans. 

Vol.  II.— 14 

806  HIBTOBT  OF  THS  GBTiaAjnS. 

same  time,  increased  tlie  influence  of  the  sorereign  poatiffiL 
But  springs  so  active  and  so  powerful  could  not  poasiblj* 
last  long ;  they  broke  bj  the  violence  with  which  thej  were 

be  popes,  invested  with  authority^  without  limit,  exer* 
cised  that  authority  without  moderation ;  and  as  the  abuse 
of  power  brings  on,  sooner  or  later,  its  own  niin,  the  empire 
of  the  sovereign  pontiffs  finished  by  declining  as  other  em- 
pires have  done.  Their  fall  commenced  with  their  long  con* 
tests  with  Frederick ;  all  Europe  waa  called  upon  to  jud^ 
their  cause ;  their  power,  founded  upon  opinion,  the  origin 
of  which  was  entirely  religious,  lost  much  of  its  prestige  by 
being  given  over  to  the  discussions  of  men  of  the  world. 

At  the  same  time  that  the  sovereign  pontiffs  abused  their 
power,  the  spirit  and  enthusiasm  that  had  produced  the  holy 
wars  were  likewise  abused.  Many  Christian  princes  took 
the  cross,  sometimes  to  obtain  the  protection  oi  the  ^opes ; 
sometimes  as  a  pretext  for  assembbng  armies,  and  enjoying 
the  temporal  advantages  accorded  to  the  soldiers  of  Cm-ist. 
The  leaders  of  Christendom,  without  having  originated  the 
wars  of  the  East,  were  eager  to  profit  by  them ;  in  the  first 
place,  to  extend  their  dominions,  and  in  the  next  to  gratify 
violent  passions.  From  that  moment  society  sought  other 
supports  than  that  of  the  Holy  See,  and  warriors  another 
glory  than  that  of  the  crusades. 

Thibault,  king  of  Navarre,  who,  in  his  verses,  had  preached 
the  war  beyond  the  seas,  was  disgusted  at  the  troubles  ex- 
cited in  Europe  by  the  heads  of  the  Church,  and  deplored 
with  bitterness-  a  time  full  of  felony  ^  cnvjf,  and  treachery. 
He  accused  the  princes  and  oarons  of  being  without  cour* 
tome,  and  reproached  the  popes  with  excommunicating 
those  who  were  most  in  the  right  (ceux  qui  avaient  le  plui 
raisan).  If  a  few  troubadours  still  raised  their  voices  to 
exhort  Christians  to  take  up  the  cross  and  arms,  the  greater 
part  did  not  partake  of  their  enthusiasm  for  the  holy  wan ; 
and  beheld  nothing  in  these  pilgrimages  beyond  the  seas, 
but  the  griefs  of  along  absence,  and  the  rigours  of  a  pious 

In  a  Tenson*  which  has  come  down  to  us,  Folquet  de 

*  A  dispute  upon  an  affair  of  gallantry,  btCweea  tfpo  «r  more  trmiba- 
donn.— Taamb. 

HIBTOBT  07  THE  CnUS.VrilS.  807 

Bomaofl  aaka  Blaccas,  the  model  of  troubadours  and  of 
kni^hta,  whether  he  will  go  to  the  Holy  Land?  After 
haying  answered  that  he  Iotos  and  is  beloved,  and  that  he 
will  remain  at  home  with  his  lodye-love,  (she  was  countess 
of  Frovenoe),  Blaccas  thus  ends  his  simple  song : — 

**  Jc  fend  ma  p^aitenoef 
Entre  mer  et  Darance, 
Aupres  de  son  manoir."  * 

**  I  will  perform  my  penitenos 
Between  the  aea  and  swift  Dnfancef 
Near  to  my  lady's  bower/' 

These  sentiments  belonged  to  the  manners  of  trouba- 
dours and  knights ;  but  at  the  time  of  the  first  crusadeSy 
religious  ideas  were  much  more  mixed  up  with  ideas  of 
gaUantry ;  a  poet,  invited  to  take  the  cross,  would  not  have 
dared  to  speak  of  his  ladye-love,t  without  likewise  speaking 
of  the  mercy  of  God  and  the  captivity  of  Jerusalem. 

During  the  other  crusades,  the  reh'gion  and  morality  of 
the  Gospel  resumed  their  empire,  and  spread  their  benefits 
everywhere;  at  the  voice  or  the  holy  orators,  Christians 
became  penitent  and  reformed  their  morals ;  all  political 
tempests  were  laid  by  the  simple  name  of  Jerusalem,  and 
the  West  remained  in  profound  peace4  It  was  not  so  at 
the  period  we  have  juit  described;  Europe  was  perhaps 
never  more  agitated,  or,  perhaps,  more  corrupted  than 
during  the  thirty  years  whidi  this  crusade  lasted. 

In  the  relations  between  the  Christians  and  Mussulmans, 
little  respect  had,  to  this  time,  certainly,  been  paid  to 
treaties ;  out  in  this  crusade,  contempt  for  sworn  faith  and 
forgetfulness  for  the  laws  of  nations  were  carried  to  an  ex- 
treme :   signing  a  truce  was  a  preparation  for  war ; — the 

*  These  verses  are  quoted  by  M.  Raynourd  in  hia  grammar  of  the 
Romance  language. 

t  We  have  but  to  compare  the  piece  of  the  Provenfal  with  that  of 
Kaoal  de  Coorcy,  who  died  in  the  third  crusade. 

X  M.  Michaud's  parental  partiality  for  his  elder  bom  makes  him  very 
obUvious.  If  we  look  back  to  his  own  account  of  the  morals  of  the  early 
crusadeSr  particularly  those  of  Jerusalem,  we  cannot  see  the  justice  ox 
these  remarks.  The  Cmiaders  only  **  remembered  to  be  piona  and  peni* 
tent"  when  they  experienced  reverses. — Trans. 


Christian  iarniies  owed  their  safety  to  a  treatj  of  peace ;  and 
the  sovereign  pontiff,  far  from  respectiug  the  conditions  of 
it,  preached  a  new  crusade  against  the  infidels.  It  must  be 
allowed,  also,  that  the  most  solemn  treaties  were  often 
violated  by  the  Mussulmans.  The  duration  of  peace  de- 
pended solely  upon  the  want  of  power  in  both  parties  to 
resume  hostilities  with  advantage.  The  least  hope  of  success 
was  suiBcient  to  induce  them  to  fly  to  arms ;  the  slightest 
circumstance  was  an  excuse  for  rekindling  all  the  flames  of 
war.  The  continuator  of  William  of  Tyre  says,  with  great 
ingenuousness,  when  speaking  of  the  death  of  a  sultan  ot 
Damascus :  '*  When  the  sultan  died,  all  the  truces  died 
with  him.''  These  words  alone  are  sufficient  to  give  an  idea 
of  the  state  of  the  East  during  the  sixth  crusade,  and  of 
the  small  degree  of  respect  then  entertained  for  the  laws  of 
peace  and  war. 

If,  in  the  preceding  crusade,  the  expedition  of  the  soldiers 
of  the  cross  against  Greece  did  not  produce  great  advan- 
tages to  the  West,  it  at  least  illustrated  the  arms  of  the 
Venetians  and  the  French.  In  the  war  we  have  just  de- 
scribed, the  knights  and  barons  who  took  the  cross,  added 
nothing  to  their  glory  or  their  renoN^-n.  The  Crusaders  who 
were  fortunate  enough  to  revisit  their  homes,  brought  back 
with  them  nothing  but  the  remembrance  of  most  shame- 
ful disorders.  A  great  number  of  them  had  nothing  to 
show  their  compatriots  but  the  chains  of  their  captivity; 
nothing  to  communicate  but  the  contagious  disorders  of  tho 

The  historians  we  have  followed  are  silent  as  to  the  ravages 
of  the  leprosy  among  the  nations  of  the  West ;  but  the 
testament  of  Louis  VIII.,  an  historical  moniunent  of  that 
period,  attests  the  existence  of  two  thousand  leproseriea 
(hospitals  for  lepers)  in  the  kingdom  of  France  alone.  This 
horrible  sight  must  have  been  a  subject  of  terror  to  the 
most  fervent  Christians ;  and  was  sufficient  to  disenchant,  in 
their  eyes,  those  regions  of  the  East,  where,  till  that  time, 
their  imaginations  had  seen  nothing  but  prodigies  and 

Among  the  abuses  then  made  of  the  spirit  of  the  cru- 
sades, and  the  misfortunes  they  brought  in  their  train,  we 


must  not  forget  the  civil  and  religious  wars  of  which  Prance 
and  several  other  countries  of  Europe  were  the  theatre.  In 
their  expeditions  into  the  East,  Christians  had  become  fami- 
liarized with  the  idea,  of  employing  force  and  violence  to 
change  men*s  hearts  and  opinions.  As  they  had  long  made 
war  against  infidels,  they  were  willing  to  make  it,  in  the 
same  manner,  against  heretics ;  they  first  took  up  arms 
against  the  Albigeois,  then  against  the  pagans  of  Prussia ; 
for  the  same  reason,  and  in  the  same  manner,  that  they  had 
armed  themselves  against  the  Mussulmans. 

Modem  writers  have  declaimed  with  great  vehemence  and 
eloquence  against  these  disastrous  wars ;  but  long  before  the 
age  in  which  we  live,  the  Church  had  condemned  the  excesses 
of  blind  fanaticism.*  Saint  Augustine,  St.  Ambrose,  the 
fathers  of  councils,  had  long  taught  the  Christian  world  that 
error  is  not  destroyed  by  the  sword,  and  that  the  truths  of 
the  Gospel  ought  not  to  be  preached  to  mankind  amidst 
threats  and  vidences. 

The  crusade  against  the  Prussians  shows  us  all  that  am- 
bition, avarice,  and  tyranny  can  exhibit  that  is  most  cruel 
and  barbarous ;  the  tribunal  of  history  cannot  judge  with 
too  much  severity  the  leaders  of  this  war,  the  ravages  and 
furies  of  which  were  prolonged  during  more  than  a  century ; 
but,  whilst  condemnm^  the  excesses  of  the  conquerors  of 
Prussia,  we  must  admit  the  advantages  Europe  gained  by 
their  victories  and  exploits.  A  nation  that  had  been  separ 
rated  from  all  other  nations  by  its  manners  and  customs, 
ceased  to  be  a  foreigner  in  the  Christian  republic.  Industry, 
laws,  religion,  which  marched  in  the  train  of  the  conquerors, 
to  moderate  and  remove  the  evils  of  war,  spread  their  bless- 
ings among  hordes  of  savages.  Many  fiourishing  cities 
arose  from  amidst  the  ashes  of  forests,  and  the  oak  of 
Reihove,t  beneath  the  shade  of  which  human  victims  had 
been  immolated,  was  replaced  by  churches,  in  which  the  vir- 
tues and  charity  of  the  Gospel  were  inculcated.     The  con- 

*  It  may  be  questioned  whether  the  weapons  since  employed  for  the 
fame  purpose,  the  canning  and  the  tongue  of  Jesuits,  were  not  in  all 
senses  as  bad  as  the  sword  and  lance  of  the  Crusaders. — Trans. 

t  The  city  of  Thorn  was  built  on  the  spot  where  the  consecrated  oak 


quests  of  the  Bomans  were  sometimes  more  unjust,  their 
wars  more  barbarous ;  they  procured  less  advantages  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  yet  they  have  never  ceased  to  be  objects 
of  the  admiration  and  eulogy  of  posterity. 

The  war  against  the  Albigeois  was  more  cruel  and  more 
unfortunate  than  the  crusade  directed  against  the  nations  of 
Prussia.  Missionaries  and  warriors  outraged,  by  their  con- 
duct, all  the  laws  of  justice  and  of  the  religion  whose 
triumph  they  pretended  to  aim  at.  The  heretics,  naturally, 
sometunes  employed  reprisals  against  their  enemies;  both 
sides  armed  with  the  steel  and  axe  of  murderers  and 
executioners,  humanity  had  to  deplore  the  most  guilty 
excesses.  , 

When  casting  a  retrospective  glance  over  the  annals  of 
the  middle  ages,  we  ore  particularly  grieved  to  see  sangui- 
nary wars  undertaken  and  carried  on  in  the  name  of  a  reli- 
gion of  peace,  whilst  we  can  scarcely  find  an  example  of  a 
religious  war  among  the  ancients  and  under  the  laws  of 
paganism.*  We  must  believe  that  modem  nations  ajid 
those  of  antiquity  have,  and  had  the  same  passions ;  but, 
amongst  the  ancients,  religion  entered  less  deeply  into  the 
heart  of  man  or  into  the  spirit  of  social  institutions.  The 
worship  of  jhlse  gods  had  no  positive  dogma ;  it  added  no- 
thing to  morality ;  it  prescribed  no  duties  to  the  citizen ;  it 
was  not  bound  up  with  the  maxims  of  legislation,  and  existed, 
in  some  sort,  only  upon  the  surface  of  society.  When 
paganism  was  Attacked,  or  when  a  change  was  effected  in 
the  worship  of  false  gods,  the  affections,  morals,  and  inter- 
ests of  pagan  society  were  not  deeply  wounded.  It  was  not 
thus  with  Christianity,  which,  particularly  in  the  middle 
ages,  mixed  itself  up  with  all  civil  laws,  recalled  man  to  all 
the  duties  due  to  his  country,  and  united  itself  with  aU  the 
principles  of  social  order.  Amidst  the  growing  civilization 
of  Europe,  the  Christian  religion  was  blended  with  all  the 
interests  of  nations ;  it  was,  in  a  manner,  the  foundation  of 

*  We  may  name,  among  the  Greeks,  the  sacred  war  undertaken  for  the 
lands  which  helonged  to  the  temple  of  Delpbos ;  but  on  reading  closel? 
the  history  of  this  war,  it  is  easy  to  see  that  they  did  not  fight  for  a  dogma 
or  a  religious  opinion,  as  in  the  wars  wUch,  among  the  modems,  have 
had  religion  for  a  motiTe  or  a  pretence. 


all  society;  it  was  sociely  itself:  we  cannot  wonder,  then, 
that  men  were  passionate  in  its  defence.  Then  all  who 
separated  themselTes  from  the  Christian  religion,  separated 
themselves  from  society ;  and  all  who  rejected  the  laws  of  the 
Church,  ceased  to  acknowledge  the  laws  of  their  country. 
We  must  consider  the  wars  against  the  Albi^eois  and  the 
Prussians  in  this  light ;  they  were  rather  social  wars  than 
religious  wars. 



A.D.  1242—1245. 

Whsk  I  began  this  work,  I  was  far  from  being  aware  ot 
tbe  task  I  waa  imposing  upon  mTself ;  animated  hj  the  in- 
terest of  my  subject,  full  of  a  too  great  confidence  in  my 
own  powers,  like  those  villagers  who,  when  they  set  out  for 
the  nrst  crusade,  fancied  every  city  they  saw  to  be  Jerusa- 
lem, I  constantly  believed  I  was  approaching  the  end  of  my 
labours.  As  I  advanced  in  my  career,  the  horizon  expanded 
before  me,  difficulties  multiplied  at  every  step,  so  that  to 
sustain  my  courase,  I  have  often  been  obliged  to  recall  to 
my  mind  the  kindness  with  which  the  early  volumes  of  this 
history  have  been  received  by  the  public. 

The  difficulty  did  not  consist  in  placing  a  narrative  of  the 
holy  wars  before  our  readers ;  it  became  necessary  to  present 
exact  ideas  of  the  manners  and  characters  of  the  nations 
which,  in  any  way,  took  part  in  them.  We  have  endea- 
voured to  make  all  the  peoples  known  who  have  in  turn 
passed  across  the  scene:  the  Franks,  with  their  ^soldier- 
like roughness,  their  love  of  glory,  and  their  generous  pas- 
sions; the  Turks  and  Saracens,  with  their  military  reli- 
gion and  their  barbarous  valour;  the  Grreeks,  with  their 
corrupted  manners,  their  character  at  once  superstitious  and 
frivolous,  and  their  vanity,  which  with  them  supplied  the 
place  of  patriotism :  a  new  nation  is  now  about  to  ofier 
itself  to  tne  pencil  of  history,  and  mingle  'with  the  events 
of  which  we  are  attempting  to  give  the  picture.  "We  are 
about  to  say  a  few  words  upon  the  manners  and  conquests 
of  the  Tartars  in  the  middle  ages. 

The  hordes  of  this  nation,  at  the  period  of  the  sixth  cru- 
sade, had  invaded  several  countries  ol  Asia,  and  the  progress 


of  their  arms  had  a  great  influence  oyer  the  policy  of  the 
MuflsulmBn  powers  of  Syria  and  Egypt,  which  were  then  at 
war  with  the  Christians.  At  the  time  of  which  we  are 
speaking,  the  fame  of  their  victories  filled  the  East,  anil 
spread  terror  eren  to  the  most  remote  countries  of  Europe. 

The  Tartars  inhabited  the  vast  regions  which  lie  between 
ancient  Emaiis,  Siberia,  China,  and  the  Sea  of  Kamschatka ; 
they  were  divided  into  several  nations,  which  all  boasted  of 
having  the  same  origin ;  each  of  these  nations,  governed  by  a 
khan,  or  supreme  leader,  was  composed  of  a  great  number  of 
tribes,  each  tribe  commanded  by  a  particular  chief,  called 
Myrza.  The  produce  of  the  chase,  the  milk  of  their  mares, 
and  the  flesh  of  their  flocks,  satisfied  the  simple  wants  of  the 
Tartars;  they  lived  under  tents  with  their  families;  and 
moveable  dwellings,  drawn  by  oxen,  transported  from  one 
place  to  another  their  wives,  their  children,  and  all  they 
possessed.  In  summer,  the  whole  tribe  drew  towards  the 
northern  countries,  and  encamped  upon  the  banks  of  a  river 
or  a  lake ;  in  winter;  they  directed  their  course  southward, 
and  sought  the  shelter  of  mountains  that  could  protect  them 
fix>m  the  icy  winds  of  the  north. 

The  Tartor  hordes  assembled  everj^  year,  in  either  autumn 
or  spring.  In  these  assemblies,  which  they  called  Oouraltat^ 
they  debberated  on  horseback,  upon  the  march  of  the  tribes, 
the  distribution  of  the  pasturages,  and  peace  and  war.  It 
was  from  the  bosom  of  this  tumultuous  assembly  that  issued 
the  legislation  of  the  people  of  Tartary ;  a  simple  and  laconic 
legislation,  like  those  of  all  barbarous  nations,  whose  only 
objects  are  to  maintain  the  power  of  the  leaders,  and  keep 
up  discipline  and  emulation  among  the  warriors* 

The  nations  of  Tartary  acknowledged  one  God,  the  sove- 
reign of  heaven,  to  whom  they  offered  up  neither  incense 
nor  prayers.  Their  worship  was  reserved  for  a  crowd  of 
genii,  whom  they  believed  to  be  spread  through  the  air, 
upon  the  earth,  and  amidst  the  waters ;  a  great  number  of 
iools,  the  rough  work  of  their  own  hands,  filled  their  dwell- 
ings, followed  them  in  their  courses,  and  watched  over  their 
flocks,  their  slaves,  and  their  families.  Their  priests,  brought 
up  in  the  practices  of  magic,  studied  the  course  of  the  stars, 
predicted  luture  events,  and  employed  themselves  in  abusing 
the  minda  of  tibe  people  by  soroMy.    TbA  veligioiia  ynns 


ship,  whicli  inculcated  no  morality,  had  neither  softened 
their  rude  manners  nor  ameliorated  their  character,  which 
was  as  boisterous  and  unkindly  as  their  climate.  No  monu- 
ment raised  under  the  auspices  of  religion,  no  book  inspired 
by  it,  reminded  them  of  deeds  of  glory,  or  laid  before  them 
precepts  and  examples  of  yirtue.  In  the  course  of  their 
wandering  life,  the  dead,  whom  they  sometimes  dragged  with 
them  in  their  waggons,  appeared  to  them  an  anpoying  burden, 
and  they  buried  them  in  haste  in  retired  places ;  where,  covering 
them  with  the  sands  of  the  desert,  they  were  satisfied  with 
concealing  them  from  the  eyes  or  the  outrages  of  the  living. 

Everything  that  might  nx  them  to  one  spot  rather  than 
another,  or  lead  them  to  change  their  manner  of  livhig,  ex- 
cited the  animadversion  and  dmdain  of  these  races.  Of  all  the 
tribes  that  inhabited  Mogul  Tartary,  one  alone  was  acquainted 
with  writing,  and  cultivated  letters ;  all  the  rest  despised  com- 
merce, arts,  and  learning ;  which  constitute  the  true  splen- 
dour of  polished  societies.  The  Tartars  disdained  the  idea 
of  building ;  in  the  twelfth  century  their  vast  country  con- 
tained but  one  city,*  the  extent  of  which,  according  to  the 
monk  Eubruquis,  did  not  equal  that  of  the  little  town  of 
Saint  Denis.  Confining  themselves  to  the  care  of  their 
flocks,  they  regarded  agriculture  as  a  degrading  occupation, 
only  fit  to  employ  the  industry  of  slaves  or  conquered  people. 
Their  immense  plains  had  never  become  yellow  with  harvests 
sown  by  the  hand  of  man ;  no  fruit  had  there  ripened  which 
he  had  planted.  The  spectacle  most  agreeable  to  a  Tartar 
was  the  desert,  upon  which  grass  grew  without  cultivation, 
or  the  field  of  battle  covered  with  ruin  and  carnage. 

As  the  limits  of  their  pastures  were  under  no  regulation, 
frequent  quarrels  necessarily  arose  among  the  Tartars ;  the 
spirit  of  jealousy  constantly  agitated  the  wandering  hordes ; 
the  ambitious  leaders  could  endure  neither  neighbours  nor 
rivals.  Thence  civil  wars ;  and  from  the  bosom  of  civil  wars 
issued  a  fully-armed  despotism,  to  support  which  the  people 

*  Karakoroam,  the  residence  of  the  principal  branch  of  the  snccewora 
of  Gengiskhan.  It  is  only  lately  that  the  true  situation  of  this  city  has 
been  fixed  by  M.  Abel-Remnsat ;  it  was  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Orgon, 
not  hr  from  the  junction  of  that  river  with  the  Selinga  to  the  south  of  the 
Lake  of  Baikal,  by  the  49^^  of  latitude  and  the  102^  of  longitude.  The 
nine  country  hu  nnos  been  tha  residence  of  the  Girnnd  Lama. 


flocked  with  cheerfulness,  because  it  promised  them  con 
quests.  Tlie  entire  population  was  military,  to  whom  fighting 
appeared  to  bo  the  only  true  glory,  and  the  most  noble 
occupation  of  man.  The  encampments  of  the  Tartars,  their 
marcnes,  their  hunting-parties,  resembled  military  exhibi- 
tions. Habit  imparted  so  much  ease  and  firmness  to  their 
seat  on  horseback,  that  they  took  their  food,  and  even  in- 
dulged in  sleep,  without  dismounting.  Their  bow,  of  an 
enormous  size,  announced  their  strength  and  skill;  their 
sharp  steel-headed  arrows  flew  to  an  immense  distance,  and 
struck  down  the  bird  amidst  its  rapid  career,  or  pierced 
through  and  through  the  bear  or  tiger  of  the  desert ;  they 
surpassed  their  enemies  in  the  rapidity  of  their  evolutions ; 
they  excelled  them  in  the  perfidious  art  of  fighting  whilst 
flying ;  and  retreat  was  often,  for  them,  the  signal  of  victory. 
All  the  stratagems  of  war  appeared  familiar  to  them ;  and  as 
if  a  fatal  instinct  had  taught  them  all  that  could  assist  in 
the  destruction  of  the  human  race,  the  Tartars,  who  built 
no  cities,  knew  how  to  construct  the  most  formidable 
machines  of  war,  and  were  not  unacquainted  with  any  means 
that  could  spread  terror  and  desolation  amon^  their  enemies. 
In  their  expeditions,  their  march  was  never  impeded  by  the 
inclemency  of  seasons,  the  depth  of  rivers,  the  steepness  of 
precipices,  or  the  height  of  mountains.  A  little  hardened 
milk,  diluted  with  water,  sufficed  for  the  food  of  a  horseman 
during  several  days ;  the  skin  of  a  sheep  or  a  bear,  a  few 
strips  of  coarse  felt,  formed  his  garments.  The  warriors 
showed  the  most  blind  obedience  to  their  leaders,  and,  at 
the  least  signal,  were  ready  to  encounter  death  in  any  shape. 
They  were  divided  into  tens,  hundreds,  thousands,  and  tens 
of  thousands ;  their  armies  were  composed  of  all  that  could 
handle  the  bow  or  lance ;  and  what  must  have  caused  their 
enemies  as  much  surprise  as  terror,  was  the  order  and  dis- 
cipline that  prevailed  in  a  multitude  that  chance  seemed  to 
have  gathered  together.  According  to  their  military  legis- 
lation, the  Tartars  were  never  allowed  to  make  peace  but 
with  a  conquered  enemy ;  he  who  fled  from  battle,  or  aban- 
doned his  companions  in  danger,  was  punished  vnth  death ; 
they  shed  the  blood  of  meli  with  the  same  indifference  as 
that  of  wild  animals,  and  their  ferocity  added  greatly  to  the 
terror  which  they  inspired  in  their  enterprises. 

816  HI8X0BY  Cnt  Tfil  CBU8ADX8. 

The  Tartars,  in  their  pride,  despised  all  other  natioiui,  and 
believed  that  the  whole  world  ought  to  be  subject  to  them. 
According  to  certain  opinions,  transmitted  from  age  to  age, 
the  Mogiu  hordes  abandoned  the  north  to  the  dead  they  left 
behind  them  in  the  deserts,  and  kept  their  faces  constantly 
directed  towards  the  south,  which  was  promised  to  their 
valour.  The  territories  and  the  riches  of  other  nations 
excited  their  ambition;  and,  possessing  neither  territories 
nor  riches  themselves,  they  had  almost  nothing  to  fear  from 
conquerors.  Not  only  theu*  warlike  education,  but  their  pre- 
judices, their  customs,  the  inconstancy  of  their  character, 
everything  with  them  seemed  to  favour  distant  expeditions 
and  warlike  invasions.  They  carried  with  them  neither 
regrets,  nor  endearing  remembrances  from  the  countries  they 
abandoned ;  and  if  it  be  true,  when  we  say  that  country  is 
not  within  the  walls  of  a  city,  or  the  limits  of  a  province,  but 
in  the  affections  and  ties  of  family,  in  the  laws,  manners, 
and  customs  of  a  nation,  the  Tartars,  when  changing  their 
climate,  had  always  their  country  with  them.  The  presence 
of  their  wives,  of  their  children ;  tlie  sight  of  their  flocks  and 
their  idols,  everywhere  inflamed  their  patriotism,  or  love  of 
their  nation,  and  sustained  their  courage.  Accustomed  to 
consult  their  own  inclinations,  and  take  them  for  their  sole 
rule  of  conduct,  they  were  never  restrained  by  the  laws  of 
morality  or  by  feelings  of  humanity ;  as  they  had  a  profound 
indifference  for  all  the  religions  of  the  earth,  this  incufbrence 
even,  which  aroused  no  hatred  in  other  nations,  facilitated 
their  conquests,  by  leaving  them  the  liberty  of  readily  re- 
ceiving or  embracing  the  opinions  and  creeds  of  the  people 
they  conquered,  and  whom  they  thus  completely  subjected 
to  their  laws. 

In  very  remote  antiquity,  the  hordes  of  Tartary  had 
several  times  invaded  the  vast  regions  of  India,  China,  and 
Persia,  and  had  extended  their  ravages  even  into  the  West  : 
the  ambition  or  the  caprice  of  a  skilful  leader,  excess  of 
population,  want  of  pasturage,  the  predictions  of  a  wizard, 
were  ^uite  sufficient  to  inflame  this  tumultuous  race,  and 
precipitate  them  in  a  mass  upon  distant  regions.  Woe  to 
the  people  whom  the  Tartars  encountered  in  their  passage ! 
At  their  approach,  empires  fell  with  a  horrible  crash ;  nations 
were  driven  back  upon  one  another,  like  the  waves  of  the 


sea ;  the  world  was  shaken  and  covered  with  ruins.  History 
has  preserved  the  remembrance  of  several  of  their  invamons ; 
the  most  remote  posterity  will  never  pronounce  without  a 
species  of  terror  the  names  of  the  Avari,  the  Huns,  the 
Heruli,  of  all  those  wandering  nations  who,  some  flowing 
from  the  depths  of  Tartarj,  and  others  dragged  in  the  wake 
of  the  conquerors  or  driven  before  them,  poured  down  upon 
the  tottering  empire  of  the  Bomans,  and  divided  the  spoils 
of  the  civilized  world  amongst  them :  in  the  middle  ages, 
the  wars  of  the  Tartars  were  compared  to  tempests,  inunda- 
tions, or  the  bursting  forth  of  volcanoes ;  ana  the  resigned 
nations  believed  that  the  justice  of  Gk>d  held  these  innume- 
rable swarms  of  barbarians  in  reserve  in  the  north,  to  pour 
out  his  anger  upon  the  rest  of  the  earth,  and  chastise  cor- 
rupted nations  by  their  hands. 

The  Tartars  never  proved  themselves  more  redoubtable 
than  under  the  reign  of  G^ngiskhan.  Temugin,  which  was 
the  first  name  of  the  heroic  barbarian,  was  bom  of  a  prince 
who  reigned  over  some  hordes  of  ancient  Mogulistan.* 
Traditions  relate  that  the  seventh  of  his  ancestors  was 
engendered  in  the  womb  of  his  mother  by  the  miraculous 
influence  of  the  rays  of  the  sun.  At  the  birth  of  Temugin, 
his  family  remarked  with  joy  some  coagulated  blood  in  the 
hands  of  the  infant,  a  sinister  presage  for  the  human  race, 
in  which  flattery  or  superstition  saw  the  future  glory  of  a 
conqueror.  Some  historians  inform  us  that  nothing  was 
neglected  in  the  education  of  Temugin  ;  others,  more  worthy 
of  faith,  affirm  that  he  cotdd  not  read ;  but  all  agree  in 
saying  that  he  wab  bom  for  war,  and  to  command  a  warlike 
people.  Endowed  with  great  penetration  of  mind,  and  with 
a  sort  of  eloquence,  knowing  how  to  dissemble  in  season, 
skilful  in  working  upon  the  passions,  uniting  bravery  to  a 
boundless  ambition,  that  was  never  checked  by  any  scruple, 

*  M.  Petis  de  Lacroix  has  published  a  life  of  Gengiskhan,  accordiog  to 
Eastern  authors.  This  history,  though  fable  is  sometimes  mixed  ^th 
truth,  is  one  of  the  best  works  that  can  be  consulted.  M.  Deguignes,  in 
his  History  of  the  Huns,  has  spoken  at  great  length  of  the  Tartars  and  of 
Gengiskhan  ;  he  announces  that  be  has  deviated  from  the  account  of  Petis 
de  I^roix  ;  but  as  he  does  not  always  name  the  sources  from  which  he 
has  drawn,  he  does  not  inspire  perfect  confidence  for  this  part  of  bis  his- 
tory. We  find  some  details  upon  Gengiekhan  in  La  Bibiiotheque  Orteii- 
tale  of  D'Herbelot. 


be  had  all  the  qualities  and  all  the  vices  which  lead  to  empire 
among  barbarians,  and  sometimes  even  among  polished 
nations.  His  natural  propensities  developed  themselves  in 
adversity,  which  hardened  his  character,  and  taught  him  to 
brave  everything  in  order  to  carry  out  his  designs.  From 
the  age  of  foiuieen,  despoiled  of  his  paternal  heritage,  and 
a  fugitive  with  the  khan  of  the  Karaites,  he  sacrificed  witho\\t 
pain  the  most  holy  duties  of  hospitalily  to  his  futuro  gran- 
deur. The  khan  of  the  Karaites  was  known  by  the  name  of 
Prester  John  among  the  Christians  of  the  middle  a^es,* 
who  celebrated  his  conversion  to  Christianity,  and  consi<&red 
him  as  one  of  the  most  fervent  apostles  of  the  Gospel, 
which,  doubfcless,  he  never  had  known.  He  confided  the 
care  of  his  states  to  voung  Temugin,  who  insinuated  himself 
into  the  favour  of  t\xe  armv,  and  dethroned  his  benefactor. 
As  he  had  outraged  all  the  laws  of  morality  to  usurp  empire, 
he  violated  all  the  laws  of  humanity  to  maintain  hunseu  in 
it.  Seventy  of  his  enemies  plunged  into  seventy  caldrons 
of  boiling  water,  and  the  skull  of  the  chief  of  the  Karaites 
enchased  in  a  golden  box,  announced  very  plainly  what  the 
master  was  whom  fortune  was  about  to  place  over  the 
nations  of  Asia. 

Victory  was  to  achieve  what  treachery,  violence,  and  in- 
gratitude had  begun ;  the  arms  of  Temugin  and  his  lieu- 
tenants subdued  successively  all  the  hordes  whose  camps 
arose  between  the  wall  of  China  and  the  Volga.  Temugm 
was  the  all-powerful  leader  of  many  millions  of  shepherds 
and  warriors,  impatient  to  quit  their  own  dimate  and  mvade 
the  regions  of  the  south.  In  order  to  attach  the  companions 
of  his  victories  to  his  fortunes,  he  was  desirous  of  reigning 
b^  their  suffi*ages,  and  called  together  a  coviraltaa  or  gener^ 
diet,  in  which  he  was  proclaimed  sovereign  of  the  Moguls. 
The  ambition  of  Temugin  did  not  neglect  the  influence  of 
superstition ;  he  took  the  title  of  Qengis,  kin^  of  kingg,  or 
master  of  the  worlds  and  fame  gave  out  that  he  had  received 

*  The  Chronicles  of  the  middle  ages  often  epeak  of  Prester  John.  A 
letter  written  by  a  prince  of  this  name  to  Louis  VII.  has  been  presenred. 
Seven  barbaroas  princes  have  been  reckoned  who  bore  the  name  of  Prester 
John.  The  researches  made  to  ascertain  the  troth  would  be  uninteresting 
nowadays. — See  the  Precis  de  la  Geographit  VnivtnelU^  by  M.  Malta 
Bmn,  tom.  i.  p.  441. 

HISTOBT   07  THS   CB1T8ADS8.  819 

this  pompons  title  from  a  prophet  who  descended  from 
heaven  upon  a  white  horse. 

Eastern  historians  have  praised  Gengiskhan  for  having 
given  laws  to  nations  he  had  conquered.  These  laws,  the 
aim  of  which  was  to  maintain  the  peace  of  families,  and  to 
direct  the  minds  of  the  people  towards  war,  for  a  length  of 
time  retained  the  obedience  and  the  respect  of  the  Moguls. 
As  Gengiskhan,  in  his  legislation,  acknowledged  one  God, 
the  sovereign  of  the  earth  and  heaven,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  permitted  all  kinds  of  creeds,  some  modem  writers 
have  taken  occasion  to  boast  of  his  religious  tolerance.  But 
what  could  be  the  tolerance  of  a  savage  conqueror,  who 
caused  himself  to  be  styled  the  son  of  the  sun,  the  son  of 
God ;  who  himself  followed  no  worship,  and  to  whom  all 
religions  were  equally  indifferent,  provided  they  crossed 
neither  his  ambition  nor  his  pride  P 

The  lieutenants  and  warriors  of  Gengiskhan  had  recog- 
nised him  with  the  greater  joy,  as  universal  conqueror  and 
master  of  the  earth,  from  the  hopes  they  entertained  of  en- 
riching themselves  with  the  spoils  of  all  the  nations  subdued 
by  his  arms.  His  first  enterprises  were  directed  against 
China,  of  which  '  ^.*e  he  had  been  the  vassal.  Neither 
the  barrier  of  the  great  wall,  nor  the  ascendancy  of  know- 
ledge and  arts,  nor  the  use  of  gunpowder,  said  to  be  then 
known  among  the  Chinese,  was  able  to  defend  a  flourishing 
empire  against  the  attacks  of  a  multitude,  whom  the  thirst 
for  booty  and  a  warlike  instinct,  urged  forward  to  face  perils, 
and  rendered  invincible. 

The  wars  we  have  seen  in  our  days,  and  of  which  we  de- 
plore the  calamities,  give  nothing  but  a  feeble  idea  of  these 
gigantic  invasions,  in  which  many  millions  of  men  perished 
by  sword  and  famine.  China  experienced  twice  all  the  evils 
inseparable  from  a  war  which  appeared  to  be  directed  by 
the  genius  of  destruction ;  and,  in  the  space  of  a  few 
'  years,  the  most  ancient  and  the  most  powertiil  kingdom  of 
Asia,  covered  with  blood  and  ruins,  and  deprived  of  half  its 
population,  became  one  of  the  prminces  of  the  new  empire 
founded  by  the  shepherds  of  Mogulistan. 

The  conquest  of  Carismia  soon  followed  that  of  China ; 
Carismia  was  close  to  the  frontiers  of  the  Mogul  empire, 
and,  on  one  side  extended  to  the  Gulf  of  Persia,  and  on  the 


other,  to  the  limits  of  Lidia  and  Turkistan.  Grenffie  learnt 
that  a  Tartar  carayan  and  three  of  his  amhassadors  nad  been 
massacred  in  one  of  the  cities  of  the  Carismians.  It  is  easy 
to  imagine  the  effect  that  this  news  would  produce  upon  the 
emperor  of  the  Moguls,  who  himself  compared  the  anger 
of  Kings  to  the  fire  of  conflagrations,  which  the  lightest 
wind  maj  light  up.*  After  having  fasted  and  prayed,  during 
three  days  and  three  nights,  upon  a  mountain,  where  a 
hermit  announced  to  him,  the  second  time,  the  conquest  of 
the  whole  world,  the  terrible  Gengiskhan  commenced  his 
march,  at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  thousand  Tartars.  This 
army  met  that  of  the  Carismians  on  the  banks  of  the 
Jaxartes;  Mahomet,  sultan  of  Carismia,  who  had  several 
times  carried  his  victorious  arms  into  Turkistan  and  Persia^ 
commanded  the  host  of  the  Carismians.  The  plain  in  which 
this  battle  was  fought  was  covered  by  twelve  hundred  thou- 
sand combatants ;  the  shock  was  terrific,  the  camaee  horri- 
ble ;  victory  was  adverse  to  Mahomet,  who,  from  niat  day, 
together  with  his  family  and  the  whole  of  his  nation,  sunk 
into  the  lowest  abyss  of  misfortune. 

The  cities  of  Otrar,  Bochara,  Samarcand,  Candahar,  and 
Carismia,  besieged  by  an  innumerable  multitude,  fell  in  turn 
into  the  power  of  the  conqueror,  and  witnessed  the  extirpa- 
tion of  their  garrisons  and  inhabitants.  We  cannot  sup- 
press a  feeling  of  pity  when  history  presents  to  us,  on  one 
side,  an  entire  population  flying  from  their  devastated  homes, 
to  seek  an  asylum  in  deserts  and  mountains ;  and  on  the 
other,  the  family  of  a  powerM  monarch  dragged  into  slaveiy 
or  ^aning  in  exile ;  and  this  monarch  himself,  whose  pros- 
perity all  Asia  had  boasted  or  envied,  abandoned  by  his  sub- 
jects, and  dying  with  misery  and  despair  in  an  island  of  the 
Caspian  Sea. 

Tne  army  of  Gkngiskhan  returned  to  Tartary,  loaded  with 

*  According  to  what  we  know  of  Gengiskhan,  we  shoald  with  difficolty 
believe  that  among  modern  historians  he  has  been  able  to  find  panegyrists ; 
bnt  Petis  de  Lacroix  has  not  been  able  to  avoid  the  example  of  moat  his- 
torians, who  generally  appear  infatuated  by  the  hero  whose  life  they  are 
writing.  An  Arabian  historian  relates,  that  on  learning  the  massacre  of 
his  ambassadors,  Gengiskhan  was  not  able  to  refrain  from  tears.  Here 
Petis  de  Lacroii  is  very  angry  with  the  Arabian,  and  reproaches  him 
bitterly  with  having  given  the  emperor  of  the  Moguls  a  feminine  ch&nctier. 
All  others,  says  he,  have  given  a  portrait  of  him  more  worthy  of  a  hero. 


the  spoils  of  Garismia:  the  soTereign  of  the  Moguls*  ap- 
peared to  form  the  desire  of  governing  his  conquests  m 
peace ;  but  the  world,  agitated  by  his  victx)ries,  and  alwajrs 
eager  to  throw  off  his  yoke,  together  with  the  warlike  spirit 
of  his  nation,  to  whom  ho  had  afforded  a  glimpse  of  the 
riches  of  other  people,  would  not  permit  him  agam  to  enjoy 
repose ;  he  was  on  the  point  of  undertaking  a  third  expedi- 
tion against  China,  which  seemed  disposed  to  rebel,  when 
deajh  put  an  end  to  his  career.  Some  nistoriaus  assert  that 
he  was  struck  dead  by  thunder,  as  if  Heaven  had  deter- 
mined itself  to  crush  the  instrument  of  its  wrath  ;t  others, 
much  more  worthy  of  belief,  inform  us  that  the  Tartar  hero 
died  in  his  bed,  surrounded  by  his  children,  to  whom  he  re- 
commended to  preserve  union  among  themselves,  that  they 
might  achieve  tne  conquest  of  the  world.  Octai,  the  eldest 
of  his  sons,  succeeded  him  in  the  empire,  and,  according  to 
the  custom  of  the  Moguls,  the  great  men  assembled  and 
said  to  him,  "  "We  wish,  we  pray,  we  command  you  to  ac- 
cept of  entire  power  over  us.*  The  new  emperor  answered 
by  this  formula,  which  contains  the  whole  spirit  of  the 
despotic  governments  of  the  East :  "  If  you  desire  that  I 
should  be  your  khan,  are  you  resolved  to  obey  me  in  every- 
thing ;  to  come  when  I  shall  call  you,  to  so  where  I  shall 
Bend  you,  and  to  put  to  death  all  those  I  shall  command  you 
to  kill?"  After  they  had  answered  "  Tes,"  he  said  to 
them,  "Henceforth  my  simple  word  shall  serve  me  as  a 
Bword."  Such  was  the  government  of  the  Tartars.  Octai 
was  about  to  reign  over  an  empire  composed  of  several 
great  empires;  his  brothers  and  nephews  commanded  the 
innumerable  armies  that  had  conquered  China  and  Carismia; 
they  governed  in  his  name  in  the  north,  in  the  south,  and 
the  east,  kingdoms  of  which  the  extent  was  scarcely  known ; 
each  of  his  lieutenants  was  more  powerful  than  the  greatest 

*  There  have  been  long  disputes  upon  the  terms  Mogul  and  Tartar. 
We  think  we  can  make  out,  amidst  much  uncertainty,  that  the  Moguls 
originally  formed  a  distinct  tribe  of  the  vast  countries  of  Tartary ;  and 
that  the  Tartars,  being  in  great  numbers  in  the  armies  of  the  conquering 
Moguls,  obliterated  in  a  degree  the  names  of  their  conquerors  in  the  king- 
doms of  Europe  and  Asia  to  which  these  armies  penetrated. 

t  Father  Gaubil  has  translated  a  Chinese  history  of  Gengiskhan ;  thia 
history  yields  but  little  information,  and  gives  no  curious  details  but  upon 
the  family  and  the  successors  of  the  conqueror. 

822  HI8D0BT  or  THE  0BV8AJ>X8. 

kings  of  the  earth,  aad  all  obeyed  him  u  bis  Blavea.  For 
the  first  time,  perhaps,  ooncord  waa  preserved  among  con« 
querors  ;  and  this  monstrous  union  effected  the  ruin  of  idl 
the  nations  of  Asia :  Turkistan,  Persia,  India,  the  southern 
nrovinces  of  China^  which  had  escaped  the  ravages  of  the 
nrst  invasion,  all  that  remained  of  the  empire  of  the  Abas- 
sides  and  of  that  of  the  Seljoucides — ^all  fell  before  the  arms 
of  the  redoubtable  posterity  of  Gengiskhan.  Many  of  the 
sovereigns  whom,  in  these  days  of  disord^  and  calamity,  the 
chance  of  war  hurled  from  the